ed. 1800), where Wood is blamed for his indiscretion on this matter. See
also note prefixed to the Drapier's First Letter in the present edition.
[T.S.]]
Thus I have sufficiently justified the people of Ireland, from learning
any bad lessons out of the Drapier's pamphlets, with regard to His
Majesty and his ministers: And, therefore, if those papers were intended
to sow sedition among us, God be thanked, the seeds have fallen upon a
very improper soil.
As to alienating the affections of the people of England and Ireland
from each other; I believe, the Drapier, whatever his intentions were,
hath left that matter just as he found it.
I have lived long in both kingdoms, as well in country as in town; and
therefore, take myself to be as well informed as most men, in the
dispositions of each people toward the other. By the people, I
understand here, only the bulk of the common people; and I desire no
lawyer may distort or extend my meaning.
There is a vein of industry and parsimony, that runs through the whole
people of England; which, added to the easiness of their rents, makes
them rich and sturdy. As to Ireland, they know little more than they do
of Mexico; further than that it is a country subject to the King of
England, full of bogs, inhabited by wild Irish Papists; who are kept in
awe by mercenary troops sent from thence: And their general opinion is,
that it were better for England if this whole island were sunk into the
sea; for, they have a tradition, that every forty years there must be a
rebellion in Ireland. I have seen the grossest suppositions pass upon
them; "that the wild Irish were taken in toils; but that, in some time,
they would grow so tame, as to eat out of your hands:" I have been
asked by hundreds, and particularly by my neighbours, your tenants, at
Pepper-harrow; "whether I had come from Ireland by sea:" And, upon the
arrival of an Irishman to a country town, I have known crowds coming
about him, and wondering to see him look so much better than themselves.
A gentleman now in Dublin, affirms, "that passing some months ago
through Northampton, and finding the whole town in a flurry, with bells,
bonfires, and illuminations, upon asking the cause, was told, it was for
joy, that the Irish had submitted to receive Wood's halfpence." This, I
think, plainly shews what sentiments that large town hath of us; and how
little they made it their own case; although they be directly in our way
to London, and therefore, cannot but be frequently convinced that we
have human shapes.
As to the people of this kingdom, they consist either of Irish Papists;
who are as inconsiderable, in point of power, as the women and children;
or of English Protestants, who love their brethren of that kingdom;
although they may possibly sometimes complain, when they think they are
hardly used: However, I confess, I do not see any great consequence, how
their personal affections stand to each other, while the sea divides
them, and while they continue in their loyalty to the same prince. And
yet, I will appeal to you; whether those from England have reason to
complain, when they come hither in pursuit of their fortunes? Or,
whether the people of Ireland have reason to boast, when they go to
England on the same design?
My second proposition was, that we of Ireland are a free people: This, I
suppose, you will allow; at least, with certain limitations remaining in
your own breast. However, I am sure it is not criminal to affirm;
because the words "liberty" and "property," as applied to the subject,
are often mentioned in both houses of Parliament, as well as in yours,
and other courts below; from whence it must follow, that the people of
Ireland do, or ought to enjoy all the benefits of the common and statute
law; such as to be tried by juries, to pay no money without their own
consent, as represented in Parliament; and the like. If this be so, and
if it be universally agreed, that a free people cannot, by law, be
compelled to take any money in payment, except gold and silver; I do
not see why any man should be hindered from cautioning his countrymen
against this coin of William Wood; who is endeavouring by fraud to rob
us of that property, which the laws have secured. If I am mistaken, and
that this copper can be obtruded on us; I would put the Drapier's case
in another light, by supposing, that a person going into his shop,
should agree for thirty shillings' worth of goods, and force the seller
to take his payment in a parcel of copper pieces, intrinsically not
worth above a crown: I desire to know, whether the Drapier would not be
actually robbed of five and twenty shillings, and how far he could be
said to be master of his property? The same question may be applied to
rents and debts, on bond or mortgage, and to all kind of commerce
whatsoever.
Give me leave to do what the Drapier hath done more than once before me;
which is, to relate the naked fact, as it stands in the view of the
world.
One William Wood, Esq; and hardware-man, obtains, by fraud, a patent in
England, to coin 108,000_l._ in copper, to pass in Ireland, leaving us
liberty to take, or to refuse. The people here, in all sorts of bodies
and representatives, do openly and heartily declare, that they will not
accept this coin: To justify these declarations, they generally offer
two reasons; first, because by the words of the patent, they are left to
their own choice: And secondly, because they are not obliged by law: So
that here you see there is, _bellum atgue virum_, a kingdom on one side,
and William Wood on the other. And if Mr. Wood gets the victory, at the
expense of Ireland's ruin, and the profit of one or two hundred thousand
pounds (I mean by continuing, and counterfeiting as long as he lives)
for himself; I doubt, both present and future ages will, at least, think
it a very singular scheme.
If this fact be truly stated; I must confess, I look upon it as my duty,
so far as God hath enabled me, and as long as I keep within the bounds
of truth, of duty, and of decency, to warn my fellow-subjects, as they
value their King, their country, and all that ought or can be dear to
them, never to admit this pernicious coin; no not so much as one single
halfpenny. For, if one single thief forces the door, it is in vain to
talk of keeping out the whole crew behind.
And, while I shall be thus employed, I will never give myself leave to
suppose, that what I say can either offend my Lord Lieutenant; whose
person and great qualities I have always highly respected; (as I am sure
his excellency will be my witness) or the ministers in England, with
whom I have nothing to do, or they with me; much less the Privy-council
here, who, as I am informed, did send an address to His Majesty against
Mr. Wood's coin; which, if it be a mistake, I desire I may not be
accused for a spreader of false news: But, I confess, I am so great a
stranger to affairs, that for anything I know, the whole body of the
council may since have been changed: And, although I observed some of
the very same names in a late declaration against that coin, which I saw
subscribed to the proclamation against the Drapier; yet possibly they
may be different persons; for they are utterly unknown to me, and are
like to continue so.
In this controversy, where the reasoners on each side are divided by St.
George's Channel, His Majesty's prerogative, perhaps, would not have
been mentioned; if Mr. Wood, and his advocates, had not made it
necessary, by giving out, that the currency of his coin should be
enforced by a proclamation. The traders and common people of the
kingdom, were heartily willing to refuse this coin; but the fear of a
proclamation brought along with it most dreadful apprehensions. It was
therefore, absolutely necessary for the Drapier, to remove this
difficulty; and accordingly, in one of his former pamphlets, he hath
produced invincible arguments, (wherever he picked them up) that the
King's prerogative was not at all concerned in the matter; since the law
had sufficiently provided against any coin to be imposed upon the
subject, except gold and silver; and that copper is not money, but as it
hath been properly called _nummorum famulus_.
The three former letters from the Drapier, having not received any
public censure, I look upon them to be without exception; and that the
good people of the kingdom ought to read them often, in order to keep up
that spirit raised against this destructive coin of Mr. Wood: As for
this last letter, against which a proclamation is issued; I shall only
say, that I could wish it were stripped of all that can be any way
exceptionable; which I would not think it below me to undertake, if my
abilities were equal; but being naturally somewhat slow of
comprehension; no lawyer, and apt to believe the best of those who
profess good designs, without any visible motive either of profit or
honour; I might pore for ever, without distinguishing the cockle from
the corn.
That which, I am told, gives greatest offence in this last letter, is
where the Drapier affirms; "that if a rebellion should prove so
successful, as to fix the Pretender on the throne of England, he would
venture so far to transgress the Irish statute, (which unites Ireland to
England under one King) as to lose every drop of his blood, to hinder
him from being King of Ireland."
I shall not presume to vindicate any man, who openly declares he would
transgress a statute; and a statute of such importance: But, with the
most humble submission, and desire of pardon for a very innocent
mistake, I should be apt to think that the loyal intention of the
writer, might be at least some small extenuation of his crime. For, in
this I confess myself to think with the Drapier.
I have not hitherto been told of any other objections against that
pamphlet; but, I suppose, they will all appear at the prosecution of the
Drapier. And, I think, whoever in his own conscience believes the said
pamphlet to be "wicked and malicious, seditious and scandalous, highly
reflecting upon His Majesty and his ministers, &c." would do well to
discover the author, (as little a friend as I am to the trade of
informers) although the reward of 300_l_. had not been tacked to the
discovery. I own, it would be a great satisfaction to me, to hear the
arguments not only of judges, but of lawyers, upon this case. Because,
you cannot but know, there often happens occasions, wherein it would be
very convenient, that the bulk of the people should be informed how they
ought to conduct themselves; and therefore, it hath been the wisdom of
the English Parliaments, to be very reserved in limiting the press. When
a bill is debating in either House of Parliament there, nothing is more
usual, than to have the controversy handled by pamphlets on both sides;
without the least animadversion upon the authors.
So here, in the case of Mr. Wood and his coin; since the two Houses
gave their opinion by addresses, how dangerous the currency of that
copper would be to Ireland; it was, without all question, both lawful
and convenient, that the bulk of the people should be let more
particularly into the nature of the danger they were in; and of the
remedies that were in their own power, if they would have the sense to
apply them; and this cannot be more conveniently done, than by
particular persons, to whom God hath given zeal and understanding
sufficient for such an undertaking. Thus it happened in the case of that
destructive project for a bank in Ireland, which was brought into
Parliament a few years ago; and it was allowed, that the arguments and
writings of some without doors, contributed very much to reject it.[11]
[Footnote 11: Swift himself assisted in writing against this
"destructive project" in a series of pamphlets (see vol. vii.). The
arguments for and against the bank were thoroughly discussed by Hercules
Rowley and Henry Maxwell in a series of controversial letters against
each other. [T.S.]]
Now, I should be heartily glad if some able lawyers would prescribe the
limits, how far a private man may venture in delivering his thoughts
upon public matters: Because a true lover of his country, may think it
hard to be a quiet stander-by, and an indolent looker-on, while a public
error prevails; by which a whole nation may be ruined. Every man who
enjoys property, hath some share in the public; and therefore, the care
of the public is, in some degree, every such man's concern.
To come to particulars, I could wish to know, Whether it be utterly
unlawful in any writer so much as to mention the prerogative; at least
so far as to bring it into doubt, upon any point whatsoever? I know it
is often debated in Westminster-hall; and Sir Edward Coke, as well as
other eminent lawyers, do frequently handle that subject in their books.
Secondly, How far the prerogative extends to force coin upon the
subject, which is not sterling; such as lead, brass, copper, mixt metal,
shells, leather, or any other material; and fix upon it whatever
denomination the crown shall think fit?
Thirdly, What is really and truly meant by that phrase of "a depending
kingdom," as applied to Ireland; and wherein that dependency consisteth?
Lastly, In what points relating to liberty and property, the people of
Ireland differ, or at least ought to differ, from those of England?
If these particulars were made so clear, that none could mistake them,
it would be of infinite ease and use to the kingdom; and either prevent
or silence all discontents.
My Lord Somers, the greatest man I ever knew of your robe; and whose
thoughts of Ireland differed as far as heaven and earth, from those of
some others among his brethren here; lamented to me, that the
prerogative of the Crown, or the privileges of Parliament, should ever
be liable to dispute, in any single branch of either; by which means, he
said, the public often suffered great inconveniences; whereof he gave me
several instances. I produce the authority of so eminent a person, to
justify my desires, that some high points might be cleared.
For want of such known ascertainment, how far a writer may proceed in
expressing his good wishes for his country; a person of the most
innocent intentions, may possibly, by the oratory and comments of
lawyers, be charged with many crimes, which from his very soul he
abhors; and consequently may be ruined in his fortunes, and left to rot
among thieves in some stinking jail; merely for mistaking the purlieus
of the law. I have known, in my lifetime, a printer prosecuted and
convicted, for publishing a pamphlet; where the author's intentions, I
am confident, were as good and innocent, as those of a martyr at his
last prayers.[12] I did very lately, as I thought it my duty, preach to
the people under my inspection, upon the subject of Mr. Wood's coin; and
although I never heard that my sermon gave the least offence, as I am
sure none was intended; yet, if it were now printed and published, I
cannot say, I would ensure it from the hands of the common hangman; or
my own person from those of a messenger.[13]
[Footnote 12: Supposed to be "A proposal for the universal use of Irish
manufactures," written by the author. [F.]]
[Footnote 13: The reference here is to Swift's sermon on "Doing Good."
See Swift's Works, vol. iv., p. 181, present edition. [T.S.]]
I have heard the late Chief Justice Holt[14]affirm, that in all criminal
cases, the most favourable interpretation should be put upon words, that
they can possibly bear. You meet the same position asserted in many
trials, for the greatest crimes; though often very ill practised, by the
perpetual corruption of judges. And I remember, at a trial in Kent,
where Sir George Rook[15] was indicted for calling a gentleman knave and
villain; the lawyer for the defendant brought off his client, by
alleging, that the words were not injurious; for, _knave_ in the old and
true signification, imported only a servant; and _villain_ in Latin, is
_villicus_; which is no more than a man employed in country labour; or
rather a bailiff.
[Footnote 14: Sir John Holt (1642-1710) held the recordership of London,
in 1685, and was appointed Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench in
1688. In the celebrated case, Ashby _v._. White, Holt strongly upheld
the rights of the voter as against the House of Commons. He was
distinguished, in his time, for the fair and impartial hearing he always
accorded a prisoner, and he even personally assisted the accused in
cases where the law did not allow him to be represented by counsel. Many
of Holt's opinions did become "standard maxims." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 15: Admiral Sir George Rooke (1650-1709), who, with
Rear-Admiral Byng, captured Gibraltar in 1704. [T.S.]]
If Sir John Holt's opinion were a standard maxim for all times and
circumstances, any writer, with a very small measure of discretion,
might easily be safe; but, I doubt, in practice it hath been frequently
controlled, at least before his time; for I take it to be an old rule in
law.
I have read, or heard, a passage of Signor Leti, an Italian; who being
in London, busying himself with writing the History of England, told
King Charles the Second, that he endeavoured as much as he could to
avoid giving offence, but found it a thing impossible; although he
should have been as wise as Solomon: The King answered, that if this
were the case, he had better employ his time in writing proverbs as
Solomon did: But Leti lay under no public necessity of writing; neither
would England have been one halfpenny the better, or the worse, whether
he writ or no.
This I mention, because I know it will readily be objected, "What have
private men to do with the public? What call had a Drapier to turn
politician, to meddle in matters of state? Would not his time have been
better employed in looking to his shop; or his pen in writing proverbs,
elegies, ballads, garlands, and wonders? He would then have been out of
all danger of proclamations, and prosecutions. Have we not able
magistrates and counsellors hourly watching over the public weal?" All
this may be true: And yet, when the addresses from both Houses of
Parliament, against Mr. Wood's halfpence, failed of success; if some pen
had not been employed, to inform the people how far they might legally
proceed, in refusing that coin, to detect the fraud, the artifice, and
insolence of the coiner; and to lay open the most ruinous consequences
to the whole kingdom; which would inevitably follow from the currency of
the said coin; I might appeal to many hundred thousand people, whether
any one of them would ever have had the courage or sagacity to refuse
it.
If this copper should begin to make its way among the common, ignorant
people, we are inevitably undone; it is they who give us the greatest
apprehension, being easily frighted, and greedy to swallow
misinformations: For, if every man were wise enough to understand his
own interest, which is every man's principal study, there would be no
need of pamphlets upon this occasion. But, as things stand, I have
thought it absolutely necessary, from my duty to God, my King, and my
country, to inform the people, that the proclamation lately issued
against the Drapier, doth not in the least affect the case of Mr. Wood
and his coin; but only refers to certain paragraphs in the Drapier's
last pamphlet, (not immediately relating to his subject, nor at all to
the merits of the cause,) which the government was pleased to dislike;
so that any man has the same liberty to reject, to write, and to declare
against this coin, which he had before: Neither is any man obliged to
believe, that those honourable persons (whereof you are the first) who
signed that memorable proclamation against the Drapier, have at all
changed their opinions, with regard to Mr. Wood or his coin.
Therefore concluding myself to be thus far upon a safe and sure foot; I
shall continue, upon any proper occasion, as God enables me, to revive
and preserve that spirit raised in the nation, (whether the real author
were a real Drapier or no is little to the purpose) against this horrid
design of Mr. Wood; at the same time carefully watching every stroke of
my pen, and venturing only to incur the public censure of the world as a
writer; not of my Lord Chief Justice Whitshed, as a criminal. Whenever
an order shall come out by authority, forbidding all men upon the
highest penalties, to offer anything in writing or discourse against
Mr. Wood's halfpence; I shall certainly submit. However, if that should
happen, I am determined to be somewhat more than the last man in the
kingdom to receive them; because I will never receive them at all: For,
although I know how to be silent; I have not yet learned to pay active
obedience against my conscience, and the public safety.
I desire to put a case, which I think the Drapier, in some of his books,
hath put before me; although not so fully as it requires.
You know the copper halfpence in England are coined by the public; and
every piece worth pretty tolerably near the value of the copper. Now
suppose, that, instead of the public coinage, a patent had been granted
to some private, obscure person, for coining a proportionable quantity
of copper in that kingdom, to what Mr. Wood is preparing in this; and
all of it at least five times below the intrinsic value: The current
money of England is reckoned to be twenty millions; and ours under five
hundred thousand pounds: By this computation, as Mr. Wood hath power to
give us 108,000 pound; so the patentee in England, by the same
proportion, might circulate four millions three hundred and twenty
thousand pounds; besides as much more by stealth and counterfeits: I
desire to know from you, whether the Parliament might not have addressed
upon such an occasion; what success they probably would have had; and
how many Drapiers would have risen to pester the world with pamphlets:
Yet that kingdom would not be so great a sufferer as ours in the like
case; because their cash would not be conveyed into foreign countries,
but lie hid in the chests of cautious, thrifty men, until better times.
Then I desire, for the satisfaction of the public, that you will please
to inform me why this country is treated in so very different a manner,
in a point of such high importance; whether it be on account of
Poining's act; of subordination; dependence; or any other term of art;
which I shall not contest, but am too dull to understand.
I am very sensible, that the good or ill success of Mr. Wood, will
affect you less than any person of consequence in the kingdom; because I
hear you are so prudent as to make all your purchases in England; and
truly so would I, if I had money, although I were to pay a hundred
years' purchase; because I should be glad to possess a freehold that
could not be taken from me by any law to which I did not give my own
consent; and where I should never be in danger of receiving my rents in
mixed copper, at the loss of sixteen shillings in the pound. You can
live in ease and plenty at Pepper-harrow, in Surrey; and therefore I
thought it extremely generous and public-spirited in you to be of the
kingdom's side in this dispute, by shewing, without reserve, your
disapprobation of Mr. Wood's design; at least if you have been so frank
to others as you were to me; which indeed I could not but wonder at,
considering how much we differ in other points; and therefore I could
get but few believers, when I attempted to justify you in this article
from your own words.