CHAPTER V.

THE OUTCOME OF THE TREATY OF BERLIN.

It is quite needless to remark that Turkey, instead of doing anything to

improve the condition of the Armenians, has done much to make it worse

during the past fifteen years. The question now arises, what have the

Powers signatory to the Berlin Treaty done to compel the Sublime Porte

“to carry out the improvements and reforms” demanded in the Sixty-first

Article? And what steps has Great Britain taken in addition, to

discharge the additional obligation for the improvement of Armenia which

she assumed by the so-called Cyprus Convention?

We find that in November, 1879, the English Government, seeing that

matters throughout Asia Minor were really going from bad to worse, went

the length of ordering an English squadron to the Archipelago for the

purpose of a naval demonstration. The Turkish Government was greatly

excited, and with a view to getting the order countermanded, made the

fairest promises.

But England was not the only Power aroused. On June 11, 1880, an

Identical Note of the Great Powers demanded the execution of the clauses

of the Treaty of Berlin which had remained in suspense. In the

conclusion of the Identical Note a clear recognition is made of the fact

that _the interest of Europe, as well as that of the Ottoman Empire,

requires the execution of the Sixty-first Article of the Treaty of

Berlin, and that the joint and incessant action of the Powers can alone

bring about this result_.

On July 5th, the Turkish Foreign Minister sent a Note in reply to the

representatives of the Powers. “It is of great length and small real

value, except as combining in a remarkable degree the distinguishing

characteristics of modern Ottoman diplomacy, namely, first, great

facility in assimilating the administrative and constitutional jargon of

civilized countries; second, consummate cunning in concealing under

deceptive appearances the barbarous reality of deeds and intentions;

third, cool audacity in making promises which there is neither the power

nor desire to make good; and, finally, a paternal and oily tone,

intended to create the impression that the Turkish Government is the

victim of unjust prejudices and odious calumnies.”

As soon as the reply of the Porte was received, Earl Granville sent

copies to the British Consuls in Asia Minor, inviting observations

thereon. Eight detailed replies to this request are published in the

Blue-Book.[22] They concur in a crushing condemnation of the Ottoman

Government.

These conclusions, moderately and very diffusely expressed in diplomatic

phraseology, are reflected in the Collective Note which was sent on

Sept. 11, 1880, to the Sublime Porte by the Ambassadors of the Great

Powers. On October 3d, without making the slightest references to

censures which had been addressed to it, and even appearing completely

to ignore the Collective Note, the Porte, assuming a haughty tone,

merely notified the Powers of what it intended to do.

In a Circular of the 12th of January, 1881, Earl Granville tried again

to induce the other five Powers to join in further representations to

the Sublime Porte on the subject. But the other Powers seem to have

thought that the diplomatic comedy had gone far enough, and sent evasive

answers. Prince Bismarck expressed the opinion that there would be

“serious inconvenience” in raising the Armenian question, and France hid

behind Germany. Such action by the powers had been anticipated by the

British Ambassador at Constantinople, Mr. Goschen, who had already

written to Earl Granville: “If they [the Powers] refuse, or give only

lukewarm support, the responsibility will not lie with Her Majesty’s

Government.” The whole correspondence was simply a matter of form.[23] I

have condensed this outline of events since the Treaty of Berlin from

_Armenia, the Armenians, and the Treaties_,[24] following as far as

possible the words of the writer, M. G. Rolin-Jaequemyns, a high

authority on International Law.

From 1881 to the present time, almost without exception, England, on her

part, has allowed no mention in her Blue-Books of the manner in which

her _protégés_ and those of Europe have been treated. Her energies have

seemed to be devoted to stifling the ever-increasing cry of despair from

Armenia, instead of attempting her rescue or relief. The other Powers

are only less guilty, in proportion as they have done less to perpetuate

Ottoman misrule, and have made less pretence of sympathy and help for

the oppressed. Freeman says of England,

“By waging a war on behalf of the Turk, by signing a treaty which left

the nations of Southeastern Europe [and Asia Minor] at the mercy of the

Turk, by propping up the wicked power of the Turk in many ways, we have

done a great wrong to the nations which are under his yoke; and that

wrong which we have ourselves done it is our duty to undo.”[25]

It is thus clearly seen that both the Sixty-first Article of the Berlin

Treaty, and the Cyprus Convention as well, have been of positively no

value in securing for the Armenians any of the reforms which were

therein recognized as imperatively called for and guaranteed. It is also

clear that the condition of Armenia, and of Turkey as a whole, is even

vastly worse and more hopeless than it was twenty years ago.

[Illustration:

PROFESSOR MINAS TCHÉRAZ.

Present at the Berlin Congress.

]

This condition, I further maintain, is in large measure directly

attributable to those treaties themselves and to the attitude

subsequently assumed by the Powers which signed them. It is said that

the Armenians have brought trouble on themselves, by stirring up the

Turks. I ask what stirred the Armenians up? It was primarily the

Sixty-first Article of the Treaty of Berlin. Many a time has that

precious paragraph been quoted to me in the wilds of Kurdistan by common

Armenian artisans and ignorant villagers. They had welcomed it as a

second evangel, and believed the word of England as they did the

gospels. _It was that Article which roused them from the torpor of

centuries._ They saw Bulgaria rise from her blood and shame and enter on

a career of honor and prosperity under the ægis of European protection.

Is it surprising that hopes and aspirations have been born anew in the

heart of the Armenian race—a people not inferior to the Bulgarians and

in many respects more talented?

I have rarely found it difficult to persuade intelligent Armenians that

an autonomous Armenia is impracticable. But I have never been able to

convince one of them that the course of England and the other powers has

been anything but one of selfishness, jealousy, and dishonor as far as

fulfilment of their treaty obligations is concerned.

During a residence of four years in Eastern Turkey I noticed a marked

and rapid alienation of Armenian sentiment from England in favor of

Russia, who now seems to them the only source of succor. _They_ see in

England only a dog in the manger.

There is another sequel to the Berlin Treaty and to the attitude of the

powers, namely, its effect on the Turks themselves. The natural enmity

and contempt of the Moslem rulers and population generally for the

Christian subjects has been greatly increased by reason of the pressure

which foreign Powers have occasionally brought to bear on the Turks in

order to procure relief for the Christian. To be sure the only hope of

such relief is from without. But the pressure should not be of a petty,

nagging and galling nature. This is worse than nothing. _What is needed

is prompt, decisive, and final action._

And things have now arrived at such a pass that in such action lies the

only hope of preventing a terrible catastrophe, which will eclipse even

the massacres of Sassoun. The wheels of progress will not go backward

except as they are broken. The Christians of Armenia can be

exterminated, but it is too late for them to accept slavery or Islam.

They may be slaughtered like sheep, but they will not all die like dogs.

The revolutionary movement, as it is called, is thus far nothing but a

blind turning of the worm. It is ill considered, without resources,

reckless, and foreign to the real spirit, objects, and methods of the

Armenians on Turkish soil. It is not denied that there are a few

Armenians in Europe who, in despair and for lack of better teaching,

have imbibed Nihilistic views and are trying, in a very bungling way, to

apply them. They are hated by the vast majority of Armenians in Turkey.

They are related to the question at issue in the same way and degree as

train wreckers and box-car burners were to the industrial problem during

the riots of Chicago in July last, and deserve the same treatment. The

Turks take great pains to thrust them into public notice, as a cloak for

themselves, and with good success. The Turkish Government and its

partisans, in order to conceal the real character of the massacre in

Sassoun, has made persistent, extensive, and dishonorable use of a

letter by the first President of Robert College, Constantinople, Dr.

Cyrus Hamlin, written December 23, 1894. Dr. Hamlin’s vigorous and

indignant protest may be found in Appendix C.

[Illustration:

ZEIBEK, TURKISH SOLDIER, “IRREGULAR.”

]

The idea of Armenian revolution is a new thing in the history of that

peaceable race, which has quietly submitted for centuries to the yoke of

the Turk. But it is the natural outcome of the horrible situation in

Armenia since the Treaty of Berlin, and the disease is bound to grow

more virulent and contagious until the European doctors apply vigorous

and radical treatment to the “Sick Man.” It is difficult to see how

anything but a surgical operation can be helpful. The knife has

frequently been used in the case of this incurable patient during the

present century, and always with excellent results, as for instance in

the case of Greece, Lebanon, Bulgaria, Boznia-Herzegovina, and Egypt.

A situation in many respects parallel to that in Armenia existed until

lately in Bosnia and Herzegovina. How quickly and completely that

difficult problem has been solved, is narrated by M. de Blowitz in the

October, 1894, issue of _The Nineteenth Century_, from which I condense

in his own words.

“The orders, given after the taking over of the country, to surrender

all arms or to destroy them, was given a sweeping application. Yet,

before the victorious entry of the Austro-Hungarians, each Bosnian each

Herzegovinian, was a walking arsenal.

“To-day weapons and ambuscades are things of the romantic past. Twelve

years have sufficed, under M. de Kallay’s administration, not only to

remove all traces of the wild, inhospitable, inaccessible Bosnia of

which I have been speaking, but indeed and especially to banish even the

memory of those dark days of strenuous battle, and to wipe away from the

hearts of both invader and invaded all traces of the hate which then

animated them. In the year 1882, the superior administration of the two

provinces (Bosnia and Herzegovina) passed into the hands of the Minister

of Finance of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, who was then, and who is

still, M. de Kallay. From this moment all is changed. The powers given

to the new administration are almost unlimited. The civil element has

been substituted for the military element, and pacification has

succeeded conquest. The greatest effort is made to reassure all minds.

Not a single minaret has disappeared, not a _muezzin_ is deprived of his

resources.”

A recent writer wisely says that “the Armenian question, if it ever be

settled at all, must be taken out of the Turk’s hands, whether he like

it or not.... And we have an opportunity now, which may never come our

way again, of settling a difficulty which, if allowed to develop much

longer, will prove more fruitful of mischief than any with which we have

been confronted for a generation or more.”[26]

[Illustration:

TURKISH SOLDIER, “REGULAR.”

]

C. B. Norman, special correspondent of _The London Times_, in his

_Armenia and the Campaign of 1877_[27] wrote words which are even truer

to-day. I condense:

“Naturally, since I have been here I have had many, very many,

opportunities of conversing with Turkish officers and men on the

so-called Eastern Question; and the consequence is that, arriving in the

country a strong philo-Turk, deeply impressed with the necessity of

preserving the ‘integrity of the Empire’ in order to uphold ‘British

interests,’ I now fain would cry with Mr. Freeman: ‘Perish, British

interests, perish our dominion in India, rather than that we should

strike a blow on behalf of the wrong against the right!’[28]

“There is no finer race in the world than the Turk proper. Brave,

honest, industrious, truthful, frugal, kind-hearted, and hospitable, all

who _know_ the Osmanli speak well of him. He is as much oppressed by the

curse of misgovernment as his Christian fellow-subject; and had the

members of the Eastern Question Association as keen a sense of justice

as they have love of writing, they would long ago have obliterated the

word ‘Christian’ from their lengthy documents, and striven to ameliorate

the condition of the lower orders of the subjects of the Porte,

downtrodden as they are by an effete section of the Mohammedan race, who

have degenerated in mind, body, and estate, since coming in contact with

Western civilization.

“I do not for one moment mean to deny that there are honest, energetic

Turks, capable of exercising their talents for their country’s good; but

these men are powerless. The vital powers of the nation are so sapped by

centuries of misrule, the minds of the majority are so imbued with the

belief that all ideas not born of Moslem brains and sanctified by Moslem

usage are false, and to be scorned, that were any honest-minded

gentleman to rise to power, and endeavor to check the present system of

misgovernment, he would not remain in office one week. Captain Gambier’s

able article on the ‘Life of Midhat Pasha’[29] bears me out in this

idea.”

The Armenian Crisis in Turkey The Massacre of 1894, Its Antecedents and Significance, With a Consideration of Some of the Factors Which Enter Into the Solution of This Phase of the Eastern Question · 第 5 / 11 章