Armagh, August 31st, 1724. He had been a fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford, and had served the King as chaplain in Hanover, in 1719. In this
latter year he was promoted to the Bishopric of Bristol, and the Deanery
of Christ Church, Oxford. His appointment as Primate of Ireland, was in
accordance with Walpole's plan for governing Ireland from England.
Walpole had no love for Carteret, and no faith in his power or
willingness to aid him in his policy. Indeed, Carteret was sent to
Ireland to be got out of the way. He was governor nominally; the real
governor being Walpole in the person of the new Primate. What were
Boulter's instructions may be gathered from the manner in which he
carried out his purpose. Of a strong character and of untiring energy,
Boulter set about his work in a fashion which showed that Walpole had
chosen well. Nothing of any importance that transpired in Ireland, no
fact of any interest about the individuals in office, no movement of any
suspected or suspicious person escaped his vigilance. His letters
testify to an unabating zeal for the English government of Irish affairs
by Englishmen in the English interest. His perseverance knew no
obstacles; he continued against all difficulties in his dogged and yet
able manner to establish some order out of the chaos of Ireland's
condition. But his government was the outcome of a profound conviction
that only in the interest of England should Ireland be governed. If
Ireland could be made prosperous and contented, so much more good would
accrue to England. But that prosperity and that contentment had nothing
whatever to do with safeguarding Irish institutions, or recognizing the
rights of the Irish people. If he gave way to popular opinion at all, it
was because it was either expedient or beneficial to the English
interest. If he urged, as he did, the founding of Protestant Charter
schools, it was because this would strengthen the English power. To
preserve that he obtained the enactment of a statute which excluded
Roman Catholics from the legal profession and the offices of legal
administration; and another act of his making actually disfranchised
them altogether. Boulter was also a member of the Irish Privy Council,
and Lord Justice of Ireland. The latter office he held under the
vice-regencies of Carteret, Dorset and Devonshire. His secretary,
Ambrose Philips, had been connected with him, in earlier years, in
contributing to a periodical entitled, "The Free Thinker," which
appeared in 1718. Philips, in 1769, supervised the publication of
Boulter's "Letters," which were published at Oxford. [T.S.]]
Another slander spread by Wood and his emissaries is, that by opposing
him we discover an inclination to "shake off our dependence upon the
crown of England." Pray observe how important a person is this same
William Wood, and how the public weal of two kingdoms is involved in
his private interest. First, all those who refuse to take his coin are
Papists; for he tells us that "none but Papists are associated against
him;" Secondly, they "dispute the King's prerogative;" Thirdly, "they
are ripe for rebellion," and Fourthly, they are going to "shake off
their dependence upon the crown of England;" That is to say, "they are
going to choose another king;" For there can be no other meaning in this
expression, however some may pretend to strain it.
And this gives me an opportunity of explaining, to those who are
ignorant, another point, which hath often swelled in my breast. Those
who come over hither to us from England, and some weak people among
ourselves, whenever in discourse we make mention of liberty and
property, shake their heads, and tell us, that Ireland is a "depending
kingdom," as if they would seem, by this phrase, to intend that the
people of Ireland is in some state of slavery or dependence different
from those of England; Whereas a "depending kingdom" is a modern term of
art, unknown, as I have heard, to all ancient civilians, and writers
upon government; and Ireland is on the contrary called in some statutes
an "imperial crown," as held only from God; which is as high a style as
any kingdom is capable of receiving. Therefore by this expression, a
"depending kingdom," there is no more understood than that by a statute
made here in the 33d year of Henry 8th. "The King and his successors are
to be kings imperial of this realm as united and knit to the imperial
crown of England." I have looked over all the English and Irish statutes
without finding any law that makes Ireland depend upon England, any more
than England does upon Ireland. We have indeed obliged ourselves to have
the same king with them, and consequently they are obliged to have the
same king with us. For the law was made by our own Parliament, and our
ancestors then were not such fools (whatever they were in the preceding
reign) to bring themselves under I know not what dependence, which is
now talked of without any ground of law, reason or common sense.[18]
[Footnote 18: This was the passage selected by the government upon which
to found its prosecution. As Sir Walter Scott points out, it "contains
the pith and essence of the whole controversy." [T.S.]]
Let whoever think otherwise, I M.B. Drapier, desire to be excepted,[19]
for I declare, next under God, I _depend_ only on the King my sovereign,
and on the laws of my own country; and I am so far from _depending_ upon
the people of England, that if they should ever rebel against my
sovereign (which God forbid) I would be ready at the first command from
His Majesty to take arms against them, as some of _my_ countrymen did
against _theirs_ at Preston. And if such a rebellion should prove so
successful as to fix the Pretender on the throne of England, I would
venture to transgress that statute so far as to lose every drop of my
blood to hinder him from being King of Ireland.[20]
[Footnote 19: For a humorous story which accounts for Swift's use of the
words "desire to be excepted," see the Drapier's sixth letter. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 20: Great offence was taken at this paragraph. Swift refers to
it again in his sixth letter. Sir Henry Craik, in his "Life of Jonathan
Swift" (vol. ii., p. 74), has an acute note on this paragraph, and the
one already alluded to in the sixth letter. I take the liberty of
transcribing it: "The manoeuvre by which Swift managed to associate a
suspicion of Jacobitism with his opponents, is one peculiarly
characteristic; and so is the skill with which, in the next letter, he
meets the objections to this paragraph, by half offering an extent of
submission that might equally be embarrassing--a submission even to
Jacobitism, if Jacobitism were to become strong enough. He does not
commit himself, however: he fears a 'spiteful interpretation.' In short,
he places the English Cabinet on the horns of a dilemma. 'Am I to resist
Jacobitism? Then what becomes of your doctrine of Ireland's dependency?'
or, 'Am I to become a Jacobite, if England bids me? Then what becomes of
your Protestant succession? Must even that give way to your desire to
tyrannize?'" [T.S.]]
'Tis true indeed, that within the memory of man, the Parliaments of
England have sometimes assumed the power of binding this kingdom by laws
enacted there,[21] wherein they were at first openly opposed (as far as
truth, reason and justice are capable of opposing) by the famous Mr.
Molineux,[22] an English gentleman born here, as well as by several of
the greatest patriots, and best Whigs in England; but the love and
torrent of power prevailed. Indeed the arguments on both sides were
invincible. For in reason, all government without the consent of the
governed is the very definition of slavery: But in fact, eleven men well
armed will certainly subdue one single man in his shirt. But I have
done. For those who have used power to cramp liberty have gone so far as
to resent even the liberty of complaining, although a man upon the rack
was never known to be refused the liberty of roaring as loud as he
thought fit.
[Footnote 21: Particularly in the reign of William III., when this
doctrine of English supremacy was assumed, in order to discredit the
authority of the Irish Parliament summoned by James II. [S.]
See note on Poyning's Law, p. 77. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 22: See note on p. 167. [T.S.]]
And as we are apt to sink too much under unreasonable fears, so we are
too soon inclined to be raised by groundless hopes (according to the
nature of all consumptive bodies like ours) thus, it hath been given
about for several days past, that somebody in England empowered a second
somebody to write to a third somebody here to assure us, that we "should
no more be troubled with those halfpence." And this is reported to have
been done by the same person, who was said to have sworn some months
ago, that he would "ram them down our throats" (though I doubt they
would stick in our stomachs) but whichever of these reports is true or
false, it is no concern of ours. For in this point we have nothing to do
with English ministers, and I should be sorry it lay in their power to
redress this grievance or to enforce it: For the "Report of the
Committee" hath given me a surfeit. The remedy is wholly in your own
hands, and therefore I have digressed a little in order to refresh and
continue that spirit so seasonably raised amongst you, and to let you
see that by the laws of GOD, of NATURE, of NATIONS, and of your own
COUNTRY, you ARE and OUGHT to be as FREE a people as your brethren in
England.
If the pamphlets published at London by Wood and his journeymen in
defence of his cause, were reprinted here, and that our countrymen could
be persuaded to read them, they would convince you of his wicked design
more than all I shall ever be able to say. In short I make him a perfect
saint in comparison of what he appears to be from the writings of those
whom he hires to justify his project. But he is so far master of the
field (let others guess the reason) that no London printer dare publish
any paper written in favour of Ireland, and here nobody hath yet been so
bold as to publish anything in favour of him.
There was a few days ago a pamphlet sent me of near 50 pages written in
favour of Mr. Wood and his coinage, printed in London; it is not worth
answering, because probably it will never be published here: But it gave
me an occasion to reflect upon an unhappiness we lie under, that the
people of England are utterly ignorant of our case, which however is no
wonder, since it is a point they do not in the least concern themselves
about, farther than perhaps as a subject of discourse in a coffee-house
when they have nothing else to talk of. For I have reason to believe
that no minister ever gave himself the trouble of reading any papers
written in our defence, because I suppose their opinions are already
determined, and are formed wholly upon the reports of Wood and his
accomplices; else it would be impossible that any man could have the
impudence to write such a pamphlet as I have mentioned.
Our neighbours whose understandings are just upon a level with ours
(which perhaps are none of the brightest) have a strong contempt for
most nations, but especially for Ireland: They look upon us as a sort of
savage Irish, whom our ancestors conquered several hundred years ago,
and if I should describe the Britons to you as they were in Caesar's
time, when they painted their bodies, or clothed themselves with the
skins of beasts, I would act full as reasonably as they do: However they
are so far to be excused in relation to the present subject, that,
hearing only one side of the cause, and having neither opportunity nor
curiosity to examine the other, they believe a lie merely for their
ease, and conclude, because Mr. Wood pretends to have power, he hath
also reason on his side.
Therefore to let you see how this case is represented in England by Wood
and his adherents, I have thought it proper to extract out of that
pamphlet a few of those notorious falsehoods in point of fact and
reasoning contained therein; the knowledge whereof will confirm my
countrymen in their own right sentiments, when they will see by
comparing both, how much their enemies are in the wrong.
First, The writer, positively asserts, "That Wood's halfpence were
current among us for several months with the universal approbation of
all people, without one single gainsayer, and we all to a man thought
ourselves happy in having them."
Secondly, He affirms, "That we were drawn into a dislike of them only by
some cunning evil-designing men among us, who opposed this patent of
Wood to get another for themselves."
Thirdly, That "those who most declared at first against Wood's patent
were the very men who intended to get another for their own advantage."
Fourthly, That "our Parliament and Privy-council, the Lord Mayor and
aldermen of Dublin, the grand juries and merchants, and in short the
whole kingdom, nay the very dogs" (as he expresseth it) "were fond of
those halfpence, till they were inflamed by those few designing persons
aforesaid."
Fifthly, He says directly, That "all those who opposed the halfpence
were Papists and enemies to King George."
Thus far I am confident the most ignorant among you can safely swear
from your own knowledge that the author is a most notorious liar in
every article; the direct contrary being so manifest to the whole
kingdom, that if occasion required, we might get it confirmed under five
hundred thousand hands.
Sixthly, He would persuade us, that "if we sell five shillings worth of
our goods or manufactures for two shillings and fourpence worth of
copper, although the copper were melted down, and that we could get five
shillings in gold or silver for the said goods, yet to take the said two
shillings and fourpence in copper would be greatly for our advantage."
And Lastly, He makes us a very fair offer, as empowered by Wood, that
"if we will take off two hundred thousand pounds in his halfpence for
our goods, and likewise pay him three _per cent_. interest for thirty
years, for an hundred and twenty thousand pounds (at which he computes
the coinage above the intrinsic value of the copper) for the loan of his
coin, he, will after that time give us good money for what halfpence
will be then left."
Let me place this offer in as clear a light as I can to shew the
unsupportable villainy and impudence of that incorrigible wretch. First
(says he) "I will send two hundred thousand pounds of my coin into your
country, the copper I compute to be in real value eighty thousand
pounds, and I charge you with an hundred and twenty thousand pounds for
the coinage; so that you see I lend you an hundred and twenty thousand
pounds for thirty years, for which you shall pay me three _per cent_.
That is to say three thousand six hundred pounds _per ann_. which in
thirty years will amount to an hundred and eight thousand pounds. And
when these thirty years are expired, return me my copper and I will give
you good money for it."
This is the proposal made to us by Wood in that pamphlet written by one
of his commissioners; and the author is supposed to be the same infamous
Coleby one of his under-swearers at the committee of council, who was
tried for robbing the treasury here, where he was an under-clerk.[23]
[Footnote 23: See note on p. 61. [T.S.]]
By this proposal he will first receive two hundred thousand pounds, in
goods or sterling for as much copper as he values at eighty thousand
pounds, but in reality not worth thirty thousand pounds. Secondly, He
will receive for interest an hundred and eight thousand pounds. And when
our children came thirty years hence to return his halfpence upon his
executors (for before that time he will be probably gone to his own
place) those executors will very reasonably reject them as raps and
counterfeits, which probably they will be, and millions of them of his
own coinage.
Methinks I am fond of such a dealer as this who mends every day upon our
hands, like a Dutch reckoning, where if you dispute the unreasonableness
and exorbitance of the bill, the landlord shall bring it up every time
with new additions.
Although these and the like pamphlets published by Wood in London be
altogether unknown here, where nobody could read them without as much
indignation as contempt would allow, yet I thought it proper to give you
a specimen how the man employs his time, where he rides alone without
one creature to contradict him, while our FEW FRIENDS there wonder at
our silence, and the English in general, if they think of this matter at
all, impute our refusal to wilfulness or disaffection, just as Wood and
his hirelings are pleased to represent.
But although our arguments are not suffered to be printed in England,
yet the consequence will be of little moment. Let Wood endeavour to
persuade the people there that we ought to receive his coin, and let me
convince our people here that they ought to reject it under pain of our
utter undoing. And then let him do his best and his worst.
Before I conclude, I must beg leave in all humility to tell Mr. Wood,
that he is guilty of great indiscretion, by causing so honourable a name
as that of Mr. Walpole to be mentioned so often, and in such a manner,
upon his occasion: A short paper printed at Bristol and reprinted here
reports Mr. Wood to say, that he "wonders at the impudence and insolence
of the Irish in refusing his coin, and what he will do when Mr. Walpole
comes to town." Where, by the way, he is mistaken, for it is the true
English people of Ireland who refuse it, although we take it for granted
that the Irish will do so too whenever they are asked. He orders it to
be printed in another paper, that "Mr. Walpole will cram this brass down
our throats:" Sometimes it is given out that we must "either take these
halfpence or eat our brogues," And, in another newsletter but of
yesterday, we read that the same great man "hath sworn to make us
swallow his coin in fire-balls."
This brings to my mind the known story of a Scotchman, who receiving
sentence of death, with all the circumstances of hanging, beheading,
quartering, embowelling and the like, cried out, "What need all this
COOKERY?" And I think we have reason to ask the same question; for if we
believe Wood, here is a dinner getting ready for us, and you see the
bill of fare, and I am sorry the drink was forgot, which might easily be
supplied with melted lead and flaming pitch.
What vile words are these to put into the mouth of a great councillor,
in high trust with His Majesty, and looked upon as a prime-minister. If
Mr. Wood hath no better a manner of representing his patrons, when I
come to be a great man, he shall never be suffered to attend at my
levee. This is not the style of a great minister, it savours too much of
the kettle and the furnace, and came entirely out of Mr. Wood's forge.
As for the threat of making us eat our brogues, we need not be in pain;
for if his coin should pass, that unpolite covering for the feet, would
no longer be a national reproach; because then we should have neither
shoe nor brogue left in the kingdom. But here the falsehood of Mr. Wood
is fairly detected; for I am confident Mr. Walpole never heard of a
brogue in his whole life.[24]
[Footnote 24: A biting sneer at Walpole's ignorance of Irish affairs.
[T.S.]]
As to "swallowing these halfpence in fire-balls," it is a story equally
improbable. For to execute this operation the whole stock of Mr. Wood's
coin and metal must be melted down and moulded into hollow balls with
wild-fire, no bigger than a reasonable throat can be able to swallow.
Now the metal he hath prepared, and already coined will amount at least
fifty millions of halfpence to be swallowed by a million and a half of
people; so that allowing two halfpence to each ball, there will be about
seventeen balls of wild-fire a-piece to be swallowed by every person in
this kingdom, and to administer this dose, there cannot be conveniently
fewer than fifty thousand operators, allowing one operator to every
thirty, which, considering the squeamishness of some stomachs and the
peevishness of young children, is but reasonable. Now, under correction
of better judgments, I think the trouble and charge of such an
experiment would exceed the profit, and therefore I take this report to
be spurious, or at least only a new scheme of Mr. Wood himself, which to
make it pass the better in Ireland he would father upon a minister of
state.
But I will now demonstrate beyond all contradiction that Mr. Walpole is
against this project of Mr. Wood, and is an entire friend to Ireland,
only by this one invincible argument, that he has the universal opinion
of being a wise man, an able minister, and in all his proceedings
pursuing the true interest of the King his master: And that as his
integrity is above all corruption, so is his fortune above all
temptation. I reckon therefore we are perfectly safe from that corner,
and shall never be under the necessity of contending with so formidable
a power, but be left to possess our brogues and potatoes in peace as
remote from thunder as we are from Jupiter.
I am,
My dear countrymen,
Your loving fellow-subject,
fellow-sufferer and humble servant.
M.B.
Oct. 13. 1724.
SEASONABLE ADVICE TO THE GRAND JURY.
SEASONABLE ADVICE TO THE GRAND JURY,
CONCERNING THE BILL PREPARING AGAINST THE PRINTER OF THE DRAPIER'S
FOURTH LETTER.
Since a bill is preparing for the grand jury, to find against the
printer of the Drapier's last letter, there are several things maturely
to be considered by those gentlemen, before whom this bill is to come,
before they determine upon it.
FIRST, they are to consider, that the author of the said pamphlet, did
write three other discourses on the same subject; which instead of being
censured were universally approved by the whole nation, and were allowed
to have raised, and continued that spirit among us, which hitherto hath
kept out Wood's coin: For all men will allow, that if those pamphlets
had not been writ, his coin must have overrun the nation some months
ago.
SECONDLY, it is to be considered that this pamphlet, against which a
proclamation hath been issued, is writ by the same author; that nobody
ever doubted the innocence, and goodness of his design, that he appears
through the whole tenor of it, to be a loyal subject to His Majesty, and
devoted to the House of Hanover, and declares himself in a manner
peculiarly zealous against the Pretender; And if such a writer in four
several treatises on so nice a subject, where a royal patent is
concerned, and where it was necessary to speak of England and of
liberty, should in one or two places happen to let fall an inadvertent
expression, it would be hard to condemn him after all the good he hath
done; Especially when we consider, that he could have no possible
design in view, either of honour or profit, but purely the GOOD of his
country.
THIRDLY, it ought to be well considered, whether any one expression in
the said pamphlet, be really liable to just exception, much less to be
found "wicked, malicious, seditious, reflecting upon His Majesty and his
ministry," &c.
The two points in that pamphlet, which it is said the prosecutors intend
chiefly to fix on, are, First, where the author mentions the "penner of
the King's answer." First, it is well known, His Majesty is not master
of the English tongue, and therefore it is necessary that some other
person should be employed to pen what he hath to say, or write in that
language. Secondly, His Majesty's answer is not in the first person, but
the third. It is not said "WE are concerned," or, "OUR royal
predecessors," but "HIS MAJESTY is concerned;" and "HIS royal
predecessors." By which it is plain these are properly not the words of
His Majesty; but supposed to be taken from him, and transmitted hither
by one of his ministers. Thirdly it will be easily seen, that the author
of the pamphlet delivers his sentiments upon this particular, with the
utmost caution and respect, as any impartial reader will observe.
The second paragraph, which it is said will be taken notice of as a
motive to find the bill, is, what the author says of Ireland being a
depending kingdom. He explains all the dependency he knows of it, which
is a law made in Ireland, whereby it is enacted that "whoever is King of
England, shall be King of Ireland." Before this explanation be
condemned, and the bill found upon it, it would be proper, that some
lawyers should fully inform the jury what other law there is, either
statute or common for this dependency, and if there be no law, there is
no transgression.