The Norwegian ship bearing Trotzky and his party put into Halifax and

the British detained the entire passenger list. On April 15 a mass

meeting of anarchists, socialists, and Industrial Workers of the World

was held at Manhattan Lyceum to make a formal protest to the British

government against their detention. Kerensky asked for their release,

and they were allowed to go on. By this time a second consignment had

left, but by a different route. On April 3 George Brewer, H. Gurin,

Mr. and Mrs. David Rohlis, one Kotz, one Schmidt, one Nemiroff and 27

others left the Pennsylvania Station for Chicago, Vancouver, Japan

and Siberia. On April 23 Comrades Bogdanovitch, Bendetsky, Albert

Greenfield, John (or Ivan) Stepanoff, Michael Smirnoff, Henry Shklar

and 89 more left on the Erie Railroad for Seattle, Japan and Siberia.

On the 12th day of May, “Dynamite Louise” Berg, sister of the anarchist

who was killed July 4, 1914, by the accidental explosion of a bomb,

boarded the steamship _United States_ of the Scandinavian-American Line

in Hoboken for Christiania and Russia. On that ship sailed nearly a

hundred others of the anarchist and revolutionary element. Ninety more,

including Sokoloff, a prominent I. W. W., left for San Francisco

and Japan two days later. On May 26 Mrs. Bill Shatoff, with Alexander

Broide, J. Wishniefsky, and 18 more members of the Coöperative

Anarchist Organization sailed from Hoboken on the _Oskar II_. Two days

passed and Meyer Bell, an anarchist who had seen the inside of many an

American jail for revolutionary agitation, and Mrs. Meyer Bell, with

110 others took their departure for San Francisco and the Orient. The

last consignment but one, a group of 90 more potential Bolsheviki,

followed them on June 24.

[Illustration: Captain John B. Trevor, Military Intelligence]

Shatoff and Wolin waited until their flock had been herded out of

the country, and then vanished themselves. No one knew their route,

but they were heard from in Seattle. Altogether some 600 anarchists

made the pilgrimage. Some never reached Russia. Others who did get

back found that conditions offered slim picking, and the Chinese and

Manchurian ports are sprinkled with them to-day--men without a country,

who cannot live in Russia, and who may not return to the United States.

Those who did get through to the capital of Russia straightway joined

the organization. Trotzky had found Lenine there with plans already

well advanced. The Provisional Government superficially was adequate

to handle the situation, and during June it gave some slight promise

of being able to prosecute its share of the war, but a breach was

coming. A Council of Workmen and Soldiers had sprung up to oppose the

Duma and the government when the Duma voted for an immediate offensive

in Galicia, the Council voted for a separate peace. Kerensky swung

himself back into balance for a month, and led a military offensive. It

turned into a retreat, the retreat into a rout. Korniloff took command

of the army on August 2, and the following day the military governor

of Petrograd was assassinated. The deposed Czar was taken to Siberia.

On September 2 Kerensky tried the expedient of arrest against his

rising enemies in Moscow. On September 16 he proclaimed a new republic,

but political structures could not keep out the terrifying German

military advance that already was threatening Petrograd nor the German

propaganda which was already there. Mid-October saw the government in

flight to Moscow. On the 21st of October Leon Trotzky, at the head of

the Bolsheviki in the Council, declared his party for an immediate

democratic peace, and left the hall at their head, cheering. Municipal

elections on November 1 rejected the Bolsheviki, but they would not be

rejected, and on November 7 the Maximalists deposed Kerensky and took

possession of the Government. Lenine became premier, Trotzky minister

of foreign affairs.

The New York delegation won influential positions under the new

régime. A United States senator has described the current Russian

government as nothing but “Lenine and a gang of anarchists from New

York, Philadelphia and Chicago.” Wolin took charge of a branch of the

press--a sort of commissioner of public misinformation. Shatoff, in

America a humble syndicalist and I. W. W., rose to the eminence of

chairman of the “Extraordinary Commission for the Struggle Against

Speculators and the Counter Revolution” in Petrograd, a commission

whose activities are perhaps better described by its common title

in the capital. It is called the “Blood and Murder” or the “To the

Wall” committee. He has filled in his spare time as Commissioner of

Railroads, and has been commonly credited in Petrograd with the murder

of the Czar and his family. Ouritzky, Shatoff’s predecessor at the

head of the Committee, had amassed a fortune of some four million

roubles during his tenure of office. He died a violent death. Shatoff,

in October of 1918, had not followed suit. The same John Reed who

contributed to the support of the _Blast_ appeared in Petrograd as a

sympathetic correspondent, and was made consul to New York--a portfolio

which he was unable to use when he returned to New York because of

his indictment, along with Max Eastman and several other editors of

a paper known as _The Masses_, for attempting to obstruct the draft.

The balance of the New York anarchists who made up the expeditionary

force of 1917 found their way, such of them as escaped the rigors of

Petrograd life, into positions of influence in the government of one

hundred or more millions of Russian people. To be sure, their hold is

not too secure, but they are enjoying for the moment a sense of power

which is intoxicating. Nothing seems to please a Bolshevik of the New

York City group more than power--the same thing he tried to overthrow.

I suppose it makes a difference whose power it happens to be.

Neither Goldman nor Berkman returned to Russia. Their publishing and

bookselling business kept them here, and both were always in demand as

lecturers. Both had pictured themselves for many years as the champions

of anarchy in the United States, and it is conceivable that they

did not wish to pass over their sceptres to any less well qualified

successors. Unlike the ringleaders of the I. W. W., these anarchists

did not dodge real work. Both had active minds, and were happiest when

they were busy. Berkman’s writing at times shows a certain cheerful

tenderness underneath its bombast, and Emma Goldman had a rather

good-natured sarcasm at times as a speaker.

The two cast their lot in with the pacifists, the

anti-conscriptionists, and the factions whose chief aim was to

interfere with America’s going to war. Emma began to lecture on the

subject. On the night of May 18 she spoke to a meeting in the Harlem

River Casino. After a preamble advising the audience that government

agents were present and that violence would be out of order, she drew

what she probably considered a logical conclusion from this advice and

shouted:

“And so, friends, we don’t care what people will say about us. We

only care for one thing, and that is to demonstrate to-night, and to

demonstrate as long as we can be able to speak, that when America went

to war ostensibly to fight for democracy, it was a dastardly lie.

It never went to war for democracy!... It is not a war of economic

independence, it is a war for conquest. It is a war for military

power. It is a war for money. It is a war for the purpose of trampling

underfoot every vestige of liberty that you people have worked for,

for the last forty or thirty or twenty-five years, and therefore we

refuse to support such a war....

“We believe in violence and we will use violence.... How many people

are going to refuse to conscript? I say there are enough. I could count

fifty thousand, and there will be more.... They will not register! What

are you going to do if there are 500,000? It will not be such an easy

job, and it will compel the government to sit up and take notice, and

therefore we are going to support, with all the money and publicity at

our hands, all the men who will refuse to register and who will refuse

to fight.

“I hope this meeting is not going to be the last. As a matter of fact

we are planning something else.... We will have a demonstration of all

the people who will not be conscripted, and who will not register. We

are going to have the largest demonstration this city has ever seen,

and no power on earth will stop us.... If there is any man in this hall

that despairs, let him look across at Russia ... and see the wonderful

thing that revolution has done....

“What is your answer? Your answer to war must be a general strike, and

then the governing class will have something on its hands....”

She wound up her speech with an appeal for funds, and said that her

paper, _Mother Earth_, was going to support the rebellion against

the draft law which had been signed by the president that very day.

_Mother Earth_ spoke, in her next issue, which appeared shortly before

registration day, June 5, and spoke in fairly disapproving terms toward

conscription. But the sun went down into New Jersey on registration day

without having witnessed the greatest demonstration New York City ever

saw, or any demonstration whatever save the quiet, cheerful enrollment

of what later became a heroic national army.

On June 15 Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman were arrested in the

office of _Mother Earth_ at 20 East 125th Street. On June 27 they were

arraigned for trial. On July 9 the jury pronounced them guilty of

having attempted to obstruct the draft. Judge Mayer thereupon sentenced

Berkman to two years in the Federal penitentiary at Atlanta, Goldman

to the state penitentiary at Jefferson City, Missouri for two years,

and fined each of them $10,000. It was a stiff blow to organized

anarchy--the maximum sentence possible, and the judge followed it by

directing the District Attorney, Harold A. Content, to notify the

Commissioner of Labor of the conviction, in order that when the two

emerged from prison, they might be deported as aliens convicted of two

or more crimes to the country from which they came, bringing uplift to

down-trodden America.

Their work has since been carried on in a more or less desultory way.

They, too, have become official martyrs to the cause, whose names will

be inscribed along with those of Brescia, the Haymarket murderers, and

a score of others, on the anarchist service flag. The undercurrent

of opposition appeared spasmodically during the war and it became

necessary for an Alabama Judge, sitting in the District Court of New

York, on October 25, 1918, to impose maximum sentences under the

espionage act upon three more advocates of unrest, Jacob Abrams, Samuel

Lipman and Hyman Lachnowsky, the ringleaders of a group who circulated

leaflets denouncing armed intervention in Russia and advocating a

general strike. They were sentenced to twenty years apiece; a fourth

member got three years and a $1,000 fine. A woman in the group, Mollie

Steiner, was sentenced to fifteen years.

The efforts at “demonstration” which the imported anarchists in America

have employed are neither as picturesque nor as popularly received as

those of their comrades in the old world. Anarchy is out of tune in

America. Prussianism has already had its answer from the United States.

Bolshevism is not for a well-educated, deep-breathing nation like ours.

And anarchy, the poorest wretch of the three, must make terrifying

faces through some other window than that of a country full of people

who are going to continue to make this democracy safe for itself.

THE END

Transcriber’s Notes

Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant

preference was found in the original book; otherwise they were not

changed. Inconsistent hyphenation was not changed.

Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced quotation

marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left

unbalanced.

Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between paragraphs

and outside quotations. In versions of this eBook that support

hyperlinks, the page references in the List of Illustrations lead to

the corresponding illustrations.

Transcribers improved readability of some numbers in some

illustrations, and switched the transcribed sequence of the text of one

pair of “random pages” (following page 26) to make it easier to follow.

Transcriber corrected the Title page misspelling of “SMALLL, MAYNARD &

COMPANY” to “SMALL, MAYNARD & COMPANY”, which is how it appears on the

Copyright page.

Transcriber removed redundant book title just above the title of the

first chapter.

Throttled! The Detection of the German and Anarchist Bomb Plotters · 第 14 / 14 段