gratify the vanity and folly of our women; which, beside the profit to
England, is an unconceivable loss to us; forcing the weavers to beg in
our streets, or transport themselves to foreign countries.
The prodigious loss to us, and gain to England, by selling them all our
wool at their own rates; whereof the manufacture exceeds above ten times
the prime cost: A proceeding without example in the Christian or heathen
world.
Our own wool returned upon us, in English manufactures, to our infinite
shame and damage; and the great advantage of England.
The full profit of all our mines accruing to England; an effect of great
negligence and stupidity.
An affectation among us, of liking all kinds of goods made in England.
NOTE, Many of the above articles have been since particularly computed
by another writer, to whose treatise the reader is referred.[4]
[Footnote 4: The work referred to is "A List of the Absentees of
Ireland, and the yearly value of their estates and Incomes spent
abroad," by Thomas Prior, Esq. Prior was a native of Ireland and the
schoolfellow and life-long friend of Berkeley, the philosopher. In
concert with Samuel Madden and other friends, he founded, in 1731, the
Dublin Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, Manufactures, Arts and
Sciences. This society was the parent of the present Royal Dublin
Society. His "List of the Absentees of Ireland" was published in 1729.
He also issued "Observations on Coin" (1730), and "An Authentic
Narrative of the Success of Tar Water in Curing a great number and
variety of Distempers" (1746), to which Berkeley contributed. [T.S.]]
These and many other articles, which I cannot recollect at present, are
agreed by judicious men to amount to near seven hundred thousand pounds
_per ann_. clear profit to England. And, upon the whole, let any man
look into those authors who write upon the subject of commerce, he shall
find, that there is not one single article in the essentials, or
circumstances of trade, whereby a country can be a loser, which we do
not possess in the highest perfection; somewhat, in every particular,
that bears a kind of analogy to William Wood; and now the branches are
all cut off, he stands ready with his axe at the root.
Upon this subject of perpetual absentees, I have spent some time in very
insignificant reflections; and considering the usual motives of human
actions, which are pleasure, profit, and ambition, I cannot yet
comprehend how those persons find their account in any of the three. I
speak not of those English peers or gentlemen, who, beside their estates
at home, have possessions here; for, in that case, the matter is
desperate; but I mean those lords, and wealthy knights, or squires,
whose birth, and partly their education, and all their fortune (except
some trifle, and that in very few instances) are in this kingdom. I knew
many of them well enough, during several years, when I resided in
England; and truly I could not discover that the figure they made was,
by any means, a subject for envy; at least it gave me two very different
passions: For, excepting the advantage of going now and then to an
opera, or sometimes appearing behind a crowd at Court; or adding to the
ring of coaches in Hyde Park, or losing their money at the Chocolate
House; or getting news, votes, and minutes, about five days before us in
Dublin, I say, besides these, and a few other privileges of less
importance, their temptations to live in London, were beyond my
knowledge or conception. And I used to wonder, how a man of birth and
spirit, could endure to be wholly insignificant and obscure in a foreign
country, when he might live with lustre in his own; and even at less
than half that expense, which he strains himself to make, without
obtaining any one end; except that which happened to the frog when he
would needs contend for size with the ox. I have been told by scholars,
that Caesar said, he would rather be the first man, in I know not what
village, than the second in Rome. This, perhaps, was a thought only fit
for Caesar: But to be preceded by thousands, and neglected by millions;
to be wholly without power, figure, influence, honour, credit, or
distinction, is not, in my poor opinion, a very amiable situation of
life, to a person of title, or wealth, who can so cheaply and easily
shine in his native country.
But, besides the depopulating of the kingdom, the leaving so many parts
of it wild and uncultivated, the ruin of so many country-seats and
plantations, the cutting down all the woods to supply expenses in
England; the absence of so many noble and wealthy persons, hath been the
cause of another fatal consequence, which few perhaps have been aware
of. For if that very considerable number of lords, who possess the
amplest fortunes here, had been content to live at home, and attend the
affairs of their own country in Parliament; the weight, reputation, and
dignity thereby added to that noble House, would, in all human
probability, have prevented certain proceedings, which are now ever to
be lamented; because they never can be remedied: And we might have then
decided our own properties among ourselves, without being forced to
travel five hundred miles by sea and land, to another kingdom, for
justice; to our infinite expense, vexation, and trouble: Which is a mark
of servitude without example, from the practice of any age or nation in
the world.
I have sometimes wondered, upon what motive the peerage of England were
so desirous to determine our controversies; because I have been assured,
and partly know, that the frequent appeals from hence, have been very
irksome to that illustrious body; and whoever hath frequented the
Painted Chamber, and Court of Requests, must have observed, that they
are never so nobly filled, as when an Irish appeal is under debate.
The peers of Scotland, who are very numerous, were content to reside in
their castles and houses, in that bleak and barren climate; and although
some of them made frequent journeys to London, yet I do not remember any
of their greatest families, till very lately, to have made England their
constant habitation, before the Union: Or, if they did, I am sure it was
generally to their own advantage; and whatever they got, was employed to
cultivate and increase their own estates; and by that means enrich
themselves and their country.
As to the great number of rich absentees, under the degree of peers;
what particular ill effects their absence may have upon this kingdom,
besides those already mentioned, may perhaps be too tender a point for
me to touch. But whether those who live in another kingdom, upon great
estates here; and have lost all regards to their own country, further
than upon account of the revenues they receive from it: I say, whether
such persons may not be prevailed on to recommend others to vacant
seats, who have no interest here, except a precarious employment; and
consequently can have no views, but to preserve what they have got, or
to be higher advanced: This, I am sure, is a very melancholy question,
if it be a question at all.
But, besides the prodigious profit which England receives by the
transmittal thither of two-thirds of the revenues of this whole kingdom;
it hath another mighty advantage by making our country a receptacle,
wherein to disburthen themselves of their supernumerary pretenders to
offices; persons of second-rate merit in their own country; who, like
birds of passage, most of them thrive and fatten here, and fly off when
their credit and employments are at an end. So that Ireland may justly
say what Luther said of himself; POOR Ireland maketh many rich.
If amidst all our difficulties, I should venture to assert, that we have
one great advantage, provided we could improve it as we ought; I believe
most of my readers would be long in conjecturing what possible advantage
could ever fall to our share. However, it is certain, that all the
regular seeds of party and faction among us are entirely rooted out, and
if any new ones shall spring up, they must be of equivocal generation,
without any seed at all; and will justly be imputed to a degree of
stupidity beyond even what we have been ever charged with upon the score
of our birth-place and climate.
The parties in this kingdom (including those of modern date) are, First,
of those who have been charged or suspected to favour the Pretender; and
those who were zealous opposers of him. Secondly, of those who were for
and against a toleration of Dissenters by law. Thirdly, of High and Low
Church; or, (to speak in the cant of the times) of Whig and Tory: And,
Fourthly, of court and country. If there be any more, they are beyond my
observation or politics: For as to subaltern or occasional parties, they
have all been derivations from the same originals.
Now, it is manifest, that all these incitements to faction, party, and
division are wholly removed from among us. For, as to the Pretender, his
cause is both desperate and obsolete: There are very few now alive who
were _men_ in his father's time, and in that prince's interest; and in
all others, the obligation of conscience hath no place;[5] even the
Papists in general, of any substance, or estates, and their priests
almost universally, are what we call Whigs in the sense which by that
word is generally understood. They feel the smart, and see the scars of
their former wounds; and very well know, that they must be made a
sacrifice to the least attempts towards a change; although it cannot be
doubted, that they would be glad to have their superstition restored,
under any prince whatsoever.
[Footnote 5: That is to say, they had not sworn any allegiance to him.
[T.S.]]
Secondly, The Dissenters are now tolerated by law; neither do we observe
any murmurs at present from that quarter, except those reasonable
complaints they make of persecution, because they are excluded from
civil employments; but their number being very small in either House of
Parliament, they are not yet in a situation to erect a party: Because,
however indifferent men may be with regard to religion, they are now
grown wise enough to know, that if such a latitude were allowed to
Dissenters; the few small employments left us in cities and
corporations, would find other hands to lay hold on them.
Thirdly, The dispute between High and Low Church is now at an end;
two-thirds of the bishops having been promoted in this reign, and most
of them from England, who have bestowed all preferments in their gift to
those they could well confide in: The deaneries all except three, and
many principal church-livings, are in the donation of the crown: So that
we already possess such a body of clergy as will never engage in
controversy upon that antiquated and exploded subject.
Lastly, As to court and country parties, so famous and avowed under most
reigns in English Parliaments: This kingdom hath not, for several years
past been a proper scene whereon to exercise such contentions; and is
now less proper than ever; many great employments for life being in
distant hands, and the reversions diligently watched and secured; the
temporary ones of any inviting value are all bestowed elsewhere as fast
as they drop; and the few remaining, are of too low consideration to
create contests about them, except among younger brothers, or tradesmen
like myself. And, therefore, to institute a court and country party
without materials, would be a very new system in politics, and what I
believe was never thought on before; nor, unless in a nation of idiots,
can ever succeed. For the most ignorant Irish cottager will not sell his
cow for a groat.
Therefore, I conclude, that all party and faction, with regard to public
proceedings, are now extinguished in this kingdom; neither doth it
appear in view how they can possibly revive; unless some new causes be
administered; which cannot be done without crossing the interests of
those who are greatest gainers by continuing the same measures. And,
general calamities without hope of redress, are allowed to be the great
uniters of mankind.
However we may dislike the causes; yet this effect of begetting an
universal concord among us in all national debates, as well as in
cities, corporations, and country neighbourhoods, may keep us at least
alive, and in a condition to eat the little bread allowed us in peace
and amity. I have heard of a quarrel in a tavern, where all were at
daggers-drawing, till one of the company cried out, desiring to know the
subject of the quarrel; which, when none of them could tell, they put up
their swords, sat down, and passed the rest of the evening in quiet. The
former part hath been our case; I hope the latter will be so too; that
we shall sit down amicably together, at least until we have something
that may give us a title to fall out; since nature hath instructed even
a brood of goslings to stick together while the kite is hovering over
their heads.
It is certain, that a firm union in any country, where every man wishes
the same thing with relation to the public, may, in several points of
the greatest importance, in some measure, supply the defect of power;
and even of those rights which are the natural and undoubted inheritance
of mankind. If the universal wish of the nation upon any point, were
declared by the unanimous vote of the House of Commons, and a reasonable
number of Lords; I should think myself obliged in conscience to act in
my sphere according to that vote; because, in all free nations, I take
the proper definition of law to be the will of the majority of those who
have the property in land; which, if there be a monarchy, is to be
confirmed by the royal assent. And, although such votes or declarations
have not received such a confirmation, for certain accidental reasons;
yet I think they ought to be of much weight with the subject; provided
they neither oppose the King's prerogative, endanger the peace of the
nation, nor infringe any law already in force; none of which, however,
can reasonably be supposed. Thus, for instance, if nine in ten of the
House of Commons, and a reasonable number of native temporal peers,
should declare, that whoever received or uttered brass coin, except
under certain limitations and securities, should be deemed as enemies to
the King and the nation; I should think it a heinous sin in myself to
act contrary to such a vote: And, if the same power should declare the
same censure against those who wore Indian stuffs and calicoes, or
woollen manufactures imported from abroad, whereby this nation is
reduced to the lowest ebb of misery; I should readily, heartily, and
cheerfully pay obedience; and to my utmost power persuade others to do
the like: Because, there is no law of this land obliging us either to
receive such coin, or to wear such foreign manufactures.
Upon this last article, I could humbly wish that the reverend the clergy
would set us an example, by contenting themselves with wearing gowns,
and other habiliments of Irish drapery; which, as it would be some
incitement to the laity, and set many hands to work; so they would find
their advantage in the cheapness; which is a circumstance not to be
neglected by too many among that venerable body.[6] And, in order to
this, I could heartily desire, that the most ingenious artists of the
weaving trade, would contrive some decent stuffs and silks for
clergymen, at reasonable rates.[7]
[Footnote 6: This hath since been put in practice, by the persuasions,
and influence of the supposed author; but much defeated by the most
infamous fraud of shop-keepers. [F.]]
[Footnote 7: This scheme was likewise often urged to the weavers by the
supposed author; but he could never prevail upon them to put it in
practice. [F.]]
I have pressed several of our most substantial brethren, that the whole
corporation of weavers in silk and woollen, would publish some
proposals, (I wish they would do it to both Houses of Parliament)
inviting persons of all degrees, and of both sexes, to wear the woollen
and silk manufactures of our own country; entering into solemn, mutual
engagements, that the buyer shall have good, substantial, merchantable
ware for his money; and at a certain rate, without the trouble of
cheapening: So that, if I sent a child for a piece of stuff of a
particular colour and fineness, I should be sure not to be deceived; or
if I had reason to complain, the corporation should give me immediate
satisfaction; and the name of the tradesman who did me the wrong, should
be published; and warning given not to deal with him for the future;
unless the matter plainly appeared to be a mistake: For, besides the
trouble of going from shop to shop; an ignorant customer runs the hazard
of being cheated in the price and goodness of what he buys; being forced
to an unequal combat with a dexterous, and dishonest man, in his own
calling. Thus our goods fall under a general disreputation; and the
gentry call for English cloth, or silk, from an opinion they have (and
often too justly by our own faults) that the goodness more than makes up
for the difference of price.
Besides, it hath been the sottish and ruinous practice of us tradesmen,
upon any great demand of goods, either at home or from abroad, to raise
the prices immediately, and manufacture the said goods more slightly and
fraudulently than before.
Of this foul and foolish proceeding, too many instances might be
produced; and I cannot forbear mentioning one, whereby this poor kingdom
hath received such a fatal blow in the only article of trade allowed us
of any importance that nothing but the success of Wood's project, could
outdo it. During the late plague in France, the Spaniards, who buy their
linen cloths in that kingdom, not daring to venture thither for fear of
infection; a very great demand was made here for that commodity, and
exported to Spain: But, whether by the ignorance of the merchants, or
dishonesty of the Northern weavers, or the collusion of both; the ware
was so bad, and the price so excessive, that except some small
quantity, which was sold below the prime cost, the greatest part was
returned back: And I have been told by very intelligent persons, that if
we had been fair dealers, the whole current of the linen trade to Spain
would have taken its course from hence.
If any punishment were to be inflicted on numbers of men; surely there
could none be thought too great for such a race of traitors, and enemies
to God and their country; who for the prospect of a little present gain,
do not only ruin themselves, (for that alone would be an example to the
rest, and a blessing to the nation) but sell their souls to hell, and
their country to destruction; And, if the plague could have been
confined only to these who were partakers in the guilt, had it travelled
hither from Marseilles, those wretches would have died with less title
to pity, than a highwayman going to the gallows.
But, it happens very unluckily, that, for some time past, all endeavours
or proposals from private persons, to advance the public service;
however honestly and innocently designed, have been called _flying in
the King's face:_ And this, to my knowledge, hath been the style of some
persons, whose ancestors, (I mean those among them who had any) and
themselves, have been flying in princes' faces these fourscore years;
and from their own inclinations would do so still, if their interest did
not lead them rather to fly in the face of a kingdom; which hath given
them wings to enable them for such a flight.
Thus, about four years ago, when a discourse was published, endeavouring
to persuade our people to wear their own woollen manufactures,[8] full
of the most dutiful expressions to the King, and without the least party
hint; it was termed "flying in the King's face;" the printer was
prosecuted in the manner we all remember; (and, I hope, it will
somewhere be remembered further) the jury kept eleven hours, and sent
back nine times, till they were under the necessity of leaving the
prisoner to the mercy of the court, by a special verdict. The judge on
the bench invoking God for his witness, when he asserted, that the
author's design was to bring in the Pretender.[9]
[Footnote 8: This was Swift's pamphlet entitled, "A Proposal for the
Universal Use of Irish Manufactures." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 9: The action and language of Justice Whitshed. [T.S.]]
And thus also, my own poor endeavours to prevent the ruin of my country,
by the admission of Wood's coin, was called by the same persons, "flying
in the King's face;" which I directly deny: For I cannot allow that
vile representation of the royal countenance in William Wood's
adulterate copper, to be his Sacred Majesty's face; or if it were, my
flying was not against the impression, but the baseness of the metal;
because I well remembered; that the image which Nebuchadnezzar
"commanded to be set up, for all men to fall down and worship it," was
not of _copper_, but pure _gold_. And I am heartily sorry, we have so
few royal images of that metal among us; the sight whereof, although it
could hardly increase our veneration for His Majesty, which is already
so great; yet would very much enliven it with a mixture of comfort and
satisfaction.
Alexander the Great, would suffer no statuary, except Phidias, to carve
his image in stone or metal. How must he have treated such an operator
as Wood, who goes about with sackfuls of dross; odiously misrepresenting
his Prince's countenance; and would force them, by thousands, upon every
one of us, at above six times the value.
But, notwithstanding all that hath been objected by William Wood
himself; together with his favourers, abettors, supporters, either
public or private; by those who connive at his project, or discourage
and discountenance his opposers, for fear of lessening their favour, or
hazarding their employments; by those who endeavour to damp the spirit
of the people raised against this coin; or check the honest zeal of such
as by their writings, or discourses, do all they can to keep it up:
Those softeners, sweeteners, compounders; and expedient-mongers, who
shake their heads so strongly, that we can hear their pockets jingle; I
did never imagine, that, in detecting the practices of such enemies to
the kingdom, I was "flying in the King's face"; or thought they were
better representers of His Majesty, than that very coin, for which they
are secret or open advocates.
If I were allowed to recite only those wishes of the nation, which may
be in our power to attain; I think they might be summed up in these few
following.
First, That an end might be put to our apprehensions of Wood's
halfpence, and to any danger of the like destructive scheme for the
future.
Secondly; That halfpence might be coined in this kingdom, by a public
mint, with due limitations.
Thirdly, That the sense of both Houses of Parliament, at least of the
House of Commons, were declared by some unanimous and hearty votes,
against wearing any silk or woollen manufactures, imported from abroad,
as likewise against wearing Indian silks or calicoes, which are
forbidden under the highest penalties in England: And it behoves us, to
take example from so wise a nation; because we are under a greater
necessity to do so, since we are not allowed to export any woollen
manufactures of our own; which is the principal branch of foreign trade
in England.
Fourthly, That some effectual methods may be taken to civilize the
poorer sort of our natives, in all those parts of this kingdom where the
Irish abound; by introducing among them our language and customs; for
want of which they live in the utmost ignorance, barbarity and poverty;
giving themselves wholly up to idleness, nastiness, and thievery, to the
very great and just reproach of too many landlords. And, if I had in me
the least spirit of a projector, I would engage that this might be
effected in a few years, at a very inconsiderable charge.[10]