Roger Bacon (_Opus majus_, part iv, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, pp.
229–230) discusses classical and Arabic estimates of the heights of
mountains. His own opinion was that the maximum height is eight miles.
See the discussion of this topic included in Benini’s interesting
treatment of the altitude of Dante’s Mount of Purgatory (_Origine del
Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1056–1072, especially pp. 1057–1058).
Footnote 982:
_Itin. Kamb._, II, 7.
Footnote 983:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 982. See Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_,
1856, p. 139.
Footnote 984:
_Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., pp. 70–71. This story is found in
the “first branch” of the Romance. See above, p. 412, note 135. Meyer,
_Alexandre le Grand_, 1886, vol. i, p. 151, did not know the origin of
it.
Footnote 985:
_Romans d’Alix._, Michelant’s edit., pp. 320–330. This story is an
interpolation into the “third branch” (Meyer, _op. cit._, pp.
172–174).
Footnote 986:
_De mundi univ._, p. 20.
Footnote 987:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 986.
Footnote 988:
_Descr. Kamb._, I, 5.
Footnote 989:
_Itin. Kamb._, II, 5.
Footnote 990:
_De mundi univ._, p. 20.
Footnote 991:
“Hic claustrales, in claustro sedentes, cum respirandi gratia forte
suspiciunt, ad quascunque partes trans alta tectorum culmina, montium
vertices quasi coelum tangentes, et ipsas plerumque feras, quarum hic
copia, in summo pascentes, tamquam in ultimo visus horizonte
prospiciunt. Hora vero diei quasi circa primam, vel parum ante, super
montium cacumina vix emergens, etiam sereno tempore, corpus hic solare
primo conspicitur” (_Itin. Kamb._, I, 3).
Footnote 992:
_Alexandreis_, I, 427–441. See Giordano, _Alexandreis_, 1917, pp.
40–41; Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 199–200.
Footnote 993:
See above, p. 236.
Footnote 994:
_Vita Altmanni_, 39, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xii, p.
238. See also _Vita Altmanni_, 26–29, for a vivid description of a
mountain. See Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 143.
Footnote 995:
Eadmer, _Vita Sancti Anselmi_, II, 4, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol.
clviii, col. 100. See Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 173. Eadmer
(1060–1124) was bishop of St. Andrew’s in Scotland early in the
twelfth century.
Footnote 996:
For an article on the Casentino, with photographs of La Verna, see
Fulberto Vivaldi, _Casentino ignorato_, in: Le vie d’Italia: Rivista
mensile del Touring Club Italiano, vol. xxx, Rome, 1924, pp.
1073–1082.
Footnote 997:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 40.
Footnote 998:
_Ligurinus_, IV, 432–447.
Footnote 999:
_Gesta abbatum trudonensium_, xii, 6, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._,
Scriptores, vol. x, p. 307.
Footnote 1000:
“In quo loco tamquam in mortis faucibus coagulati, manebant nocte et
die sub pericula mortis. Angustia villulae tota completa erat
peregrinorum multitudine. Ex altissimis et scopulosis rupibus ruebant
frequenter intolerabiles omni opposito nivium aggeres, ita ut aliis
iam collocatis, aliis adhuc supersedentibus mensis domos iuxta, eos
prorsus obruerent, et inventos in eis quosdam suffocarent, quosdam
contritos inutiles redderent” (_loc. cit._).
Footnote 1001:
Gribble, _Early Mountaineers_, 1899, p. 4. Quotation from John of
Bremble’s letter as translated by Gribble, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1002:
_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.
Footnote 1003:
See Thoroddsen, _Gesch. isländ. Geogr._, vol. i, 1897, p. 63.
Footnote 1004:
Peter Comestor speaks of certain philosophers who made the ascent of
Mount Olympus (see above, p. 168). We have already mentioned St.
Francis’ visit to the mountain of La Verna (see above, p. 217).
Though not falling strictly within our period, several other medieval
mountaineering exploits deserve notice. The anonymous _Chronicon
novaliciense_, 5, written in the eleventh century, describes
unsuccessful attempts at the ascent of the Rochemelon, near Susa in
the Dora Riparia valley, in search of the treasure of a mythical King
Romulus (from whom the mountain takes its name) supposed to be hidden
there. In the fourteenth century the Rochemelon (11,605 feet high) was
a place of pilgrimage (Gribble, _op. cit._, pp. 5–13).
The _Heimskringla_ (under Snorri Sturluson in the Bibliography)
describes King Olaf Trygvasson’s ascent of the Smalserhorn, now
probably the Hornelen, in the year 1000. The feat was accomplished in
a sporting, athletic spirit, and Olaf is said to have left his shield
at the summit (H. Raeburn, _Mountaineering Art_, London, 1920, p. 6).
Of this mountain, which overlooks the Fröj Fiord, Karl Baedeker’s
_Norway and Sweden_, Leipzig, 1909, p. 160, says: “Soon ... to the
left is seen the huge Hornelen (3002 feet) towering almost sheer,
ascended on the E. side by K. Bing in 1897.”
The _Chronicle_ of Fra Salimbene of Parma (_Salimbene parmensis
chronica_, Parma, 1857, p. 354, cited in: Geographisches Jahrbuch,
vol. xviii, Gotha, 1895, p. 12) describes the ascent of Mount Canigou
(9135 feet) in the latter half of the thirteenth century by Peter III
of Aragon. This mountain lies “on the borders of the province of
Spain,” and the king found upon the summit a lake into which he threw
a stone, whereupon “a horrible dragon of enormous size came out of it,
and began to fly about in the air, and to darken the air with its
breath” (Gribble, _op. cit._, pp. 14–17, 262–263). Canigou is probably
the Mount “Cavagum” described by Gervase of Tilbury as an abode of
devils (see above, pp. 209 and 214). Curiosity as to what was on the
top seems to have impelled Peter to make the climb.
S. Günther, in writing of scientific mountaineering before 1600
(_Wiss. Bergbesteigungen_, 1896), gives no details on mountaineering
in the period between the ascent by Philip III of Macedon (181 B. C.)
of a peak in the Rhodope Range and Petrarch’s famous ascent of Mont
Ventoux in 1336.
Footnote 1005:
Haskins and Lockwood, _Sicilian Trans._, 1910, pp. 80, 89; Haskins,
_Studies_, 1924, pp. 159, 191.
Footnote 1006:
Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
p. 29.
Footnote 1007:
The passage describing the ascent of Etna is given in full by C. V.
Langlois, _La connaissance_, 1911, pp. 57–58. We heartily agree with
Langlois’ view that this passage could only have been written by one
who had personally visited the Sicilian volcano: “Aucun doute ne peut
subsister sur ce point après avoir lu sa description, certainement
directe et d’après nature.” On the other hand, Fant, _L’image du
monde_, 1886, p. 33, calls the assertions in the narrative
“tout-à-fait fantastiques.” See note in Langlois, _op. cit._, p. 58.
Footnote 1008:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 964–965.
Footnote 1009:
Virgil, about whom a cycle of legends grew up in the Middle Ages, was
regarded as a prophet. Gervase of Tilbury tells of many marvels
performed by him (Gregorovius, _City of Rome_, vol. iv, 1896, pp.
670–677).
Footnote 1010:
Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 107, note, shows that
this story and others like it were common in the Middle Ages. He cites
an analogous South Russian legend of twelve miraculous wind-blown
horns which keep Gog and Magog at bay and will continue to do so until
the horns shall have been silenced either by birds building nests in
them or else by falling to the ground. When this occurs the hordes of
Gog and Magog will come forth and destroy the world.
Footnote 1011:
Conrad of Querfurt, _Letter_, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slavorum_,
V, 19.
Footnote 1012:
Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
Bibliography), p. 106.
Footnote 1013:
_ibid._, p. 108.
Footnote 1014:
Second verse redaction of _Im. du monde_, in: C. V. Langlois, _La
connaissance_ 1911, p. 57.
Footnote 1015:
Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 273; idem, _Studies_, 1924, pp.
296–297.
Footnote 1016:
_Top. Hiber._, II, 13.
Footnote 1017:
_Collectanea_, Mommsen’s edit., p. 236. Translated in: Nansen,
_Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 193, note 1.
Footnote 1018:
_Gesta Hammenb. eccles. pont._, IV, 35.
Footnote 1019:
Nansen, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1020:
_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 6.
Footnote 1021:
_Hist. Norweg._, Storm’s edit., pp. 93–95.
Footnote 1022:
Thoroddsen, _Gesch. isländ. Geogr._, vol. i, 1897, p. 65.
Footnote 1023:
_Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 8 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 30–31). See also
Thoroddsen, _op. cit._, p. 66.
Footnote 1024:
Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
pp. 28–29.
Footnote 1025:
Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, p. 274; idem, _Studies_, 1924, p.
298. See below, note 80.
Footnote 1026:
Schröder, _op. cit._, p. 30. This incident is the subject of Matthew
Arnold’s poem of St. Brandan.
Footnote 1027:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 965–966.
Footnote 1028:
Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, pp. 108–109.
Footnote 1029:
_Konungs-Skuggsjá_, 9 (Brenner’s edit., pp. 32–34). See also
Thoroddsen, _op. cit._, p. 66; Stegmann, _Anschauungen_, 1913, p. 38.
Footnote 1030:
_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 7.
Footnote 1031:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 35.
Footnote 1032:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.
Footnote 1033:
Haskins, _Michael Scot_, 1921–1922, pp. 272–274; idem, _Studies_,
1924, pp. 296–297. See also Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New York,
1923, pp. 141–142.
Footnote 1034:
“Vulcanus est iste ignis inferior, qui ideo dicitur claudus, quia
quasi uno pede materiae adhaeret, altero quasi in altum prout flammae
natura desiderat nititur” (_De nat. rer._, I, 17; Stegmann, _op.
cit._, p. 39).
Footnote 1035:
See Stegmann, _op. cit._, p. 22, note 5, for references to texts
demonstrating the widespread belief in the Middle Ages that Hell is at
the center of the earth. On the topography of Dante’s Inferno, see
Benini, _Origine del Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1080–1129.
Footnote 1036:
Hildegard of Bingen in the passage quoted above, p. 423, note 92,
would seem to refer to blasts of wind as a cause of earthquakes.
Footnote 1037:
Other explanations of earthquakes were sometimes given. It was
occasionally argued that seismic disturbances are not the result of
purely physical causes but are punishments sent by God. It was also
held by some that they are due to movements in the mass of waters
which was thought to permeate the earth, or else to the collapse of
subterranean cavities as a result of the erosion caused by these
waters. See Stegmann’s elaborate discussion of this matter and his
many references, _op. cit._, pp. 44–73.
Footnote 1038:
In the _De philosophia_, p. 21, Daniel of Morley expresses the same
idea, that in earthquakes the earth moves _particulariter_, not
_universaliter_.
Footnote 1039:
_Quaest. nat._, 50 (51). See above, pp. 31–32.
Footnote 1040:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 42; _Im. du monde_, II, 12; _De prop. rerum_,
XIV, 1.
Footnote 1041:
_Dragmaticon philosophiae_, Hellmann’s edit., p. 43; _De phil. mundi_,
III, 15. See also Werner, _Kosm. Wilhelm von Conches_, 1873, p. 35.
Footnote 1042:
_De nat. rer._, II, 48.
Footnote 1043:
_Gesta regis Henrici Secundi_, Stubbs’s edit., vol. i, p. 220 (in the
Rolls Series, no. 49, 1867).
Footnote 1044:
_ibid._, p. 337.
Footnote 1045:
See passages cited by Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 28–29.
Footnote 1046:
_Letter of Prester John_, 31–41, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 914–915.
Footnote 1047:
_Top. Hiber._, II, 16.
Footnote 1048:
“... longe post diluvium, terra multiplicatis jam animantibus ubique
repleta, non violenter et subito, sed paulatim et tamquam per
eluvionem insulas natas fuisse” (_loc. cit._).
Footnote 1049:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 983.
Footnote 1050:
_Itin. Kamb._, II, 9.
Footnote 1051:
Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
pp. 3–36.
Footnote 1052:
See below, p. 487, note 463.
Footnote 1053:
_Top. Hiber._, II, 12.
Footnote 1054:
_De mundi univ._, pp. 46–47.
Footnote 1055:
“Cepit enim fructosa lupos, deserta leones,
Arida serpentes, pars nemoralis apros.”
—_ibid._, p. 21.
Footnote 1056:
“Fronduit in plano platanus, convallibus alnus,
Rupe rigens buxus, littore lenta salix,
Monte cupressus olens, sacra vitis colle supino
Inque laborata Palladis arbor humo.”
—_ibid._, p. 23.
Footnote 1057:
_De nat. rer._, II, 57.
Footnote 1058:
_Subtilitates_, I, 9; in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcvii, col. 1214.
See also above, p. 211.
Footnote 1059:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
Footnote 1060:
_Descr. Kamb._, I, 6.
Footnote 1061:
_Ligurinus_, VI, 24–34, based on Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of
Freising, _Gesta Frid._, III, 1.
Footnote 1062:
_Descr. Kamb._, I, 1.
Footnote 1063:
_ibid._, II, 8.
Footnote 1064:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 986.
Footnote 1065:
_Top. Hiber._, I, 8.
Footnote 1066:
Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, _Gesta Frid._, IV, 12.
Footnote 1067:
_De mundi creatione_, 5, in: _Maxima bibliotheca veterum patrum_, vol.
xxvii, Lyons, 1577, p. 118.
Footnote 1068:
_De arca Noë morali_, IV, 9.
Footnote 1069:
“In hoc spatio mappa-mundi dipingitur ita ut caput arcae ad orientem
convertitur, et finis ejus occidentem contingat, ut mirabile
dispositione ab eodem principe decurrat situs locorum cum ordine
temporum, et idem sit finis mundi, qui est finis saeculi” (_De arca
Noë mystica_, 14).
Footnote 1070:
_De vanitate mundi_, II.
Footnote 1071:
On the relations of this theory to Otto’s philosophy of history, on
its origins, and on the bibliography of the subject, see I. Schmidlin,
_Die geschichtsphilosophische und kirchenpolitische Weltanschauungen
Ottos von Freisingen_, in: Studien und Darstellungen auf dem Gebiete
der Geschichte, vol. iv, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1906, pts. 2 and 3; see
especially pp. 20, 35ff.
Footnote 1072:
Here he explains that science, invented in the East among the
Babylonians, passed first to the Egyptians, thence to the Greeks, and
thence to the Romans, notably Scipio, Cato, and Tully. Finally it was
brought to the West, that is to Gaul and Spain, by Berengar, Manegold,
and Anselm (of Canterbury).
Neckam (_De nat. rer._, II, 174) traces the course of learning—i. e.
the study of the liberal arts—among the Egyptians and Greeks and, in
later days, in Italy and Spain, but he draws no moral from it as did
Hugh of St. Victor and Otto of Freising.
Footnote 1073:
_Chron._, V, 36.
Footnote 1074:
See above, p. 64. On this subject see Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_,
1914, _passim_. Many of the references in this section are derived
from Ganzenmüller’s book.
Footnote 1075:
_ibid._, pp. 163–182.
Footnote 1076:
_Epistola CVI ad Magistrum Henricum Murdach_, in Migne, _Pat. lat._,
vol. clxxxii, col. 242. Translation from Eales, _Life and Works_, vol.
i, 1889, p. 353.
Footnote 1077:
_Sermo in natali sancti Benedicti abbatis_, in Migne, _op. cit._, vol.
clxxxiii, col. 377.
Footnote 1078:
_Sermo XIII in Cantica_, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxxiii, cols.
833–834; Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 170–171. See also above, p.
200.
Footnote 1079:
See above, pp. 206–207.
Footnote 1080:
See especially Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 182–241.
Footnote 1081:
From a letter of Guy of Bazoches to his uncle, in: Wattenbach, _Guido
von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the Bibliography), p.
78.
Footnote 1082:
_Carmina varia_, xxviii, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxi, cols.
1665–1666; Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, pp. 224–225.
Footnote 1083:
Ganzenmüller, _op. cit._, p. 225.
Footnote 1084:
Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp. 24–36.
Footnote 1085:
_Historia_, IV, 10; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. i, pp. 134–135.
Footnote 1086:
_ibid._, XVII, 3; Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, p. 141.
Footnote 1087:
_ibid._, XIX, 15–16, 24; XIX, 14–15, 23, in: Paulin Paris’ edit., vol
ii, pp. 273–275, 288–289.
Footnote 1088:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 46.
Footnote 1089:
_Chron._, V, 24.
Footnote 1090:
_Itin. Kamb._, II, 1.
Footnote 1091:
_Top. Hiber._, I, 5.
Footnote 1092:
_ibid._, I, 4.
Footnote 1093:
_Itin. Kamb._, II, 1.
Footnote 1094:
_ibid._, II, 7.
NOTES
CHAPTER X
THE ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE KNOWN WORLD
Footnote 1095:
_Etym._, XIV, 6.
Footnote 1096:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 11.
Footnote 1097:
_Im. du monde_, II, 2.
Footnote 1098:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
Footnote 1099:
_De sphaera_, 3.
Footnote 1100:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 31.
Footnote 1101:
_Collectanea_, 22.
Footnote 1102:
_Etym._, XIV, 6.
Footnote 1103:
_Top. Hiber._, II, 17.
Footnote 1104:
See above, p. 23.
Footnote 1105:
_Hist. nat._, VI, 33–34.
Footnote 1106:
_De nupt. Phil. et Merc._, VIII, 876.
Footnote 1107:
_Almagest_, II, 6.
Footnote 1108:
_Geogr._, I, 23.
Footnote 1109:
The relation between the parallels as given in the _Almagest_, _loc.
cit._ and in the _Geography_, _loc. cit._, are shown graphically in
the adjoining table (Fig. 11, cols. I and II). In the text of the
_Almagest_ the parallels are not specifically named beyond the
twenty-sixth. Each paragraph, however, is numbered to correspond to
the parallel which it describes through the thirty-eighth. The
thirty-ninth paragraph describes conditions at the pole.
Footnote 1110:
See Fischer, _Ptolemäus und Agathodämon_, 1916, pp. 89–93.
Footnote 1111:
On the famous Vatopedi manuscript map of the world ascribed to
Agathodaemon by Fischer but, as Fischer claims, directly based upon
material furnished by Ptolemy, the boundaries of the climates are
expressly defined in relation to Ptolemy’s parallels, as set forth in
the _Geography_. The first climate begins with the parallel of Meroë,
latitude 16°25′N., and extends to that of Syene, 23°50′N., there being
a difference of half an hour between the length of the longest day at
its northern and at its southern edge. The other six climates follow
as shown on Figure 11, col. III. The same correlation is made in the
anonymous Greek treatise Διάγνωσις ἐν ἐπιτομῇ τῆς ἐν τῇ σφαίρᾳ
γεωγραφίας in: Müller, _Geogr. graeci min._, 1882, vol. ii, pp.
491–493. See Fischer, _op. cit._, pp. 90–91. See Figure 11, cols. III
and IV.
It may be added that in a work entitled _Preceptum canonis Ptolemei_,
preserved in Chartres, Bibliothèque Publique, MS. No. 214, fol. 1ro.,
and dating perhaps from the sixth century, the writer found a
description of the division of the world in seven climates. No mention
is made of the parallels by number, but the boundaries of the
climates, as there defined and as is shown on Figure 11, col. V,
correspond to the figures for latitude assigned to the fifth, seventh,
ninth, eleventh, thirteenth, fifteenth, and seventeenth parallels of
Ptolemy’s _Almagest_.
[Illustration]
[Illustration:
FIG. 11 (in two sections)—Comparative diagram of certain parallels of
latitude and of the _climata_ according to various ancient and
medieval geographers. For explanation see the text, pp. 242–243, and
notes 15, 17, 18, and 21 of this chapter.
]
Footnote 1112:
The figures as given in Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no.
16658, fol. 50ff., are shown in Figure 11, col. VI.
Footnote 1113:
_Rudimenta astronomica_, Nuremberg edit., 1537, fol. 8vo.
Footnote 1114:
_De sphaera_, 3. After giving a brief definition of the climates, John
says: “Dicitur autem clima tantum spacium per quantum sensibiliter
variatur horologium.” In practice, this was always taken to be a
difference of a half hour up to and including the sixth climate.
Footnote 1115:
The boundaries of Al-Farghānī’s and John of Holywood’s climates are
one parallel south of those indicated in the various works referred to
in note 17, p. 453, above, and those of the _Toledo Tables_; that is
to say, the centers of the former are at the parallels of the northern
borders of the latter (see Fig. 11, col. VII). According to
Al-Khwārizmī, the figures for the parallels bounding the climates
appear to have been derived from the _Almagest_; Al-Khwārizmī’s second
climate, however, corresponds to the first climate of Agathodaemon’s
map and of the other works derived from Ptolemy (see above, p. 453,
note 17, and Fig. 11, cols. III-VI). The third climate of Al-Khwārizmī
corresponds to the second climate in the works derived from Ptolemy,
and so on. See Fischer, _op. cit._, p. 92, and footnotes 1 and 2. See
Figure 11, col. VIII.
Footnote 1116:
This subject has been discussed by me in greater detail in: J. K.
Wright, _Knowledge of Latitudes and Longitudes_, 1923.
Footnote 1117:
Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 14704, fol. 119vo. At
the time of the publication of the article referred to in the
preceding note, the writer was not aware of Professor Haskins’
discovery of the name of the author of the _Marseilles Tables_ (see
Haskins, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 96–97).
Footnote 1118:
See, for example, Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, nos. 7198,
fol. 90ro., 7406, fol. 58vo., 7421, fol. 203vo., 16211, fol. 93vo.,
16658, fol. 113ro.
Footnote 1119:
J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, pp. 84–85.
Footnote 1120:
See above, p. 86.
Footnote 1121:
J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, pp. 91–96.
Footnote 1122:
_ibid._, pp. 77–84.
Footnote 1123:
For texts illustrating this see Haskins, _Reception_, 1915, p. 57; the
same, _Studies_, 1924, pp. 114–115. See also Peter Alphonsi,
_Dialogus_, I, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clvii, cols. 543–547.
Footnote 1124:
See J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, p. 85.
Footnote 1125:
_Theorica planetarum_, Renner’s edit., fourth page before _explicit_.
See also Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., fonds latin, no. 7421, fol. 133.
Footnote 1126:
See J. K. Wright, _op. cit._, pp. 91–96, for discussion of the
interpretation of these figures. In Figure 12 the circles show the
relative positions of certain points in Europe as they actually are;
the stars show them as given in the tables and referred to the
meridian of Marseilles. It will readily be seen that the relative
longitudes of all the points except London and Toledo are remarkably
accurate when we consider the rough means of calculation at the
disposal of twelfth- and thirteenth-century observers. London and
Toledo are placed accurately in relation to each other though far
astray in relation to Marseilles, probably as a result of a single
initial error in the estimation of the number of degrees between the
meridian of Toledo and that of some intermediate station (perhaps
Marseilles) from which the positions of the remaining stations were
calculated. The highly erroneous latitudes of Toulouse, Florence, and
Naples are probably attributable to clerical errors. For a fuller
discussion of this map see work cited, p. 95.
[Illustration:
FIG. 12—Map showing the relative positions of certain points in Europe
as indicated in astronomical tables of the twelfth and early
thirteenth centuries. In the original tables a consistent error
appears in the longitudes of all the cities in Italy. This has been
corrected as discussed in the work cited in note 32 above.
]
NOTES
CHAPTER XI
CARTOGRAPHY
Footnote 1127:
For facsimiles and texts of legends of the maps referred to in this
chapter, see Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vols, i and ii, 1895, for the
Beatus group, and vols. ii and iii, 1895, for other small maps of the
world. Specific references are given in the notes that follow.
Footnote 1128:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 1.
Footnote 1129:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, p. 14.
Footnote 1130:
_ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 85–89.
Footnote 1131:
_ibid._, pp. 91–92.
Footnote 1132:
_ibid._, pp. 62–65.
Footnote 1133:
_ibid._, vol. ii, p. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
Footnote 1134:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3a, 4, 5, 6, 7.
Footnote 1135:
_ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 74, 76, 77.
Footnote 1136:
_ibid._, p. 78.
Footnote 1137:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3b (our Fig. 4, p. 123, above), 8, 9. See also
Figure 2, p. 69, above.
Footnote 1138:
_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4.
Footnote 1139:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2.
Footnote 1140:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 2; vol. i, p. 31.
Footnote 1141:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
Footnote 1142:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3–9.
Footnote 1143:
Notably Miller, _op. cit._, vol. vi, 1898, pp. 143–145. Detlefsen,
_Ursprung_, 1906, pp. 106–107, argues against this theory of Miller.
See above, p. 377, note 167, p. 415, note 166.
Footnote 1144:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 23.
Footnote 1145:
On the Paris map (_ibid._, p. 45). The St. Sever Beatus map shows some
mountains in green and others in a dark tint, in both cases outlined
with red (see reproduction, _ibid._, vol. i, reduced in our Fig. 2, p.
69, above, where of course the difference in color cannot be
distinguished).
Footnote 1146:
_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 31.
Footnote 1147:
_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 74.
Footnote 1148:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 8.
Footnote 1149:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, pl. 1.
Footnote 1150:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 2, 3b; vol. i, pp. 31, 35.
Footnote 1151:
_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 56.
Footnote 1152:
_loc. cit._
Footnote 1153:
The immense size of rivers and seas was characteristic of Moslem
cartography. Pullé, _La cartog. antica_, pt. 2, 1905, pp. 21–22,
points out the striking resemblances in this respect of the Guido map
to contemporary specimens of Moslem cartography.
Footnote 1154:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pls. 3a, 4–9.
Footnote 1155:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
Footnote 1156:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 11, 12; vol. iii, pl. 1 and p. 14.
Footnote 1157:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. 3–9. See also Figure 2, p. 69, above.
Footnote 1158:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, p. 33.
Footnote 1159:
_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 76.
Footnote 1160:
_ibid._, vol. i, pp. 53, 56, 58.
Footnote 1161:
_ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 78–79.
Footnote 1162:
_ibid._, vol. i, p. 32; see also reproductions, vol. i, p. 31, vol.
ii, pl. 2.
Footnote 1163:
On the general arrangement of the mountains of the known world as
shown on medieval maps see Benl, _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_,
1905, pp. 8–14. See also above, p. 445, note 16.
Footnote 1164:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pls. 3–9. See also Figure 2, p. 69,
above, where Mount Sinai (the black pinnacle in the southern part of
the map) and Mount Olympus (the wooded pyramid in the northeastern
part) are so represented.
Footnote 1165:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, pp. 13, 14.
Footnote 1166:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, p. 8 and pl. 1.
Footnote 1167:
The lighthouse of Alexandria is shown on the Jerome map of Palestine
(_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 12; vol. iii, pl. 1), the columns of Alexander
and Hercules on the same map and on the Henry of Mayence map (_ibid._,
vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2), the tower of Babel on the Psalter
map (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, pl. 3) and the Ebstorf and
Hereford maps (reproductions accompanying _ibid._, vols. v and iv
respectively).
Footnote 1168:
_ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 5, 13.
Footnote 1169:
_ibid._, vol. i, p. 35; vol. ii, pl. 3b.
Footnote 1170:
On Paris No. II (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pl. 2; vol. i, p. 31),
and on Osma (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 3b; vol. i, p. 35).
Footnote 1171:
_ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 74, 76, 77.
Footnote 1172:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, pp. 29–37.
Footnote 1173:
_ibid._, vol. iv, 1896, with reproduction in colors accompanying the
volume. Two sections are reproduced in Figure 8, pp. 276–277, above.
Footnote 1174:
_ibid._, vol. v, 1896, with facsimile in colors accompanying the
volume.
NOTES
CHAPTER XII
REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY
Footnote 1175:
See above, p. 19 and p. 372, note 69.
Footnote 1176:
_Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 292. Pierre d’Ailly
(1350–1420), the famous French theologian, in his _Imago mundi_, an
encyclopedic compilation of the same sort as the _De imagine mundi_ of
our period, plagiarized the work of Roger Bacon in this connection.
The _Imago mundi_ was read and annotated by Columbus, and in this way
the idea that the eastern shores of Asia lie not far to the west of
Spain was brought to the attention of the discoverer of America. See
Henry Vignaud, _Histoire critique de la grande enterprise de
Christophe Colomb_, 2 vols., reference in vol. i, Paris, 1911, pp.
315–316; Edward Channing, _A History of the United States_, vol. i,
New York, 1905, p. 15.
Footnote 1177:
The Cratesian or Macrobian theory (see above, p. 18) would seem to
have been accepted by William of Conches (_De phil. mundi_, IV, 3) and
by Giraldus Cambrensis (_Top. Hiber._, II, 3) as the basis of their
explanation of the tides. See also _Im. du monde_, II, 1. The theory
was set forth by Macrobius and by Martianus Capella and, as a result
of the great popularity of both of these writers throughout the Middle
Ages, was undoubtedly entirely familiar to scholars.
Footnote 1178:
See above, pp. 186–187.
Footnote 1179:
_De mundi univ._, p. 48.
Footnote 1180:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2, 1.
Footnote 1181:
_Chron._, I, 1.
Footnote 1182:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 910.
Footnote 1183:
_Tractatus excerptionum_ (under Hugh of St. Victor in the
Bibliography), III, 1, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvii, col. 209.
Footnote 1184:
See above, pp. 66, 121–122, and Fig. 1 on p. 67.
Footnote 1185:
_Etym._, XIV, 2.
Footnote 1186:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 7, I, 34; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._, vol.
i, p. 908; Rudolf of Hohen-Ems, _Weltchronik_, cited by Doberentz,
_Erd- und Völkerkunde_, in Zeitschr., vol. xiii, 1881, p. 171; _Im. du
monde_, II, 5.
Footnote 1187:
Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. i, 1897, pp. 133, 338–339.
Footnote 1188:
Jerusalem is not at the center in the Beatus maps. Probably the
earliest map now known which so places it is the T-O map of 1110 at
Oxford, upon which a cross on “Mons Syon” marks the exact spot
(Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 119). Jerusalem is at the
center of the _oikoumene_ on the Psalter (_ibid._, vol. ii, 1895, pl.
1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3), Hereford, and Ebstorf maps (_ibid._,
accompanying vols. iv, 1896, and v, 1896, respectively) of the late
thirteenth century. See below, p. 463, note 38.
Footnote 1189:
“Ista est Hierusalem, in medio gentium posui eam et in circuitu ejus
terrae” (Ezekiel, v. 5). See also Ezekiel, xxxviii, 12. Jerome,
_Commentarius in Ezechielem_, II (Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. xxv, col.
54), gives proofs that Jerusalem is the center of the earth. The Jews
also identified Bethel and Mount Moriah, and the Samaritans Mount
Gerizim with the center (Roscher, _Omphalos_, 1913, p. 27).
Footnote 1190:
On ancient and Scriptural theories concerning the center of the earth,
see Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 54, note 3a; Roscher,
_Omphalos_, 1913, pp. 20–36; the same, _Neue Omphalosstudien_, 1915,
pp. 12–28, 73–75; and A. I. Wensinck, _The Ideas of the Western
Semites Concerning the Navel of the Earth_, in Verhandelingen der
Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling
Letterkunde, N. S., vol. xvii, No. 1, 1916.
Footnote 1191:
White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, p. 98.
Footnote 1192:
Liebrecht, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1193:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 892. Gervase, _loc. cit._, gives the
following proof that there is as much land to the east as there is to
the west of Jerusalem: “Unde tradunt, tantam terram a Jerusalem
protendi ad Orientem, quantam ad Occidentem, quod probant ex eo, quod
legitur: ‘Deus ab austro veniet et sanctus de monte Pharaan’
[Habakkuk, iii, 3]. Auster enim et Aquilo, qui pro Borea scribitur, ut
ibi: ‘ab Aquilone pandetur omne malum.’ Et alibi: ‘Ponam sedem meam ab
aquilone, & ero similis altissimo.’ Per contrapositionem oppositi per
effectum, & locorum distantiam objecti, aequaliter distant a centro,
quod est inter Orientem et Occidentem.” See below, p. 463, note 38.
Footnote 1194:
See above, p. 460, note 14.
Footnote 1195:
_De situ Hierusalem_, d’Avezac’s edit., 1839, pp. 841–842; Wright’s
translation, 1848, p. 38.
Footnote 1196:
The cross of Calvary was usually supposed to mark the navel of the
earth (White, _Warfare_, 1920, vol. i, p. 100).
Footnote 1197:
The manuscript in which the passage telling of this experiment is
found is described in Sir G. F. Warner and J. P. Gilson’s _Catalogue
of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King’s Collections_
[British Museum], vol. i, London, 1921, p. 193, under MS 7 D xxv
(saec. xii). It is there suggested that the author may have been
Adelard of Bath; Professor Haskins (_Studies_, 1924, p. 31) states
that the manuscript “clearly represents Adelard’s generation and
circle of interests” and gives (_ibid._, pp. 31–32) the following
transcription of the text of the passage (from folio 66): “Mons Amor
reorum est locus medius mundi, ubi apposui mensuras et probavi per
multa loca et posui lignum rea [_sic_] rotundum habens. xii. cubitos
longitudinis et grossitudo illi cubitus unus et suspendi illum per
funem et tantum commutavi eum de loco in locum in medio eius. vii.
kal. Iulii donec suspendi illud in loco medii diei et residit suum cum
splendor solis ex omnibus partibus et facta est umbra ipsius subtus
cum rotunda sicut rotunditas ipsius ligni quod suspenderam; et de ipsa
mensura cognovi quod medius mundus est in Monte Amor reorum. Et
tempore quo mensuravi hoc est annus .xxxviiii. et vinum non bibi,
oculi mei somno satiati non fuerunt, ne exuperaveram in eo quod
inquirebam.” Haskins (_loc. cit._) suggests that “.vii.” should read
“.xi.” and “exuperaveram” should read “exuperarer.”
Footnote 1198:
“Hoc autem circumferentiae centrum arbitrantur quidam in illo loco
esse, ubi Dominus locutus est ad Samaritanam ad puteum, illic enim in
solstitio aestivo monstrans, meridiana hora sol recto transite
descendit in aquam putei umbram nullam aliqua parte monstrans, quod
apud Syenem fieri tradunt philosophi....” (_Otia imper._, vol. i, p.
892; Liebrecht, _Gervasius von Tilbury_, 1856, p. 1).
Footnote 1199:
This would seem to place the center of the earth, not at Jerusalem,
but at Jacob’s well on Mount Gerizim in Samaria. See John, iv, 6, 20,
and above, p. 460, note 15.
Footnote 1200:
The most elaborate and scholarly monograph on the Terrestrial Paradise
as it was conceived in the Middle Ages is Coli, _Il paradiso terrestre
dantesco_, 1897. This treats in great detail the history of the
legends of Paradise and the development of theories concerning the
nature and location of the Garden of Delights. Special attention is
given to the Terrestrial Paradise of Dante.
Footnote 1201:
On the St. Sever Beatus map, Paradise is enclosed by mountains, its
northern border by the Montes Ceraunes, a continuation of the Taurus
(see Fig. 2, p. 69, above). On the Beatus maps Paradise is rectangular
(Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pls. 2–9); on the Psalter
(_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3) and Lambert
_mappaemundi_ (_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4) it is circular; and
on the Henry of Mayence map (_ibid._, vol. iii, pl. 2) it is more or
less circular and is placed on an island in the Eastern Sea. A few
maps do not show it at all; as the Cotton, Jerome, Guido, some of the
Sallust maps, and the Matthew Paris map of the world (_ibid._, vol.
ii, pls. 10, 11, 12; vol. iii, pp. 56, 70–71, 110–113).
Footnote 1202:
Paraphrased from _De imag. mundi_, I, 8, from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV,
3.
Footnote 1203:
Paraphrased from _De imag. mundi_, I, 10; _Im. du monde_, II, 2.
Footnote 1204:
_Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, cols.
775–776.
Footnote 1205:
_Tractatus excerptionum_ (under Hugh of St. Victor in the
Bibliography), III, 2, in: Migne, _op. cit._, vol. clxxvii, cols.
209–210.
Footnote 1206:
_Im. du monde_, II, 2.
Footnote 1207:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
Footnote 1208:
_ibid._, p. 892.
Footnote 1209:
See also Alexander Neckam, _De nat. rer._, II, 49: “Rei tamen veritas
est, quod paradisus terrestris superior est aquis, cum etiam lunari
globo superior sit. Unde et aquae cataclysmi paradiso nullam intulere
molestiam. Enoc, qui in paradiso jam tunc erat collocatus, aquarum non
sensit diluvii incrementa.” See above, p. 437, note 25.
Footnote 1210:
_Sententiae_, II, 17, 5. Peter Lombard maintains that there were three
_sententiae_ concerning Paradise: (1) that of those who conceived of
it in a spiritual sense, (2) that of those who conceived of it in a
corporeal sense, and (3) that of those who conceived of it in both
senses. The third method was the most pleasing to Peter, who says: “ut
homo in corporali paradiso sit positus, qui ab illo principio
plantatus accipi potest, quo terram omnem remotis aquis herbas et
ligna producere jussit. Qui etsi praesentis Ecclesiae vel futurae
typum tenet, ad litteram tamen intellegendum est esse locum
amoenissimum fructuosis arboribus, magnum et magno fonte foecundum.
Quod dicimus ‘a principio,’ antiqua translatio dicit ‘ad Orientem.’
Unde volunt in orientali parte esse paradisum, longo interjacente
spatio vel maris vel terrae a regionibus quas incolunt homines,
secretum, et in alto situm, usque ad lunarem circulem pertingentem,
unde nec aquae diluvii illuc pervenerunt.” The older translation
referred to may have been the “Old Latin” translation of the
Septuagint. See above, p. 390, note 122.
Footnote 1211:
The Beatus (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pls. 3a, 3b—our Fig.
4 on p. 123, above—4–9; vol. i, 1895, pp. 35, 39, and accompanying
reproduction—our Fig. 2 on p. 69 above) and Psalter (_ibid._, vol. ii,
pl. 1; vol. iii, pl. 3) maps show Paradise in Asia; those of Henry of
Mayence (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2) and of Lambert
(_ibid._, vol. iii, pl. 4) place it on an island. On Paradise as
represented on these and other medieval maps, see Coli, _Il paradiso
terrestre_, 1897, pp. 100–122.
Footnote 1212:
See above, p. 428, note 136.
Footnote 1213:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 892. Dante also placed the Terrestrial
Paradise in the southern hemisphere, at the summit of the Mount of
Purgatory, which was the antipodes of “Mount Zion.” This has usually
been interpreted to mean the Mount Zion near Jerusalum. See Coli, _op.
cit._, pp. 185–207; Moore, _Studies in Dante, Third Series_, 1903, pp.
134–139; Mori, _La geogr._, 1922, pp. 287–289. Benini (_Origine del
Monte del Purgatorio_, 1917, pp. 1037–1055), however, maintains that
the mountain to which Dante refers was to be associated with Sinai or
with the Mount Pharaan of Habakkuk, iii, 3 (see above, p. 461, note
19; see also R. Benini, _Il grande Sion, il Sinai e il piccolo Sion
(dove ha posto Dante l’entrata dell’ inferno)_, in: Rendiconti della
Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e
filologiche, series 5, vol. xxiii, Rome, 1915, pp. 293–315). He argues
that Dante believed this mountain to be on the Tropic of Cancer and
that the Mount of Purgatory, its antipodes, was consequently on the
Tropic of Capricorn.
Footnote 1214:
See above, p. 164.
Footnote 1215:
_Chron._, II, 25.
Footnote 1216:
_Tractatus excerptionum_ (under Hugh of St. Victor in the
Bibliography), III, 2, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxvii, col. 211.
Footnote 1217:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2.
Footnote 1218:
_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 46 and pl. 4.
Footnote 1219:
Schröder, _Sanct Brandan_, 1871 (under Brandan in the Bibliography),
p. 36.
Footnote 1220:
Augustine, _De Genesi ad litteram_, VIII, 1, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._,
vol. xxxiv, cols. 371–373. On other medieval ideas concerning the
location of Paradise, see Graf, _Miti, leggende_, vol. i, 1892, pp.
1–15.
Footnote 1221:
_Iter ad Paradisum_, edit. by J. Zacher, 1859 (under “Alexander the
Great, Romance of, VI” in the Bibliography). See Meyer, _Alexandre le
Grand_, vol. i, 1886, pp. 47–51.
Footnote 1222:
Graf, _op. cit._, pp. 73–126, discusses these stories in detail. In
his _La leggenda_, 1878, pp. 22–44, he shows that there were four
types of Paradise legend in the Middle Ages: (1) legends which grew
out of pre-existing legendary themes, as, for example, the story of
Seth’s visit to Paradise; (2) those which developed out of a spirit of
pure devotion and asceticism, such as certain of the stories of the
visits of pious monks; (3) those which arose out of a spirit of
exploration and adventure, as the story of St. Brandan’s voyages or
that given in the _Pantheon_ of Godfrey of Viterbo; and, finally, (4)
those which arose from a chivalric love of adventure and conquest, as
the _Iter ad Paradisum_, connected with the Romance of the conquests
of Alexander the Great.
Footnote 1223:
On the story of Seth’s visit to Paradise, see Graf, _Miti, leggende_,
vol. i, 1892, pp. 76–84. This story was included in the second verse
redaction of the _Image du monde_. See above, p. 404, note 88.
Footnote 1224:
_Pantheon_, pars 2, in: Pistorius’ edit., 1726, pp. 58–60; see also
Graf, _Miti, leggende_, vol. i, 1892, pp. 112–113.
Footnote 1225:
_Acta Sanctorum quotquot tota orbe coluntur.... Editio novissima_,
Octobris vol. x, Paris and Rome, 1869, pp. 566–574 (see Potthast,
_Wegweiser_, vol. i, 1896, p. xxxii-xxxiii).
Footnote 1226:
Hercules’ and Alexander’s columns are shown on the Jerome map of
Palestine (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii,
1895, pp. 13–14).
Footnote 1227:
Mâle, _L’art religieux_, 1898, p. 19. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage in
the third century, had suggested this allegorical interpretation, and
it was passed on to the Western world by Isidore. See Rahn,
_Glasgemälde_, 1879, p. 42 (14).
Footnote 1228:
_De nat. rer._, II, 2.
Footnote 1229:
See above, pp. 29–30, 59–60, 184–185, and 199–203.
Footnote 1230:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 10.
Footnote 1231:
_Etym._, XIV, 3.
Footnote 1232:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3.
Footnote 1233:
_Expos. in hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, col. 778.
Footnote 1234:
_Elysaeus_, 14, 26, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. viii, 1876, pp. 123–124.
Footnote 1235:
_De mundi univ._, p. 22.
Footnote 1236:
See the introduction to Yule, _Cathay and the Way Thither_, 2nd edit.,
vol. i, 1915.
Footnote 1237:
See Friedrich Hirth, _China and the Roman Orient_, Leipzig, 1885; an
especially full study is Albert Herrmann, _Die Westländer in der
chinesischen Kartographie_, forming vol. viii, pt. 2, of Sven Hedin,
_Southern Tibet_, Stockholm, 1922. See also Albert Herrmann, _Die
ältesten chinesischen Karten von Zentral- und Westasien_, in:
Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, vol. viii, Berlin, 1919–1920, pp. 185–198,
and note upon this monograph in: Geographical Review, vol. xiii, New
York, 1923, pp. 311–313.
Footnote 1238:
See E. Bretschneider, _Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic
Sources: Fragments Towards the Knowledge of the Geography and History
of Central and Western Asia from the Thirteenth to the Seventeenth
Century_, London, 1888, vol. i, pp. 275–344; Leon Cahun, _Introduction
à l’histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols des origines à 1405_, Paris,
1896; René Grousset, _Histoire de l’Asie_, in 3 vols., Paris, 1922,
vol. ii, pp. 12–160.
Footnote 1239:
W. W. Rockhill, translator and editor, _The Journey of William of
Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253–55, As Narrated by
Himself, With Two Accounts of the Earlier Journey of John of Pian de
Carpine_, Hakluyt Society Publications, series 2, vol. iv, London,
1900, p. xiii.
Footnote 1240:
_Chron. maiora_, Rolls series edit., vol. iv, pp. 76–78; translated by
Rockhill, _op. cit._, pp. xiv-xvii.
Footnote 1241:
See above, pp. 287–288.
Footnote 1242:
See Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 275–391; Bréhier, _L’Église et
l’Orient_, 1911, pp. 219–221, 228–233. See also above, p. 286.
Footnote 1243:
See above, pp. 283–286.
Footnote 1244:
See especially Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 275–391, vol. iii,
1906, pp. 15–381.
Footnote 1245:
For the Latin text of John of Pian de Carpine’s travels edited by
d’Avezac with extensive commentary see: Recueil de voyages et de
mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie, vol. iv, Paris, 1839,
pp. 397–779. English translation of a part of this in Rockhill, _op.
cit._, pp. 1–32. Professor Paul Pelliot of the Collège de France in a
lecture delivered at Columbia University in 1923 announced that the
original letter sent by Carpine from the Khan at Karakorum to the Pope
had recently been discovered in the Vatican archives.
Footnote 1246:
For the Latin text of Rubruck’s travels edited by d’Avezac see:
Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie,
vol. iv, Paris, 1839, pp. 213–396. English translation and commentary
in Rockhill, _op. cit._
Footnote 1247:
See above, p. 405, note 92.
Footnote 1248:
See above, p. 408, note 97.
Footnote 1249:
See Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903, with Cordier’s supplement,
_Ser Marco Polo_, 1920 (both under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography).
Footnote 1250:
See especially vols. ii and iii of Yule’s _Cathay_, 2nd edit. by
Cordier, 1913–1914.
Footnote 1251:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 8.
Footnote 1252:
_Etym._, XIV, 3.
Footnote 1253:
For a brief statement in regard to the origins of the conception of a
great mountain range running east and west across Asia see Benl,
_Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_, 1905, pp. 1–7.
Footnote 1254:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 761.
Footnote 1255:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1256:
St. Sever Beatus (see Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 50, also
reproduction accompanying volume—reduced in our Fig. 2, page 69,
above), Osma Beatus (_ibid._, vol. i, p. 35—our Fig. 4, p. 123,
above—; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3), Henry of Mayence (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl.
13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2), Psalter (_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. i, vol.
iii, pl. 3). For “Paropanissade montes,” see Jerome map of the East
(_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 11; vol. iii, p. 8 and pl. 1).
Footnote 1257:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pls. 11 and 12; vol. iii, pl. 1.
Footnote 1258:
“Hae superius dictae regiones, ab oriente incipientes, recta linea ad
Mediterraneum mare extenditur” (_De imag. mundi_, I, 18). See Isidore,
_Etym._, XIV, 3; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._, vol. ii, pp.
758–760.
Footnote 1259:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 19; Isidore, _loc. cit._; Gervase of Tilbury,
_op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 762.
Footnote 1260:
Gervase, _loc. cit._, says that all he remembers having read about the
Seres are certain verses of Sidonius, which he quotes as follows:
“‘Ergo ubi se mediam solio dedit (sc. Roma), advolat omnis
Terra simul, fert quaeque suos provincia fructus.’
Et post pauca:
‘Ser vellera, thura Sabeus.’”
Footnote 1261:
_Hist. nat._, VI, 17, sect. 54.
Footnote 1262:
_Collectanea_, 50.
Footnote 1263:
_Etym._, XIV, 3, 29.
Footnote 1264:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 19.
Footnote 1265:
_Letter of Prester John_, 42, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, p. 915.
Footnote 1266:
Yule, _Cathay_, vol. i, 1915, pp. 11–13, 183–185, 187–196, especially
p. 195. On the _Periplus_ see above, p. 40.
Footnote 1267:
See Yule, _op. cit._, pp. 181–182.
Footnote 1268:
_De scientia stellarum_, Bologna edit., 1645, p. 24.
Footnote 1269:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 66–67. See above,
p. 414, note 156.
Footnote 1270:
See above, p. 197, and p. 442, note 75; and Borchardt, _Itinéraire_,
1924, p. 33.
Footnote 1271:
Marco Polo placed the griffon, or Rukh, in Madagascar and asserted
that it could carry elephants in its talons (Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd
edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography), pp. 412, 415).
Footnote 1272:
Pseudo-Abdias, _De historia certaminis apostolici_, VIII; edition of
1560, fol. 96a.
Footnote 1273:
Guido’s _mappamundi_ of 1119 indicates “insunt tres Indiae” (Miller,
_Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 54). Lambert’s map designates the
three divisions as “India prima, hic pigmei et fauni et reges
gentium,” “India secunda,” and “India ultima, hic arbores solis et
lunae” (_ibid._, p. 49). The Jerome map of the East represents “India
ultima” as extending from the Indus to the “Hipanis,” bordering on
Persia and Carmania, and including the city of Ophir. “India inferior”
lies between the “Hipanis” and the Ganges, and “India superior” to the
northeast, between the Ganges and the Octorogorra, a river rising in
the Caucasus (_ibid._, pl. 1). Pullé, _La cartog. antica_, pt. 2,
1905, p. 31, conjectures plausibly that these three divisions may
represent in order, Punjabic India, peninsular India, and Gangetic
India.
Footnote 1274:
_Hist. eccles._, pt. I, bk. II, 15.
Footnote 1275:
_Letter of Prester John_, 12, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, p. 910.
Footnote 1276:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
Footnote 1277:
“Isti 4 rivuli fundunt his duabus Indiis....” _Elysaeus_, 14, in:
Zarncke, _op. cit._, vol. viii, 1876, p. 123.
Footnote 1278:
“En Ynde a maintes granz contrées qui sont pueploiées de genz et de
grant plente de bestes. Une en y a que l’en apele Perse ...” etc.
(_Im. du monde_, II, 2). This shows that the writer considered Persia
a part of India. A rubric in the manuscript of the _Image du monde_ of
the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds français, no. 574, reads “Des
contrées d’Ynde,” and includes under it Babylonia, Chaldaea, Arabia,
Phoenicia, Assyria, Palestine, and Armenia, showing that the scribe at
least, if not the poet, believed that India comprises the greater part
of Asia.
Footnote 1279:
See, on India, Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, _passim_; _De imag. mundi_, I,
11, 12, 13; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911; vol.
ii, pp. 755, 756; _Im. du monde_, II, 2. Also see, for a study of
India as delineated on medieval maps, Pullé, _La cartog. antica_, pt.
2, 1905.
Footnote 1280:
_Etym._, XIII, 21; _De imag. mundi_, I, 10; Peter Abelard, _Expos. in
hex._, in: Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. clxxviii, col. 779; Peter
Comestor, _Hist. schol._, Gen. xiv; Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._,
vol. i, p. 892.
Footnote 1281:
_Hist. schol._, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1282:
Peter Comestor gives an alternative suggestion that the word “Phison”
may refer to the changeable appearance of the river.
Footnote 1283:
_Letter of Prester John_, 22, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, p. 912.
Footnote 1284:
The Jerome map of the East (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pl.
1) and the Henry of Mayence map of the world (_ibid._, pl. 2) show
these rivers and give their Greek names, Hydaspes, Indus, and Hipanis.
Pullé, _op. cit._, pt. 2, pp. 28, 31, believes that the shape of the
coast line, the Greek names of the rivers, the position of Taprobane,
and other details on these maps strongly suggest the Ptolemaic
representation of the East. The resemblances in form to the Ptolemaic
map, however, are too doubtful to warrant us in assuming any direct
Ptolemaic influence.
Footnote 1285:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 63–65.
Footnote 1286:
These marvels were almost never arbitrary inventions. They can usually
be traced back to a remote source which was itself an exaggeration or
distortion of a true story. See Peschel, _Abhandlungen_, vol. i, 1877,
pp. 9–19. Most of the marvels of India as set forth by Ctesias had
their counterparts in Persian and Indian mythology and probably
“originated in obscure and disfigured accounts of nature and man in
the mountain chains between the upper Indus and the Ganges and on the
high plateaus as far as the Tarim Basin” (Doberentz, _Erd- und
Völkerkunde_, in: Zeitschr., vol. xiii, 1881, pp. 41–57).
Footnote 1287:
Many of the stories go back to Greek writers earlier even than
Ctesias. The pygmies who fight with storks are found in Homer, the
half-dog-half-men in Hesiod, the umbrella-footed men in Alcman, the
gold-guarding griffons and the one-eyed Arimaspians in the writings of
Aristeas of Proconnesus. Hecataeus, Scylax, Aeschylus, and, above all,
Herodotus, repeat many of these yarns. Ctesias of Cnidus gathered
together most of the earlier tales and added to them stories that he
himself had heard in the Persian realm, or, perhaps, he wrote down
descriptions of monsters that he had seen depicted or sculptured on
the walls of the great palaces at Persepolis. Ctesias’ book became the
great reservoir to which later writers looked for their marvels. See
Doberentz, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1288:
The mantichora (see Fig. 8, p. 277 above) was a beast described by
Pliny, _Hist. nat._, VIII, 21, as follows (transl. in Bohn’s edit.,
vol. ii, p. 280): “It has a triple row of teeth which fit into each
other like those of a comb, the face and ears of a man, and azure
eyes, is of the color of blood, has the body of a lion, and a tail
ending in a sting, like that of a scorpion. Its voice resembles the
union of the sound of the flute and the trumpet; it is of excessive
swiftness, and is particularly fond of human flesh.” Doberentz shows
the route by which the story of this extraordinary combination found
its way from its Oriental place of origin to the _Weltchronik_ of
Rudolf of Hohen-Ems.
This route was the same as that taken by most of the other marvels
which came to this chronicle. The beast appears illustrated on the
monuments of Persepolis; possibly it was thought to be the king of the
evil beasts of Ahriman, the Zoroastrian god of darkness. Ctesias
describes it in his _Indica_; thence it probably made its way to the
_Historia animalium_ of Aristotle, thence to the _Chorographia
Pliniana_, thence to Solinus, thence to the _De imagine mundi_, and
thence to Rudolf’s chronicle (Doberentz, _op. cit._, pp. 175–180).
Footnote 1289:
Peschel in his _Abhandlungen_, vol. i, 1877, p. 10, pointed out that
some medieval commentators on the subject were disinclined to believe
in the existence of these creatures because they were not included in
Noah’s ark. St. Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, XVI, 8, had said:
“Either such monsters do not exist at all, or else they are in no wise
men, for in the latter case they would be sprung from Adam.” In the
ninth century there was discussion as to whether or not the
_cynocephali_ in the north were descended from Adam. During our period
no text that has been found by the writer questions their existence.
Footnote 1290:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 41 and pl. 3; vol. ii, 1895,
pl. 1.
Footnote 1291:
_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 13 and 14; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 12.
Footnote 1292:
Lambert (_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 49), Jerome (Palestine) (_ibid._,
p. 13), Psalter (_ibid._, p. 38). On the Hereford map the legend
reads: “Arbor balsami id est sicca” (_ibid._, vol. iv, 1896, p. 8); on
the Ebstorf map, “Oraculum solis et lune” (_ibid._, vol. v, 1896, p.
48). See Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903, vol. i, pp. 128–138;
Cordier, _Ser Marco Polo_, 1920, pp. 31–32 (both under Polo, Marco, in
the Bibliography).
Footnote 1293:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 48 and pl. 4.
Footnote 1294:
_ibid._, p. 8 and pl. 1.
Footnote 1295:
See above, p. 74.
Footnote 1296:
Philipps, _St. Thomas_, 1903, pp. 1–8.
Footnote 1297:
_Hist. eccles._, pt. I, bk. II, 14. Ordericus drew from Pseudo-Abdias.
See above, p. 379, note 8.
Footnote 1298:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1895, p. 35; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3 (our
Fig. 4 on p. 123 above).
Footnote 1299:
_Letter of Prester John_, 56–72, in: Zarncke, _Priester Johannes_, in:
Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 916–920.
Footnote 1300:
Mâle, _L’art religieux_, 1898, pp. 378–388.
Footnote 1301:
Zarncke, _op. cit._, pp. 832–843.
Footnote 1302:
In writing of the journey of Sighelm, who was sent by King Alfred to
the shrines of Saints Thomas and Bartholomew in India (see above, p.
74), William of Malmsbury remarks that the journey was made with great
success, “at which everybody in this age wonders” (_Gesta regum
Anglorum_, II, 122, edited by William Stubbs (Rolls Series, no. 90), 2
vols., London, 1887).
Footnote 1303:
_De adventu patriarchae Indorum ad urbem sub Callisto papa II_, 12,
in: Zarncke, _op. cit._, p. 838.
Footnote 1304:
See Zarncke, _op. cit._, pp. 843–846.
Footnote 1305:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 12 and pl. 1; vol. ii, 1895,
pl. 11.
Footnote 1306:
_Etym._, XIV, 6.
Footnote 1307:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 11.
Footnote 1308:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911.
Footnote 1309:
Jerome map of the East (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 12 and pl. 1;
vol. ii, pl. 11); Lambert map of the world (_ibid._, p. 50 and pl. 4).
Footnote 1310:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2. This passage was copied in: _De imag. mundi_,
I, 11.
Footnote 1311:
_Etym._ XIV, 6; _Otia imper._, _loc. cit._ Copied from Orosius in: _De
imag. mundi_, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1312:
_Collectanea_, 53, 2–3.
Footnote 1313:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2.
Footnote 1314:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pls. ii and 12; vol. iii, pl. 1.
Footnote 1315:
_ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol. iv, 1896.
Footnote 1316:
_ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol. v, 1896.
Footnote 1317:
_De scientia stellarum_, Bologna edit., 1645, pp. 24ff.
Footnote 1318:
G. A. Wood in his _Discovery of Australia_, London, 1921, p. 28,
writes that though the Arabs “knew Sumatra, and Java, and perhaps
Timor, and though they must have shared whatever knowledge may have
been possessed by the Malays or Hindus, there seems no evidence that
they had heard of Australia.”
Footnote 1319:
_Etym._, XIV, 3, sects. 31–32; _De imag. mundi_, I, 19; _Otia imper._,
vol. ii, p. 756. A long legend on the St. Sever Beatus map describes
“Scythia maior” in similar terms (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895,
p. 49).
Footnote 1320:
See above, pp. 269–270.
Footnote 1321:
Notably on the Jerome map of the East (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii,
pl. 1), the St. Sever Beatus (_ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol.
i, 1895; see Fig. 2, p. 69, above), the Osma Beatus (_ibid._,
reproduction in vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3; see also vol. i, p. 35, and Fig.
4, p. 123, above), and Henry of Mayence map (_ibid._, vol. ii, 1895,
pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2). Other significant features shown on
contemporary maps in northern and central Asia are the Amazons, the
Anthropophagi, the Caspian Gates, the Armenian Pillars, and the
Hyperboreans. Beatus Paris No. II (_ibid._, vol. i, pp. 31–32) shows a
region in the vicinity of the Caspian Sea labeled “terra inhabitabilis
propter habundanti[am] aqu[ae],” which does not appear on other maps.
Footnote 1322:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 59.
Footnote 1323:
_loc. cit._ See Neubauer, _Ten Tribes_, 1888–1889. Neubauer’s article
traces the history of speculations regarding the lost ten tribes from
the earliest times and contains incidentally much important
geographical lore.
Footnote 1324:
See above, pp. 287–288.
Footnote 1325:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 60.
Footnote 1326:
_Chron._, VII, 33.
Footnote 1327:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 60–61.
Footnote 1328:
See Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the
Bibliography), vol. i, pp. 234–235.
Footnote 1329:
Oppert, _Presbyter Johannes_, 1870, _passim_; Zarncke, _Priester
Johannes_ (under Prester John in the Bibliography), in: Abhandl., vol.
vii, 1879, pp. 847–871.
Footnote 1330:
Pelliot, _Chrétiens_, 1914, p. 627.
Footnote 1331:
_ibid._, p. 629.
Footnote 1332:
Zarncke gives a critical Latin text of the _Letter_ in _Priester
Johannes_, in: Abhandl., vol. vii, 1879, pp. 909–924.
Footnote 1333:
Zarncke in: Berichte, vol. xxix, 1877, p. 151 and note 9.
Footnote 1334:
See above, pp. 268–269 and p. 465, note 67.
Footnote 1335:
The name “Prester John” was not used in early manuscripts of the
_Letter of Prester John_. The letter of Pope Alexander III was
discussed and edited critically by Zarncke in his _Priester Johannes_,
in: Abhandlungen, vol. vii, 1879, pp. 935–946. See Yule, _Marco Polo_,
3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the Bibliography), vol. i, p.
231.
Footnote 1336:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 93.
Footnote 1337:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 11.
Footnote 1338:
_Rudimenta astronomica_, Nuremberg edit., 1537, dif. ix, fol. 9ro.
Footnote 1339:
From Meyer’s “third branch.” See above, p. 412, note 135, and Meyer,
_Alexandre le grand_, 1886, vol. ii, pp. 170, 217, 386–389.
Footnote 1340:
From Meyer’s “fourth branch,” by Alexandre de Bernay (de Paris).
Meyer, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 207.
Footnote 1341:
_Chron._, V, 9. Godfrey of Viterbo incorporated this passage in his
_Pantheon_, pars 16 (in Migne, _Pat. lat._, vol. cxcviii, col. 913;
also in _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxii, p. 196).
Footnote 1342:
_Chronicon Wirziburgense_, in: _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol.
vi, p. 25. See above, p. 412, note 129.
Footnote 1343:
_Chron._, II, 23, from Orosius, _Hist. adv. pag._, III, 7.
Footnote 1344:
This belief in the increase of Jewish population in these regions may
possibly have been connected in some way with knowledge of the
conversion of the Khazars to Judaism in the eighth century. See
Carmoly, _Itinéraires_, 1847, pp. 3–112, and S. Schechter, _An Unknown
Khazar Document_, in: Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. iii (N. S.),
London, 1912, pp. 181–219.
Footnote 1345:
“Goth & Magoth, aeternaliter conclusit. Vndecim trib. Hebraeorum,
montib. aeternaliter circumcinxit, de quibus omnibus in versibus
plenius dicemus atque iocundius” (_Pantheon_, pars 11, Herold’s edit.,
1559, col. 262; for the poetic elaboration mentioned, see cols.
266–267; both of these passages of the _Pantheon_ are omitted in the
editions of Migne and of the _Mon. Germ. hist._). Marinelli (_La
geogr._, 1882, p. 493; _Scritti minori_, vol. i, [1908?], p. 316, note
2, p. 415, note 2) knew of the passage in the _Pantheon_ just quoted
at second hand through a paraphrase in Giusto Grion, _I nobili fatti
di Alessandro Magno: Romanzo storico tradotto dal francese nel buon
secolo_ ..., Rome, 1872, p. cxxxii; not having the original text of
the _Pantheon_ at hand, Marinelli was in doubt as to whether the error
in the statement that there were _eleven_ tribes was to be imputed to
Grion or to Godfrey. Marinelli cites this passage together with a
passage from Albertus Magnus’ _Compendium theologicae veritatis_, VII,
10, as evidence of the fact that the ten tribes of the Jews were
associated with Gog and Magog as early as the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. See also the prophecy in the _Pantheon_ within a longer
prophecy of the Sibyl: “Et exurgent ab Aquilonae spurcissimae gentes,
quas Alexander rex inclusit, Goth videlicet & Magoth. Haec duodecim
[_sic_] regna, quorum numerus est sicut arena maris” (pars 10,
Herold’s edit., col. 257; _Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxii,
p. 147). See also above, p. 391, note 130, p. 470, note 147.
Footnote 1346:
See above, pp. 267–268.
Footnote 1347:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 14; _Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 756, from Orosius,
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1348:
_De imag. mundi_ and _Otia imper._, _loc. cit._, from Isidore,
_Etym._, XIV, 3, sect. 13.
Footnote 1349:
_Hist. schol._, Gen. 14; _De imag. mundi_, I, 10.
Footnote 1350:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 911. Most of the maps of the period
correctly represent the Tigris as flowing into the Persian Gulf; the
Jerome maps even show a common outlet for the two rivers (Miller,
_Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, p. 14 and pl.
1). The Jerome map of the Orient, however, makes the Hydaspes a branch
of the Tigris (_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 14).
Footnote 1351:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, pp. 756–757; _De imag. mundi_, I, 15, from
Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 3.
Footnote 1352:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 757, from Orosius, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1353:
Otto of Freising, _Chron._, VII, 3.
Footnote 1354:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 42. See also above,
p. 414, note 156.
Footnote 1355:
Benjamin of Tudela, _loc. cit._
Footnote 1356:
_ibid._, pp. 35–38.
Footnote 1357:
Some manuscripts give “Sikbia” rather than “Siberia.” The “land of
Togarmim” was Turkestan.
Footnote 1358:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 40–41.
Footnote 1359:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 757, from Orosius, _op. cit._, I, 2. See
also _De imag. mundi_, I, 16, from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 3.
Footnote 1360:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 47–51. See
especially pp. 48–50, note 2. See also above, p. 414, note 156.
Footnote 1361:
Benjamin of Tudela, _op. cit._, p. 67.
Footnote 1362:
Yule, _Marco Polo_, 3rd edit., 1903 (under Polo, Marco, in the
Bibliography), vol. ii, p. 431.
Footnote 1363:
_Etym._, xiv, 3; _De imag. mundi_, I, 16–17; _Otia imper._, vol. ii,
pp. 757–758.
Footnote 1364:
On the growth of the legends of the Dead Sea before and after our
period and particularly on the supposed persistence of the pillar of
salt into which Lot’s wife was turned, see White, _Warfare_, 1920,
vol. ii, pp. 221–235. See also above, pp. 208–209.
Footnote 1365:
See Rey, _Colonies franques_, 1883; Bréhier, _L’Église et l’Orient_,
1911, pp. 88–100; Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, vol. i, 1885, pp.
129–190; Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 396–464.
Footnote 1366:
A brief account of this expedition with references to the Arabic
sources will be found in Bernhard Moritz, _Arabien: Studien zur
physikalischen und historischen Geographie des Landes_, Hanover, 1923,
pp. 119–120.
Footnote 1367:
Heyd, _op. cit._, pp. 163–176.
Footnote 1368:
_ibid._, pp. 301–310. It is unnecessary to enter upon a detailed
discussion of the geography of Asia Minor as given in the _De imagine
mundi_, I, 19–20, and _Otia imperialia_, vol. ii, p. 762. This is no
more than the dry repetition of information drawn from classical
sources. The Jerome map of the Orient shows the classical divisions of
Asia Minor with a good deal of detail; the river systems are also
represented, but very poorly (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895,
pl. 11; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 1). Troy appears on the Psalter, Lambert,
and Guido maps (_ibid._, vol. iii, p. 56, and pls. 3 and 4). On the
last-named it is the only detail in Asia Minor.
Footnote 1369:
Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901.
Footnote 1370:
See above, pp. 176, 212, 238–239.
Footnote 1371:
_Historia_, XIII, 3; in medieval French translation in Paulin Paris’
edit., vol. i, p. 480. The “Sur” of William of Tyre is Tyre. See also
Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 24–28.
Footnote 1372:
_ibid._, pp. 53–61.
Footnote 1373:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 93.
Footnote 1374:
Ambroise, _Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 9541–9542, in Gaston
Paris’ edit., col. 255. See also Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 60.
Footnote 1375:
Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 36–49.
Footnote 1376:
_Historia_, XXI, 24; in medieval French translation, XXI, 22 (Paulin
Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 397–398). See also Dreesbach, _op. cit._,
p. 41.
Footnote 1377:
Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 4–19.
Footnote 1378:
_Historia_, XVII, 10, XIX, 13, 15, 21; in medieval French translation,
XVII, 10, XIX, 12, 14, 20 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 153, 270,
272–274, 282–283); see also Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 10–11.
Footnote 1379:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 35.
Footnote 1380:
_ibid._, p. 71.
Footnote 1381:
Dreesbach, _op. cit._, pp. 13–19.
Footnote 1382:
_Historia_, XIV, 19, XX, 29; in medieval French translation, XIV, 16,
XX, 28 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 25 and 357–358).
Footnote 1383:
_Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 8819–8846; in Gaston Paris’
edit., cols. 236–237. Also quoted in Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 17.
Footnote 1384:
See also Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 53–54.
Footnote 1385:
“Hac in oriente Indii fluminis surgit, et per meridiem vergens in
occidentem tendit” (_De imag. mundi_, I, 32). “Indii fluminis” as it
occurs in the chapter on Africa, here, obviously refers to the Nile.
See above, p. 304.
Footnote 1386:
_The Image du monde_, II, 4, on the other hand, confusedly includes
Syria and Palestine in Africa.
Footnote 1387:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 759.
Footnote 1388:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 18.
Footnote 1389:
_Etym._, XIV, 3.
Footnote 1390:
The delta figures on many maps: Jerome map of Palestine (Miller,
_Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1896, p. 14), St. Sever Beatus (_ibid._,
reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895; Fig. 2, p. 69, above), Turin
Beatus (_ibid._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 8), Cotton (_ibid._, pl. 10),
Henry of Mayence (_ibid._, pl. 13; vol. iii, pl. 2), Psalter (_ibid._,
vol. iii, pls. 1 and 3).
Footnote 1391:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 36. See also Gervase of Tilbury, _Otia imper._,
vol. ii, p. 759. See above, pp. 260–261.
Footnote 1392:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 14. Also shown on the Osma Beatus map
(_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 3; vol. iii, p. 35; Fig. 4, p. 123, above).
Footnote 1393:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 75–77.
Footnote 1394:
_Historia_, XIX, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 28 (Paulin
Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 298–299). See also Dreesbach, _Der Orient_,
1901, p. 32.
Footnote 1395:
Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, p. 146.
Footnote 1396:
_ibid._, p. 181.
Footnote 1397:
Matthew Paris, _Chron. maiora_, Rolls Series edit., vol. v, p. 217,
tells how “the indifferentist, Frederic II, nominal leader of a
Crusade, maintains so close a friendship with the Sultan of Egypt that
German merchants (it is said) were able to travel in the company of
Egyptians to the Indies” (Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 461).
Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, vol. ii, 1886, pp. 153–156, refers to a
Pisan claim to an expedition to India in 1175. This is very doubtful.
Footnote 1398:
_Historia_, XIX, 24, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 23, XIX,
28 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 288–289 and 298–299). See also
Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 29.
Footnote 1399:
_Historia_, XIX, 27; in medieval French translation, XIX, 28 (Paulin
Paris’ edit., vol. ii, 298–299). See also Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p.
30.
Footnote 1400:
_Historia_, XIX, 28, XXI, 23; in medieval French translation, XIX, 29,
XXI, 21 (Paulin Paris’ edit., vol. ii, pp. 300 and 395). See also
Dreesbach, _op. cit._, p. 34.
Footnote 1401:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 71–73. On the
flood of the Nile, see also above, pp. 206–207.
Footnote 1402:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 32.
Footnote 1403:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2.
Footnote 1404:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 33.
Footnote 1405:
Miller, _op. cit._, reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895 (reduced in
Fig. 2, p. 69, above).
Footnote 1406:
_ibid._, vol. i, _passim_; vol. ii, pls. 2–9.
Footnote 1407:
_ibid._, vol. i, p. 56.
Footnote 1408:
Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, pp. 276–277.
Footnote 1409:
_ibid._, pp. 275–316.
Footnote 1410:
_ibid._, pp. 289–290.
Footnote 1411:
Mas-Latrie, _Traités de paix_, 1866, p. 70.
Footnote 1412:
_ibid._, pp. 71–72.
Footnote 1413:
_ibid._, pp. 10, 124–125; Léon Godard, _Les évêques de Maroc_, in:
Revue africaine, vol. ii, Algiers, 1857, pp. 124–130, 242–249,
433–440; vol. iii, 1858, pp. 1–8; vol. iv, 1859, pp. 259–273, 332–346.
Footnote 1414:
R. B. Merriman, _The Rise of the Spanish Empire_, 2 vols., New York,
1918, vol. i, pp. 303–304.
Footnote 1415:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.
Footnote 1416:
_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 42.
Footnote 1417:
For a discussion of trade routes westward from Egypt and Nubia across
the Sahara according to Benjamin of Tudela and Edrisi, see Paul
Borchardt, _Die grossen Ost-West Karawanenstrassen durch die Libysche
Wüste_, in Petermanns Mitteilungen, vol. lxx, Gotha, 1924, pp.
219–223.
Footnote 1418:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 13; vol. iii, 1895, pl. 2 and
p. 27.
Footnote 1419:
_ibid._, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.
Footnote 1420:
_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 14.
Footnote 1421:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 759.
Footnote 1422:
_ibid._, p. 760.
Footnote 1423:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 33.
Footnote 1424:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1895, p. 56.
Footnote 1425:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 1, vol. iii, 1895, pl. 3
(Psalter); reproduction accompanying vol. v, 1896 (Ebstorf).
Footnote 1426:
Simar, _Afrique centrale_, 1912, pp. 15–23.
Footnote 1427:
_ibid._, p. 10.
Footnote 1428:
Langenmaier, _Alte Kenntnis_, 1916, p. 47.
Footnote 1429:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1430:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 759.
Footnote 1431:
_Etym._, XIII, 21, 7.
Footnote 1432:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 10.
Footnote 1433:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, _passim_; vol. ii, 1895, pls.
2–9.
Footnote 1434:
_ibid._, vol. i, reproduction accompanying the volume, and also p. 57.
Footnote 1435:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 10; vol. iii, 1895, p. 34.
Footnote 1436:
_ibid._, vol. iii, pp. 14, 18.
Footnote 1437:
_ibid._, vol. ii, pl. 13; vol. iii, p. 27 and pl. 2.
Footnote 1438:
Simar, _op. cit._, pp. 157–158.
Footnote 1439:
Solinus, _Collectanea_, 18, 1; 23, 13; Isidore, _Etym._, XIII, 16,
(cited by Bunbury, _Ancient Geogr._, 1879, vol. ii, pp. 678–679).
Footnote 1440:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 10, from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 4; _Otia imper._,
vol. i, p. 920. On the other hand, during our period the term “mare
mediterraneum” was not invariably applied to the sea between Africa
and Europe. Bernard Sylvester says (_De mundi univ._, pp. 34–35):
“Neve rerum tranquillitas violentis passionibus temptaretur, contra
fontem caloris solem quem linea medialis exportat, fontem humoris
mediterraneum mare medio telluris infudi.” “Nous,” or the
personification of Providence, is here speaking of the equatorial
ocean girdling the earth. The same expression, _mare mediterraneum_,
referring to the equatorial sea is used on the _mappaemundi_
accompanying manuscripts of the _Liber floridus_ of Lambert of St.
Omer (Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 50; see also Rainaud,
_Continent austral_, 1893, p. 162 and note 3).
Footnote 1441:
The term “Mediterranean Sea” in its present-day application is used on
the Hereford map (see Miller, _op. cit._, vol. iv, 1896, p. 23, and
reproduction accompanying vol. iv). The St. Sever Beatus map
represents the various parts of the sea by the following names:
“Tirrenum Mare,” “Mare Ligusticum,” “Mare Balearicum,” “Mare Libicum,”
“Mare Siculum,” “Mare Creticum,” “Mare Egeum,” “Sinus Adriaticus,”
“Sinum Noricum,” “Ellespontum,” “Eusinus Pontus” (_ibid._, vol. i,
1895, pp. 60–61 and reproduction accompanying vol. i; names barely
legible on our Fig. 2, p. 69, above). The Jerome map of the East also
designates portions of the Mediterranean as “Issicum,” “Pamphilicum,”
“Ionicum” (_ibid._, vol. iii, 1895, p. 12 and pl. 1). See also the
discussion of the nomenclature of the Mediterranean and of the ocean
in Frahm, _Das Meer_, 1914, pp. 73–77.
Footnote 1442:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 920.
Footnote 1443:
_De scientia stellarum_, Bologna edit., 1645, p. 25.
Footnote 1444:
[Benedict of Peterborough,] _Gesta regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series edit.,
vol. ii, pp. 198–199; Roger of Hoveden, _Chron._, Rolls Series edit.,
vol. iii, p. 51.
Footnote 1445:
The usual route from the Tyrrhenian Sea to the east, however, was
through the Strait of Messina. Burkhard, an official of Frederick
Barbarossa, tells us that during the war of 1162–1179 between the
Sicilians and Genoa, Genoese ships used to make their way to Egypt as
follows: through the strait between Corsica and Sardinia, thence past
the west coast of Sicily, Pantellaria, and Malta to the north coast of
Africa, “until they came in sight of the great stone lighthouse of
Alexandria by day or of its light by night” (Burkhard, in: _Mon. Germ.
hist._, Scriptores, vol. xxi, p. 236, cited by Schaube,
_Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, p. 153).
Footnote 1446:
This would represent rapid, though probably not excessively rapid,
sailing for the Middle Ages. The data which have come down to us on
the speed of medieval sea journeys are so varied that it is impossible
to determine a fair average. On the whole it is probable that better
time was made by the Scandinavian seafarers than by those of the
Mediterranean. A rate of fifty miles (English statute) a day was
perhaps about all that could have been expected in the Mediterranean
under ordinary circumstances, though on occasions one hundred to one
hundred and fifty miles or even more may have been accomplished. The
Icelanders, on the other hand, may well have covered as much as one
hundred and fifty miles in twenty-four hours. See below, p. 486, note
440, and Ludwig, _Untersuchungen_, 1897, _passim_, especially pp.
131–132, 185–186.
To make the journey from Marseilles to Acre in fifteen days a rate of
rather more than one hundred and twenty miles a day would have to be
maintained throughout the entire passage. Schaube (_op. cit._, pp.
153–154) brings together some interesting material on the speed of
journeys in the Mediterranean. “The duration of the voyages naturally
varied very much; we hear that it was reckoned from Messina or one of
the Apulian harbors an average of forty days to Accon (Acre);
obviously this would refer to a voyage in no way influenced by adverse
circumstances. For galleys a somewhat longer time was necessary. The
forty galleys of the Emperor Frederick II took in midsummer of 1228
twenty-four days for the journey from Brindisi to Limassol in Cyprus
in the best of weather. Benjamin of Tudela assumed that the passage
from Messina to Egypt took twenty days. At a somewhat later date Peter
of Albeney went from Marseilles to Damietta in twenty-two days, though
the ambassador of Barbarossa, Burkhard, who left Genoa on the 6th of
September and followed the route by way of Pantellaria and Malta, took
more than twice this long, or forty-seven days to reach Alexandria.”
Footnote 1447:
[Benedict of Peterborough,] _Gesta regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series edit.,
vol. ii, pp. 192–199; Roger of Hoveden, _Chron._, Rolls Series edit.,
vol. iii, pp. 47–53.
Footnote 1448:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 56.
Footnote 1449:
_ibid._, reproduction accompanying vol. i, 1895 (our Fig. 2, p. 69,
above).
Footnote 1450:
_ibid._, vol. i, p. 35; vol. ii, 1895, pl. 3b (our Fig. 4, p. 123,
above).
Footnote 1451:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 34–36; _Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 920–923.
Footnote 1452:
[Benedict of Peterborough,] _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 198.
Footnote 1453:
Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
Bibliography), pp. 104–112.
Footnote 1454:
See above, pp. 221–222.
Footnote 1455:
Gaston Paris, _La Sicile_, 1876, pp. 108–113.
Footnote 1456:
“Mons ibi stat magnus qui dicitur esse Rolandus
Alter Oliverus simili ratione vocatus:
Haec monumenta truces consistere duces.”
—_Pantheon_, pars. 17, in Pistorius’ edit., 1726, p. 314.
Gaston Paris argues (_op. cit._, p. 110) that place names of this
origin are still to be found in Sicily.
Footnote 1457:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 921. On this legend see Graf, _Miti,
leggende_, vol. ii, 1893, pp. 303–325.
Footnote 1458:
Gaston Paris, _op. cit._, p. 112.
Footnote 1459:
See above, p. 221–222.
Footnote 1460:
Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 202, 207, 210–212.
Footnote 1461:
Conrad of Querfurt’s letter, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slavorum_,
V, 19.
Footnote 1462:
_Estoire de la guerre sainte_, verses 510–558, in: Gaston Paris’
edit., cols. 14–16. See Gaston Paris, _La Sicile_, 1876, p. 111.
Footnote 1463:
See above, pp. 220–222 and p. 449, note 52.
Footnote 1464:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 22 (from Isidore, _Etym._, XIV, 8) mentions the
Rhipaean range. See Benl, _Frühere und spätere Hypothesen_, 1905, pp.
10–12. This doctrine may perhaps be traced back to Babylonian
geography, according to which the high mountains at the headwaters of
the Tigris and Euphrates were thought to bound the earth on the north.
See Lutz, _Geographical Studies_, 1924, pp. 167–168.
Footnote 1465:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 763.
Footnote 1466:
See, on Grosseteste, above, pp. 179–180. Roger Bacon’s argument occurs
in his _Opus majus_, Bridges’ edit., vol. i, 1897, p. 359.
Footnote 1467:
Theodosia was on the coast of the Crimea, not far from the Strait of
Azov (the Cimmerian Bosporus), which might well have been spoken of as
the mouth of the Tanaïs, or Don.
Footnote 1468:
See above, p. 75.
Footnote 1469:
Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. ii, pp. 139–140. Adam of Bremen
in the eleventh century wrote (_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 13)
of Russia as the last and largest province of the Wends, whose
territory bounded the Baltic Sea on the east. He mentioned Ostrogard
as an important Russian trading city in his time, situated on the
Baltic (_ibid._, II, 19; IV, 11); Chive, or Kiev, as the principal
city of Russia (_ibid._, II, 19), a rival to Constantinople and an
honor to “Graecia”—the lands of the Greek church (Dietrich, _Geogr.
Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 103). See Tiander, _Poyezdki_, 1906, pp.
47–48.
Footnote 1470:
Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, pp. 238–239.
Footnote 1471:
“... inter aquilonem et item orientem Pecenatorum et Falonum, maximam
venationum copiam habente, sed vomere ac rastro pene experte campania”
(_Gesta Frid._, I, 31). In _Chron._, VI, 10, Otto states that
“Pecenati et hii qui Falones dicuntur, crudis et immundis carnibus,
utpote equinis catinis, usque hodie vescuntur.” “Falones” was the
medieval German name for the Komans (see Hofmeister’s edition of the
_Chronicon_, p. 271, note 6). The eleventh-century chronicle of Nestor
of Kiev speaks of the Komans as eaters of raw flesh (Zeuss, _Die
Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme_, 1837, p. 744). On the Komans,
Petchenegs, and other tribes of the Russian plains in the Middle Ages,
see the exhaustive treatise of J. Marquart, _Über das Volkstum der
Komanen_, forming chapter 2 of W. Bang and J. Marquart, _Osttürkische
Dialektstudien_, in: Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, vol.
xiii (N. S.), 1912–1914, pp. 25–238.
Footnote 1472:
Hoff’s edit., p. 52 (as cited by Dreesbach, _Der Orient_, 1901, pp.
82–83).
Footnote 1473:
See above, pp. 267–268.
Footnote 1474:
_Gesta Frid._, III, 1.
Footnote 1475:
See above, pp. 330–331.
Footnote 1476:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 81.
Footnote 1477:
See above, p. 269.
Footnote 1478:
Petachia of Ratisbon, _Travels_, Benisch and Ainsworth’s transl.,
1856, pp. 3–5; Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 266–268.
Footnote 1479:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, p. 764, from Orosius, _Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1480:
_Gesta Frid._, I, 32.
Footnote 1481:
Karl, _La Hongrie dans les chansons de geste_, 1908.
Footnote 1482:
_ibid._, pp. 20–21.
Footnote 1483:
_ibid._, p. 29.
Footnote 1484:
_ibid._, p. 36.
Footnote 1485:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 25–27.
Footnote 1486:
_Otia imper._, vol. ii, pp. 764–766.
Footnote 1487:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, p. 11 and pl. 1, vol. ii, 1895,
pl. 11.
Footnote 1488:
_Chron. Slav._, I, 3; IV, 9.
Footnote 1489:
Dietrich, _Geogr. Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 102, identifies this with
the modern Cuprija (Tsupriya).
Footnote 1490:
Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, vol. i, 1885, pp. 243–244.
Footnote 1491:
_ibid._, p. 221.
Footnote 1492:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., p. 12.
Footnote 1493:
Heyd, _op. cit._, vol. i, 1885, p. 295. A brief of Innocent III of
1208 mentions the presence of Lombards, Danes, and English.
Footnote 1494:
Benjamin of Tudela, _Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 12–14.
Footnote 1495:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
Footnote 1496:
Benjamin of Tudela traversed the length of Italy on his way to the
Orient. He gives in his _Itinerary_ (Adler’s edit., pp. 5–10) some
details regarding the cities which he passed through. Genoa and Pisa,
he said were governed “neither by king nor prince but only by the
judges appointed by the citizens.” Each was noted for its “turreted
houses for battle in time of strife.” Rome was “the head of the
kingdoms of Christendom,” but Benjamin dismissed with brief phrase her
claims to glory as the seat of the Papacy. On the other hand, he wrote
in some detail of the Jewish inhabitants of Rome and more especially
of the ruins, among them “eighty palaces belonging to eighty kings who
lived there, each called Imperator, commencing with King
Tarquinius ... and ... ending with Pepin, who freed the land of
Sepharad [Spain] from Islam, and was father of Charlemagne.” The
Colosseum, the Catacombs, statues of Samson and of Constantine the
Great, and “many other edifices” and “remarkable sights beyond
enumeration” aroused the admiration of the Hebrew traveler. Farther
south he spoke of the great school of medicine at Salerno; of Amalfi,
“the inhabitants of which are merchants engaged in trade, who do not
sow or reap, because they dwell upon high hills and lofty crags, but
buy everything for money;” of Benevento; of Trani, with a convenient
port where pilgrims gather to take ship to Jerusalem; of Brindisi;
and, finally, of Otranto, whence one crosses to Corfu.
Interesting details of a journey through Italy in the twelfth century
are also supplied in Abbot Nikulás’ _Itinerary_ (Werlauff, _Symbolae_,
1821, pp. 29–35).
Footnote 1497:
For a brief discussion of various regional divisions of Italy
suggested by writers from the time of Augustus to that of Dante and of
Flavio Biondo (fifteenth century) see Andriani, _La carta
dialettologica_, 1923, and below, p. 484, note 418.
Footnote 1498:
On another source of wealth of Northern Italy, its auriferous rivers,
as listed in the _Honorantie civitatis papie_, a document of the
second half of the ninth century, see F. Landogna, _Su alcuni fiumi
auriferi nell’ alto medio evo_, in: Rivista geografica italiana, vol.
xxxi, Florence, 1924, pp. 77–86.
Footnote 1499:
_Denumeratio_, p. 45.
Footnote 1500:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
Footnote 1501:
_Ligurinus_, II, 131–143.
Footnote 1502:
_loc. cit._
Footnote 1503:
See above, pp. 180–181.
Footnote 1504:
Gregorovius, _City of Rome_ (Hamilton’s translation), vol. iv, pt. II,
1896, p. 655. Gregorovius comments on the decided preference given in
this book to the pagan as distinguished from the ecclesiastical city.
He also commends the work as being fairly accurate in its details. On
the interest in ruins that prevailed in our period, see Ganzenmüller,
_Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 213–215.
Footnote 1505:
One of the sources which Master Gregory used was a booklet entitled
_De septem miraculis mundi_. The wonders as given in this booklet
were: (1) the Capitol at Rome; (2) the lighthouse at Alexandria; (3)
the Colossus of Rhodes; (4) the statue of Bellerophon at Smyrna; (5)
the theater at Heraclea; (6) the baths of Apollonius of Tyana; and (7)
the temple of Diana at Ephesus. All of these, except the last, were
included by Gregory in his account of Rome, though he did not believe
that all were actually situated in Rome (James, _Magister Gregorius_,
1917, pp. 537–539).
Footnote 1506:
Conrad of Querfurt’s letter, in: Arnold of Lübeck, _Chron. Slav._, V,
19. See also Ganzenmüller, _Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 205–208.
Footnote 1507:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 916.
Footnote 1508:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1509:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 30.
Footnote 1510:
_Chron._, Rolls Series edit., vol. iii, p. 48.
Footnote 1511:
_ibid._, p. 176.
Footnote 1512:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 13.
Footnote 1513:
_loc. cit._
Footnote 1514:
Oehlmann, _Alpenpässe_, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iv, 1879, p. 304.
Footnote 1515:
_ibid._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, p. 181.
Footnote 1516:
_Mon. Germ. hist._, Scriptores, vol. xvi, p. 340.
Footnote 1517:
Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, p. 180.
Footnote 1518:
Schaube, _Handelsgeschichte_, 1906, pp. 334–338. The Great St. Bernard
Pass was the principal artery of trade between Northern Italy and the
fairs of Champagne. The Septimer Pass, now little used, was much
traveled in the Middle Ages and was a principal trade route between
Lombardy and southern and western Germany (Schaube, _op. cit._, p.
450; Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iv, 1879, pp. 305–323).
Footnote 1519:
Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 226–227.
Footnote 1520:
See especially Abbot Nikulás’ description of the route over the Great
St. Bernard Pass (Werlauff, _Symbolae_, 1821, pp. 18–19).
Footnote 1521:
Oehlmann, _op. cit._, in: Jahrbuch, vol. iii, 1878, pp. 257–267.
Footnote 1522:
_ibid._, vol. iv, 1879, pp. 304–323. The medieval history of the
Alpine passes is discussed in detail by Oehlmann, _op. cit._; see
also, Reinhard, _Pässe und Strassen_, 1903; Schulte, _Geschichte_,
1900; Scheffel, _Verkehrsgeschichte_, vol. ii, 1914, pp. 167–286. For
a more compact account of the Alpine passes in the Middle Ages and in
later times, see Coolidge, _The Alps_, 1908, pp. 150–198.
It would seem that the passes of the Central Alps were relatively
little known in our period in comparison with those farther east and
west. The Simplon and St. Gotthard, now so important, were only just
beginning to be frequented. Other routes across the main ranges of the
Alps made use of in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries were
the Mont Genèvre and Little St. Bernard, leading from Italy into
France and French-speaking Switzerland; the Grimsel and possibly the
San Bernardino in the Central Alps; and farther east the
Reschen-Scheideck and the Pontebba. Shortly before the opening of our
period and during it many hospices were built to provide travelers
with shelter and hospitality on the passes and along the routes
leading to them.
Footnote 1523:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 1, 24, 28. See also Dietrich, _Geogr.
Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 99; Marinelli, _Scritti minori_, vol. i,
[1908?], pp. 600–601.
Footnote 1524:
_Gesta Frid._, III, 15a; IV, 3.
Footnote 1525:
_ibid._, I, 8 (discussed in: Dietrich, _op. cit._, p. 99). Ragewin
used the term “Alemanni” to designate Germans in distinction from
“Italici” (_Gesta Frid._, III, 38).
Footnote 1526:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 24, 25.
Footnote 1527:
Notably by J. A. Endres, _Honorius Augustodunensis: Beitrag zur
Geschichte des geistigen Lebens im 12. Jahrhundert_, Kempten and
Munich, 1906, sect. 12. See Duhem, _Système_, vol. iii, 1915, p. 30.
Footnote 1528:
See above, p. 281.
Footnote 1529:
See above, p. 239.
Footnote 1530:
_Gesta Frid._, II, 46.
Footnote 1531:
_Denumeratio_, pp. 49–50. For descriptive passages in Godfrey’s
_Pantheon_ on various parts of Germany and Holland, especially on the
regions of Nimwegen, Bamberg, and Würzburg, see _Mon. Germ. hist._,
Scriptores, vol. xxii, pp. 159–161, 240 (cited by Ganzenmüller,
_Naturgefühl_, 1914, p. 194).
Footnote 1532:
_Ligurinus_, I, 377. See also Gaston Paris, _Dissertation critique_,
1872, pp. 85–86.
Footnote 1533:
Gunther (_Ligurinus_, _loc. cit._) also describes in detail the
frontier between the territory of Cologne and that of Mayence and
mentions other local details of this region.
Footnote 1534:
_Subtilitates_, II, 3–10.
Footnote 1535:
See above, pp. 185 and 201–202.
Footnote 1536:
_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, I, 1–5. This is taken from Einhard’s
_Vita Caroli magni_ (Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, p. 533). Beazley,
_op. cit._, pp. 514–548, gives an excellent résumé of the geography of
Adam of Bremen. He asserts that Adam “possessed the geographical
instinct; almost every mention he makes of persons, places, or nations
is accompanied by some definition of their habitat or position”
(_ibid._, p. 516).
Footnote 1537:
Dietrich, _Geogr. Anschauungen_, 1885, p. 189. Adam gives, of course,
much fuller detail regarding this and other regions; we have merely
tried to bring out a few of his more important geographical ideas.
Footnote 1538:
_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 4.
Footnote 1539:
_ibid._, pp. 4–5.
Footnote 1540:
“Iulinum, Iumne, Iomsburg, 935/60–1043 a fort of the Jom Vikings”
(Spruner-Menke, _Hand-Atlas für die Geschichte des Mittelalters und
der neueren Zeit_, 3rd edit., Gotha, 1880, pl. 37)—the site of the
present-day town of Wollin, according to some (Karl Baedeker, _Die
deutsche Ostseeküste: Handbuch für Reisende_, Leipzig, 1922, p. 122)
or of Swinemünde according to Dietrich, _op. cit._, p. 189, note 8.
Footnote 1541:
Dietrich, _loc. cit._ Helmold (_Chron. Slav._, I, 2) describes this
city, but by his time it had been destroyed by a Danish king.
Footnote 1542:
_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 18; Helmold, _Chron. Slav._ I, 1.
See Dietrich, _op. cit._, p. 192.
Footnote 1543:
_Chron. Slav._, II, 216.
Footnote 1544:
Moritz, _Geogr. Kenntnis_, 1904, p. 26.
Footnote 1545:
_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 10; IV, 15. In Adam of Bremen’s work
the designation “Baltic” probably appears for the first time. Adam
says it was so called “because it extends in the form of a belt
(baltei)” (Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol. i, p. 185).
Footnote 1546:
Adam speaks of a bay trending northward at Birka (_Gesta Hammenb.
eccl. pont._, I, 62). See also Moritz, _op. cit._, p. 21.
Footnote 1547:
Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 186. See also Marinelli, _Scritti
minori_, vol. i, [1908?], pp. 301–302, esp. footnote 1 on p. 302.
Footnote 1548:
_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 8.
Footnote 1549:
Beazley, _Dawn_, vol. ii, 1901, pp. 516–520. For Adam of Bremen’s
conception of the geography of the North see the full treatment by
Björnbo, _Adam af Bremen_, 1909. Björnbo’s map showing his theory of
Adam’s geography is reproduced in Nansen, _Northern Mists_, 1911, vol.
i, p. 186. See also Tiander, _Poyezdki_, 1906, pp. 46–51, for a
Russian scholar’s identification of places mentioned by Adam.
Footnote 1550:
_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 30.
Footnote 1551:
Nansen, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 203–232.
Footnote 1552:
_Gesta Danorum_, Praefacio, Holder’s edit., p. 8.
Footnote 1553:
_Historia Norweg._, I, Storm’s edit., p. 83. See also Nansen, _op.
cit._, p. 204. A ski-runner is represented on the Hereford map of the
thirteenth century (Miller, _Mappaemundi_, reproduction accompanying
vol. iv, 1896; see also Nansen, _ibid._, p. 157).
Footnote 1554:
_Gesta Hammenb. eccl. pont._, IV, 31.
Footnote 1555:
Ragewin’s continuation of Otto of Freising, _Gesta Frid._, III, 1.
Footnote 1556:
_Ligurinus_, VI, 13–49.
Footnote 1557:
Traditions of cannibalism among the northern tribes of Europe and
Scythia were widespread in the ancient world and date back at least to
the time of Herodotus. Human sacrifice and cannibalism were
undoubtedly practiced by the early Scandinavians (Nansen, _Northern
Mists_, 1911, vol. 1, pp. 81, 148–149).
Footnote 1558:
_Chron._, VI, 30.
Footnote 1559:
Wattenbach, _Guido von Bazoches_, 1891 (under Guy of Bazoches in the
Bibliography), pp. 72–73.
Footnote 1560:
_Denumeratio_, pp. 47–48.
Footnote 1561:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 914, 923.
Footnote 1562:
_ibid._, p. 914.
Footnote 1563:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1564:
_Etym._, XIV, 6, 38.
Footnote 1565:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 914.
Footnote 1566:
_loc. cit._
Footnote 1567:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 29.
Footnote 1568:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 922.
Footnote 1569:
See above, pp. 72–173 and 175.
Footnote 1570:
Benjamin of Tudela passed through the south of France. He gives a few
details (for the most part concerning the Jewish population) about
Narbonne, Béziers, Montpellier, Lunel, Posquières, Arles, and
Marseilles. Apparently he went by sea from Marseilles to Genoa
(_Itinerary_, Adler’s edit., pp. 2–5).
William the Breton gives several striking descriptions of landscapes
in France in his _Philippis_. His descriptions of Château Gaillard, of
the vicinity of Tours, of Flanders, and of the region about Pontarlier
are cited and in part translated into German by Ganzenmüller,
_Naturgefühl_, 1914, pp. 196–197.
Footnote 1571:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. i, 1895, p. 50 and reproduction
accompanying the volume (reduced in Fig. 2, p. 69, above).
Footnote 1572:
_Hist. adv. pag._, I, 2.
Footnote 1573:
_Hist. nat._, IV, 16. Pliny gives Agrippa as authority for these
figures. He states that the width of Britain is 300 miles, not 200 as
according to Orosius (_loc. cit._).
Footnote 1574:
Miller, _op. cit._, vol. ii, 1895, pl. 10; vol. iii, 1895, p. 33.
Footnote 1575:
_De imag. mundi_, I, 31.
Footnote 1576:
_Otia imper._, vol. i, p. 916. Gervase quotes Orosius, _Hist. adv.
pag._, I, 2, 37, to the effect that Britain is 800 miles long by 200
broad, but adds that “more recent authorities” give its length as
twenty days’ journeys and its breadth as ten days’ journeys. Elsewhere
(_Otia imper._, vol. i, pp. 936–938) Gervase copies extensively from
Geoffrey of Monmouth’s _Historia Britonum_, which contains a long
account of various supernatural marvels of Britain.
Footnote 1577:
_De laud. div. sap._, V, 789–880.
Footnote 1578:
_ibid._, III, 825–938.
Footnote 1579:
Giraldus Cambrensis, _Top. Hiber._, I, 1.
Footnote 1580:
_ibid._, I, 2.
Footnote 1581:
_ibid._, I, 3.
Footnote 1582:
See above, pp. 211–212.
Footnote 1583:
_Top. Hiber._, I, 5.
Footnote 1584:
_ibid._, I, 6.
Footnote 1585:
_ibid._, I, 8.
Footnote 1586:
_ibid._, I, 9.
Footnote 1587:
_ibid._, III, 2.
Footnote 1588:
_ibid._, III, 10.
Footnote 1589:
_ibid._, III, 11–15.
Footnote 1590:
Giraldus Cambrensis, _Opera_, Rolls Series edit., vol. v, p. lxiii.
Footnote 1591:
_Top. Hiber._, I, 7.
Footnote 1592:
“Gratianus Lucius” (Dr. John Lynch), _Cambrensis eversus_, edited by
Matthew Kelly, 3 vols., Dublin, 1848–1851. This work, a violent attack
on Giraldus, was first published in 1662. Dr. Lynch believed that the
Welsh traveler had uttered a terrible calumny against the good name of
the Irish people and undertook to demolish practically everything he
had said.
Footnote 1593:
Kelly in his notes to the _Cambrensis eversus_, vol. i, 1848, pp.
117–119, shows how it would have been possible for Giraldus to have
made this mistake. From near the Shannon Pot, or source of the River
Shannon, other streams flow northward toward Ballyshannon; from Lough
Clean (Allen), also very near the Shannon Pot, it is only four miles
to the headwaters of the River Bennet, which flows westward into Sligo
Bay. These facts might easily give an impression that the Shannon
itself branches at its source in two directions, one branch running
down towards Ballyshannon or the Bennet, and the other flowing to the
southwest. The imperfect drainage development of Ireland would make
such an impression seem natural. Lough Hoyle, for instance, is
actually drained by two outlets at opposite ends of the lake.
Footnote 1594:
_Desc. Kamb._, 6.
Footnote 1595:
_loc. cit._
Footnote 1596:
_ibid._, 17.
Footnote 1597:
See above, pp. 178–179, 197, 215, and 216.
Footnote 1598:
_Desc. Kamb._, 6.
Footnote 1599:
An unusual treatment of linguistic geography is found, subsequent to
our period, in the _De vulgari eloquentia_ of Dante. Whereas Isidore
of Seville on Biblical authority had divided the languages of the
world into three main groups, the Japhetic, Hamitic, and Semitic,
Dante recognized the fact that these groups are further divisible into
secondary groups each consisting of several kindred languages. He
believed that there were three original European tongues: Greek,
spoken in the southeast and in Asia Minor; a language spoken in the
southwest; and one spoken in the north and east. “Man being a most
unstable and variable animal,” these three original tongues became
altered “according to the distances in place and time” with the result
that certain “vulgar tongues” were formed. These tongues in turn
underwent variations in different localities; the resultant forms were
still further subdivided, until by Dante’s time there were in
existence in Italy alone more than a thousand local dialectic
peculiarities. See Mori, _La geogr._, 1922, pp. 289–292.
Andriani, _La carta dialettologica_, 1923, discusses Dante’s study of
the local dialects of Italy as elaborated in the _De vulgari
eloquentia_. The poet divided the peninsula and Sardinia into fourteen
major dialectic regions. These correspond essentially with the
geographical regions established by Flavio Biondo in his _Italia
illustrata_ (fifteenth century). With the aid of the latter work
Andriani constructs a tentative dialectic map of Italy as Dante
probably would have conceived it. Modern research in the linguistic
geography of that country has served in general to confirm Dante’s
assertions on the subject.
Footnote 1600:
See Bibliography under William Fitzstephen.
Footnote 1601:
See above, p. 331–332.
Footnote 1602:
The preceding quotations from William Fitzstephen are taken from
Morley’s translation on pp. 22–26 of his edition of Stow’s _A Survay
of London ... 1598_, 1908.
Footnote 1603:
The quotations on the sports of the Londoners are from Stow’s
sixteenth-century translation in Morley’s edition of Stow, _op. cit._,
pp. 117–125.
Footnote 1604:
Miller, _Mappaemundi_, vol. iii, 1895, pp. 74–77.
Footnote 1605:
_ibid._, p. 75.
Footnote 1606:
See above, p. 335 and p. 483, notes 392 and 395. For these and other
legends quoted below, see Miller, _ibid._, pp. 75–82.
Footnote 1607:
“Pinlimon,” “Montes Chivieti,” “Mons Snaudun” (_ibid._, pp. 78, 79).
Footnote 1608:
“Regio montuosa et nemorosa, gentem incultam generans et pastoralem,
quia pars eius mariscus est et harundinetum” (_ibid._, p. 78).
Footnote 1609:
“Regia invia et aquosa.” “Patria palustris et invia, pecudibus et
pastoribus apta” (_ibid._).
Footnote 1610:
“Regio palustris, montuosa, nemorosa, invia, pastoribus accomoda,
incolas habet agiles, incultos et bellicosos” (_ibid._, p. 79). See
above, p. 233.