383 As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is

now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_

(London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city

are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees,

especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to

the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds

with the song of the nightingale (E. J. Davis, _op. cit._ p. 35).

384 Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 _sq._

385 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 _sq._, 17, ed. L.

Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857).

386 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 171 _sq._; P. Gardner,

_Types of Greek Coins_ (Cambridge, 1883), pl. x. Nos. 29, 30; B. V.

Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 614; G. F. Hill,

_Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_

(London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pl. xxix.-xxxii.; G. Macdonald,

_Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_ (Glasgow,

1899-1905), ii. 547; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art

dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 727. In later times, from about 175 B.C.

onward, the Baal of Tarsus was completely assimilated to Zeus on the

coins. See B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 617; G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp.

177, 181.

M90 The Baal of Tarsus has his counterpart at Ibreez in Cappadocia. The

pass of the Cilician Gates.

387 Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician, and other Studies in the

History of Religion_ (London, 1908), pp. 112 _sqq._

M91 The rock-sculptures at Ibreez represent a god of corn and grapes

adored by his worshipper, a priest or king.

388 E. J. Davis, “On a New Hamathite Inscription at Ibreez,”

_Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology_, iv. (1876)

pp. 336-346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1879), pp.

245-260; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans

l’Antiquité_, iv. 723-729; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Prehellenic

Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la

Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv.

(1903) pp. 77-81, 85 _sq._, with plates iii. and iv.; L.

Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_ (Berlin, 1900),

Tafel xxxiv.; Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician_ (London, 1908),

pp. 171 _sqq._; John Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London,

1910), pp. 191-195, 378 _sq._ Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M.

Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that “it yields to no rock-relief in

the world in impressive character” (_American Journal of

Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 347). Professor Garstang would date the

sculptures in the tenth or ninth century B.C. Another inscribed

Hittite monument found at Bor, near the site of the ancient Tyana,

exhibits a very similar figure of a priest or king in an attitude of

adoration. The resemblance extends even to the patterns embroidered

on the robe and shawl, which include the well-known _swastika_

carved on the lower border of the long robe. The figure is

sculptured in high relief on a slab of stone and would seem to have

been surrounded by inscriptions, though a portion of them has

perished. See J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 185-188, with plate lvi.

For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, _Life

in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 198-244; J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 44

_sqq._

M92 The fertility of Ibreez contrasted with the desolation of the

surrounding country.

389 See above, pp. 28 _sq._

390 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia

(51-50 B.C.) he encamped with his army for some days at Cybistra,

from which two of his letters to Atticus are dated. But hearing that

the Parthians, who had invaded Syria, were threatening Cilicia, he

hurried by forced marches through the pass of the Cilician Gates to

Tarsus. See Cicero, _Ad Atticum_, v. 18, 19, 20; _Ad Familiares_,

xv. 2, 4.

391 E. J. Davis, in _Transactions of the Society of Biblical

Archaeology_, iv. (1876) pp. 336 _sq._, 346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic

Turkey_, pp. 232 _sq._, 236 _sq._, 264 _sq._, 270-272. Compare W. J.

Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London,

1842), ii. 304-307.

M93 The horned god.

392 L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 49 _sq._ On an

Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity

with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet

decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vogüé,

_Mélanges d’Archéologie Orientale_ (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who

interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. As to the horned

god of Ibreez “it is a plausible theory that the horns may, in this

case, be analogous to the Assyrian emblem of divinity. The sculpture

is late and its style rather suggests Semitic influence” (Professor

J. Garstang, in some MS. notes with which he has kindly furnished

me).

393 See below, p. 132.

_ 394 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 16 _sq._, ii. 3 _sqq._

M94 The god of Ibreez a Hittite deity.

395 The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (_Geschichte des

Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez (_Histoire de

l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (_Hittiter und

Armenier_, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145).

396 Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil

de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes

et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) p. 79.

397 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,

ii. 360-362; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans

l’Antiquité_, iv. 572 _sqq._, 586 _sq._

398 That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor,

particularly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south,

east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G.

Hogarth, W. Max Müller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and L.

Messerschmidt. See _Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement

for 1884_, p. 49; A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_3 (London, 1903), pp.

80 _sqq._; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_ (Leipsic, 1893), pp.

319 _sqq._; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of

Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à

l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xv. (1893) p. 94; F.

Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_

(Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48, 54; L. B. Paton, _The Early History of

Syria and Palestine_ (London, 1902), pp. 105 _sqq._; L.

Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D.

G. Hogarth, “Recent Hittite Research,” _Journal of the Royal

Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 _sqq._ Compare Ed.

Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin,

1909) pp. 617 sqq.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 315

_sqq._ The native Hittite writing is a system of hieroglyphics which

has not yet been read, but in their intercourse with foreign nations

the Hittites used the Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay tablets

bearing inscriptions both in the Babylonian and in the Hittite

language have been found by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, the

great Hittite capital in Cappadocia; so that the sounds of the

Hittite words, though not their meanings, are now known. According

to Professor Ed. Meyer, it seems certain that the Hittite language

was neither Semitic nor Indo-European. As to the inscribed tablets

of Boghaz-Keui, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die

Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907, 1. Die Tontafelfunde,”

_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,

December 1907, pp. 1-59; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,”

translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E.

Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool,

1912), pp. 90-98.

399 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,

ii. 351, note 3, with his references; L. B. Paton, _op. cit._ p.

109; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 10; F. Hommel, _op. cit._

p. 42; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, p. 332. See the preceding

note.

M95 The burning of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus.

400 A. H. Sayce, “The Hittite Inscriptions,” _Recueil de Travaux

relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et

Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und

Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 _sq._

401 Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf

(Bonn, 1829): Ἡρακλέα τινές φασιν ἐν Φοινίκῃ γνωρίζεσθαι Σάνδαν

ἐπιλεγόμενον, ὡς καὶ μεχρὶ νῦν ὑπὸ Καππαδόκων καὶ Κιλίκων. In this

passage Σάνδαν is a correction of F. C. Movers’s (_Die Phoenizier_,

i. 460) for the MS. reading Δισανδάν, the ΔΙ having apparently

arisen by dittography from the preceding ΑΙ; and Κιλίκων is a

correction of E. Meyer’s (“Über einige semitische Götter,”

_Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xxxi.

737) for the MS. reading Ἱλίων. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and

Meyer, _ll.cc._): “_Hercules cognomento Desanaus in Syria Phoenice

clarus habetur. Inde ad nostram usque memoriam a Cappadocibus et

Eliensibus (al. Deliis) Desanaus adhuc dicitur._” If the text of

Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Greek

original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of

Syncellus’s authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by

Nonnus (_Dionys._, xxxiv. 183 _sq._). Compare Raoul-Rochette in

_Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii.

Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 159 _sqq._

402 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol.

ii. p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre is mentioned

only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection

was a custom observed periodically. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O.

Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” _Kunstarchaeologische Werke_, iii.

6 _sqq._; F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 458 _sqq._;

Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de

l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième

Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 _sqq._; E. Meyer, “Über einige

Semitische Götter,” _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen

Gesellschaft_, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740: _id._, _Geschichte des

Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 641 _sqq._ § 484.

403 P. Gardner, _Catalogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria_

(London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112, pl. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8;

G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and

Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pp. 180, 181, 183, 190, 221, 224, 225, pl.

xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. 10, xxxvii. 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of

some Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898)

p. 169, pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is

sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan or

Sardanapalus. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds

us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the

conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see above, pp. 14, 34); but

the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the

coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning

of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of

stone. The legend ΟΡΤΥΓΟΘΗΡΑ, literally “quail-hunt,” which appears

on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. lxxxvi. _sq._),

may refer to a custom of catching quails and burning them on the

pyre. We have seen (above, pp. 111 _sq._) that quails were

apparently burnt in sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation of the

legend on the coins of Tarsus was suggested by Raoul-Rochette (_op.

cit._ pp. 201-205). However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that “the

interpretation of Ὀρτυγοθήρα as anything but a personal name is

rendered very unlikely by the analogy of all the other inscriptions

on coins of the same class.” Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of

Adonis (below, p. 147). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in

honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12).

404 Herodian, iv. 2.

405 See Franz Cumont, “L’Aigle funéraire des Syriens et l’Apothéose des

Empereurs,” _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, lxii, (1910) pp.

119-163.

M96 Sandan of Tarsus an Asiatic god with the symbols of the lion and the

double axe.

406 F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Monnaies Grecques_ (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366

_sq._, 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, H. 14 (_Verhandelingen der

Konink. Akademie von Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.);

F. Imhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, _Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen

und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums_ (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 _sq._,

with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some

Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) pp.

169-171; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. xiii. 20; G. F.

Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and

Cilicia_, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii. 13,

14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek

Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 548, with pl. lx. 11. The

booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pl. xxxvi. 9.

M97 Boghaz-Keui the ancient capital of a Hittite kingdom in Cappadocia.

407 Herodotus, i. 76; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Πτέριον. As to the

situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton,

_Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London, 1842), i.

391 _sqq._; H. Barth, “Reise von Trapezunt durch die nördliche

Hälfte Klein-Asiens,” _Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann’s Geographischen

Mittheilungen_, No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish

Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_ (London, 1881), pp. 64, 71 _sqq._;

W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,”

_Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103;

_id._, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), pp. 28

_sq._, 33 _sq._; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans

l’Antiquité_, iv. 596 _sqq._; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in

Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas,

plates xi.-xiv.; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_ (Paris, 1898),

pp. 13 _sqq._; O. Puchstein, “Die Bauten von Boghaz-Köi,”

_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,

December 1907, pp. 62 _sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the

Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp. 196 _sqq._

M98 The sanctuary in the rocks. The rock-sculptures in the outer

sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui represent two processions meeting. The

central figures.

408 This procession of men is broken (_a_) by two women clad in long

plaited robes like the women on the opposite wall; (_b_) by two

winged monsters; and (_c_) by the figure of a priest or king as to

which see below, pp. 131 _sq._

M99 The rock-sculptures in the inner sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui. The

lion-god. The god protecting his priest. Other representations of

the priest at Boghaz-Keui and Euyuk.

409 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_

(London, 1842), i. 393-395; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and

Eastern Asia Minor_, pp. 59 _sq._, 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical

Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,

_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 623-656, 666-672; K.

Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_, pp.

55-70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x.; E. Chantre, _Mission en

Cappadoce_, pp. 3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp.

42-50; Th. Macridy-Bey, _La Porte des Sphinx à Eyuk_, pp. 13 _sq._

(_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1908, No. 3,

Berlin); Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631

_sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp.

196 _sqq._ (Boghaz-Keui) 256 _sqq._ (Eyuk). Compare P. Jensen,

_Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 165 _sqq._ In some notes with which my

colleague Professor J. Garstang has kindly furnished me he tells me

that the two animals wearing Hittite hats, which appear between the

great god and goddess in the outer sanctuary, are not bulls but

certainly goats; and he inclines to think that the two heaps on

which the priest stands in the outer sanctuary are fir-cones.

Professor Ed. Meyer holds that the costume which the priestly king

wears is that of the Sun-goddess, and that the corresponding figure

in the procession of males on the left-hand side of the outer

sanctuary does not represent the priestly king but the Sun-goddess

in person. “The attributes of the King,” he says (_op. cit._ p.

632), “are to be explained by the circumstance that he, as the

Hittite inscriptions prove, passed for an incarnation of the Sun,

who with the Hittites was a female divinity; the temple of the Sun

is therefore his emblem.” As to the title of “the Sun” bestowed on

Hittite kings in inscriptions, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige

Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,”

_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,

December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 53. The correct form of the

national name appears to be Chatti or Hatti rather than Hittites,

which is the Hebrew form (חתי) of the name. Compare M. Jastrow, in

_Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ii. coll. 2094 _sqq._, _s.v._ “Hittites.”

An interesting Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at

Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double-headed eagle.

In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly

personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in

the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became

in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W.

J. Hamilton, _op. cit._ i. 383; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _op. cit._

iv. 681-683, pl. viii. E; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 50.

M100 The two deities at the head of the processions at Boghaz-Keui appear

to be the great Asiatic goddess and her consort. The Hittite god of

the thundering sky. Jupiter Dolichenus.

410 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.

394 _sq._; H. Barth, in _Monatsberichte der königl. Preuss. Akademie

der Wissenschaften_, 1859, pp. 128 _sqq._; _id._, “Reise von

Trapezunt,” _Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann’s Geograph. Mittheilungen_,

No. 2 (Gotha, 1860), pp. 45 _sq._; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and

Eastern Asia Minor_, p. 69; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, pp.

20 _sqq._ According to Barth, the scene represented is the marriage

of Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages, son of

Cyaxares, king of the Medes (Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion of

various interpretations which have been proposed see G. Perrot et

Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 630 _sqq._

411 This is in substance the view of Raoul-Rochette, Lajard, W. M.

Ramsay, G. Perrot, C. P. Tiele, Ed. Meyer, and J. Garstang. See

Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de

l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième

Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 180 note 1; W. M. Ramsay, “On the Early

Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” _Journal of

the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot

et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 630

_sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i.

255-257; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633

_sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 235-237; _id._,

_The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 5 _sqq._

412 K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_

(Berlin, 1902), Atlas, pl. xlv. 3; _Ausgrabungen zu Sendschirli_,

iii. (Berlin, 1902) pl. xli.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the

Hittites_, p. 291, with plate lxxvii.; R. Koldewey, _Die Hettitische

Inschrift gefunden in der Königsburg von Babylon_ (Leipsic, 1900),

plates 1 and 2 (_Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen

Orient-Gesellschaft_, Heft 1); L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus

Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pl. i. 5 and 6; _id._, _The Hittites_

(London, 1903), pp. 40-42, with fig. 6 on p. 41; M. J. Lagrange,

_Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), p. 93. The

name of the god is thought to have been Teshub or Teshup; for a god

of that name is known from the Tel-el-Amarna letters to have been

the chief deity of the Mitani, a people of Northern Mesopotamia akin

in speech and religion to the Hittites, but ruled by an Aryan

dynasty. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 578,

591 _sq._, 636 _sq._; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian

Literature_, pp. 222, 223 (where the god’s name is spelt Tishub).

The god is also mentioned repeatedly in the Hittite archives which

Dr. H. Winckler found inscribed on clay tablets at Boghaz-Keui. See

H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in

Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen

Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 13 _sq._,

32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 51 _sq._, 53; “Hittite Archives from

Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr.

Winckler, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool

and London, 1912) pp. 90 _sqq._ As to the Mitani, their language and

their gods, see H. Winckler, _op. cit._ pp. 30 _sqq._, 46 _sqq._ In

thus interpreting the Hittite god who heads the procession at

Boghaz-Keui I follow my colleague Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of

the Hittites_, p. 237; _The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 5 _sqq._), who has

kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject. I formerly

interpreted the deity as the Hittite equivalent of Tammuz, Adonis,

and Attis. But against that view it may be urged that (1) the god is

bearded and therefore of mature age, whereas Tammuz and his fellows

were regularly conceived as youthful; (2) the thunderbolt which he

seems to carry would be quite inappropriate to Tammuz, who was not a

god of thunder but of vegetation; and (3) the Hittite Tammuz is

appropriately represented in the procession of women immediately

behind the Mother Goddess (see below, pp. 137 _sq._), and it is

extremely improbable that he should be represented twice over with

different attributes in the same scene. These considerations seem to

me conclusive against the interpretation of the bearded god as a

Tammuz and decisive in favour of Professor Garstang’s view of him.

413 J. Garstang, “Notes of a Journey through Asia Minor,” _Annals of

Archaeology and Anthropology_, i. (Liverpool and London, 1908) pp. 3

_sq._, with plate iv.; _id._, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 138,

359, with plate xliv. In this sculpture the god on the bull holds in

his right hand what is described as a triangular bow instead of a

mace, an axe, or a hammer.

414 A. Wiedemann, _Ägyptische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1884), ii. 438-440; G.

Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii.

(Paris, 1897) pp. 401 _sq._; W. Max Müller, _Der Bündnisvortrag

Ramses’ II. und des Chetitirkönigs_, pp. 17-19, 21 _sq._, 38-44

(_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1902, No. 5,

Berlin); L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp. 14-19; J. H.

Breasted, _Ancient Records of Egypt_ (Chicago, 1906-1907), iii.

163-174; _id._, _A History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908),

p. 311; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631, 635

_sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 347-349. The

Hittite copy of the treaty was discovered by Dr. H. Winckler at

Boghaz-Keui in 1906. The identification of Arenna or Arinna is

uncertain. In a forthcoming article, “The Sun God[dess] of Arenna,”

to be published in the Liverpool _Annals of Archaeology and

Anthropology_, Professor J. Garstang argues that Arenna is to be

identified with the Cappadocian Comana.

415 Ed. Meyer, “Dolichenus,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und

röm. Mythologie_, i. 1191-1194; A. von Domaszewski, _Die Religion

des römischen Heeres_ (Treves, 1895), pp. 59 _sq._, with plate iiii.

fig. 1 and 2; Franz Cumont, _s.v._ “Dolichenus,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s

_Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. i.

coll. 1276 _sqq._; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes païens dans l’Empire

Romain_, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp. 35-43. For examples of the

inscriptions which relate to his worship see H. Dessau,

_Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902)

pp. 167-172, Nos. 4296-4324.

M101 The Mother Goddess.

416 As to the lions and mural crown of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 600

_sqq._; Catullus, lxiii. 76 _sqq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 20;

Rapp, _s.v._ “Kybele,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und

röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1644 _sqq._

417 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 19. Lucian’s

description of her image is confirmed by coins of Hierapolis, on

which the goddess is represented wearing a high head-dress and

seated on a lion. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887),

p. 654; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian

Collection_ (Glasgow, 1899-1905), iii. 139 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The

Syrian Goddess_, pp. 21 _sqq._, 70, with fig. 7. That the name of

the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Atargatis is mentioned

by Strabo (xvi. 1. 27, p. 748). On Egyptian monuments the Semitic

goddess Kadesh is represented standing on a lion. See W. Max Müller,

_Asien und Europa_, pp. 314 _sq._ It is to be remembered that

Hierapolis-Bambyce was the direct successor of Carchemish, the great

Hittite capital on the Euphrates, and may have inherited many

features of Hittite religion. See A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_,3 pp.

94 _sqq._, 105 _sqq._; and as to the Hittite monuments at

Carchemish, see J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 122

_sqq._

418 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5.

M102 The youth on the lioness, bearing the double axe, at Boghaz-Keui may

be the divine son and lover of the goddess.

419 In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Sir

W. M. Ramsay (“On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and

Cappadocia,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883)

pp. 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Alterturm_,

i. 246, 255), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of the Hittites_, p.

235; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 8). That the youthful figure on the

lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the

view also of Professors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, _Hittiter

und Armenier_, pp. 173-175, 180; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der

Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 51. Prof. Perrot

holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who

stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the

same, though their attributes differ (G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,

_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 651). But, as I have

already remarked, it is unlikely that the same god should be

represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene.

The resemblance between the two figures is better explained on the

supposition that they are Father and Son. The same two deities,

Father and Son, appear to be carved on a rock at Giaour-Kalesi, a

place on the road which in antiquity may have led from Ancyra by

Gordium to Pessinus. Here on the face of the rock are cut in relief

two gigantic figures in the usual Hittite costume of pointed cap,

short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes. Each wears a

crescent-hilted sword at his side, each is marching to the

spectator’s left with raised right hand; and the resemblance between

them is nearly complete except that the figure in front is beardless

and the figure behind is bearded. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,

_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 714 _sqq._, with fig. 352;

J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 162-164. A similar, but

solitary, figure is carved in a niche of the rock at Kara-Bel, but

there the deity, or the man, carries a triangular bow over his right

shoulder. See below, p. 185.

With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at

Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows

two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned-up

shoes, standing on a crouching lion. The foremost of the two figures

is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand.

According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures represent a god followed

by a priest or a king. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de

l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 549 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of

the Hittites_, pp. 123 _sqq._ Again, on a sculptured slab found at

Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god standing on a lion and holding a

lion’s whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes

a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ iii. 412-414. The

type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also

in Assyrian art, from which the Phoenicians and Hittites may have

borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ ii. 642-644. Much

evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has

been collected by Raoul-Rochette, in his learned dissertation “Sur

l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des

Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris,

1848), pp. 106 _sqq._ Compare De Vogüé, _Mélanges d’Archéologie

Orientale_, pp. 44 _sqq._

M103 The mystery of the lion-god.

420 Similarly in Yam, one of the Torres Straits Islands, two brothers

named Sigai and Maiau were worshipped in a shrine under the form of

a hammer-headed shark and a crocodile respectively, and were

represented by effigies made of turtle-shell in the likeness of

these animals. But “the shrines were so sacred that no uninitiated

persons might visit them, nor did they know what they contained;

they were aware of Sigai and Maiau, but they did not know that the

former was a hammer-headed shark and the latter a crocodile; this

mystery was too sacred to be imparted to uninitiates. When the

heroes were addressed it was always by their human names, and not by

their animal or totem names.” See A. C. Haddon, “The Religion of the

Torres Straits Islanders,” _Anthropological Essays presented to E.

B. Tylor_ (Oxford, 1907), p. 185.

M104 The processions at Boghaz-Keui appear to represent the Sacred

Marriage of the god and goddess. Traces of mother-kin among the

Hittites.

421 “There can be no doubt that there is here represented a Sacred

Marriage, the meeting of two deities worshipped in different places,

like the Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of Denderah” (C. P. Tiele,

_Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 255). This view seems to

differ from, though it approaches, the one suggested in the text.

That the scene represents a Sacred Marriage between a great god and

goddess is the opinion also of Prof. Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte des

Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633 _sq._), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land

of the Hittites_, pp. 238 _sq._; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 7).

422 See above, p. 133.

423 See below, p. 285. Compare the remarks of Sir W. M. Ramsay

(“Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux

relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et

Assyriennes_, xiii. (1890) p. 78): “Similar priest-dynasts are a

widespread feature of the primitive social system of Asia Minor;

their existence is known with certainty or inferred with probability

at the two towns Komana; at Venasa not far north of Tyana, at Olba,

at Pessinous, at Aizanoi, and many other places. Now there are two

characteristics which can be regarded as probable in regard to most

of these priests, and as proved in regard to some of them: (1) they

wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests

they were; (2) they were ἱερώνυμοι, losing their individual name at

their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often

that of the god himself or some figure connected with the cultus of

the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the

priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.”

As to the priestly rulers of Olba, see below, pp. 144 _sqq._

424 See above, p. 132. However, Prof. Ed. Meyer may be right in thinking

that the priest-like figure in the procession is not really that of

the priest but that of the god or goddess whom he personated. See

above, p. 133 note.

425 See above, pp. 36 _sqq._

426 H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in

Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen

Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 35, December, 1907, pp. 27 _sq._, 29; J.

Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 352 _sq._; “Hittite

Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts

of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and

Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) p. 98. We have seen

(above, p. 136) that in the seals of the Hittite treaty with Egypt

the Queen appears along with the King. If Dr. H. Winckler is right

in thinking (_op. cit._ p. 29) that one of the Hittite queens was at

the same time sister to her husband the King, we should have in this

relationship a further proof that mother-kin regulated the descent

of the kingship among the Hittites as well as among the ancient

Egyptians. See above, p. 44, and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._

427 Compare Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 629-633.

M105 Sandan at Tarsus appears to be a son of Baal, as Hercules was a son

of Zeus.

428 The figure exhibits a few minor variations on the coins of Tarsus.

See the works cited above, p. 127.

429 Above, p. 119.

_ 430 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 358 _sqq._

_ 431 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._

M106 Priests of Sandan-Hercules at Tarsus. Kings of Cilicia related to

Sandan.

432 Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 215 B, C. The high-priest of the Syrian goddess

at Hierapolis held office for a year, and wore a purple robe and a

golden tiara (Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 42). We may conjecture that

the priesthood of Hercules at Tarsus was in later times at least an

annual office.

433 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) § 389,

p. 475; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader’s _Keilinschriften und das Alte

Testament_,3 p. 88. Kuinda was the name of a Cilician fortress a

little way inland from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672).

434 E. Meyer, _op. cit._ i. § 393, p. 480; C. P. Tiele,

_Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, p. 360. Sandon and Sandas occur

repeatedly as names of Cilician men. They are probably identical

with, or modified forms of, the divine name. See Strabo, xiv. 5. 14,

p. 674; Plutarch, _Poplicola_, 17; _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,

ed. August Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877) vol. iii. p. 200, No.

4401; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels,

1900), p. 718, No. 878; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in

Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,

Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 46, 131

_sq._, 140 (Inscriptions 115, 218, 232).

M107 Priestly kings of Olba who bore the names of Teucer and Ajax. The

Teucrids of Salamis in Cyprus. Burnt sacrifices of human victims at

Salamis and traces of a similar custom elsewhere. Burnt sacrifice of

doves to Adonis.

435 Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672. The name of the high-priest Ajax, son of

Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dating from about the beginning of

our era (B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, p. 609); and

the name of Teucer is also known from inscriptions. See below, pp.

145, 151, 159.

436 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” _Journal of

Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263; R. Heberdey und A.

Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie

der Wissenschaften_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88.

437 Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq._, No.

878. Tarkondimotos was the name of two kings of Eastern Cilicia in

the first century B.C. One of them corresponded with Cicero and fell

at the battle of Actium. See Cicero, _Epist. ad Familiares_, xv. 1.

2; Strabo, xiv. 5. 18, p. 676; Dio Cassius, xli. 63. 1, xlvii. 26.

2, l. 14. 2, li. 2. 2, li. 7. 4, liv. 9. 2; Plutarch, _Antoninus_,

61; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 618; W.

Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic,

1903-1905), ii. pp. 494 _sq._, Nos. 752, 753. Moreover, Tarkudimme

or Tarkuwassimi occurs as the name of a king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?)

in a bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscription engraved on a

silver seal. See W. Wright, _The Empire of the Hittites_2 (London,

1886), pp. 163 _sqq._; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum

Hettiticarum_, pp. 42 _sq._, pl. xlii. 9; _id._, _The Hittites_, pp.

29 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp.

22, 50 _sq._ In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests Tarbibi- as

an alternative reading for Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer,

_Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_ (Göttingen,

1896), pp. 362-364.

438 Isocrates, _Or._ ix. 14 and 18 _sq._; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4; W.

E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 212 _sqq._ As to the names Teucer and

Teucrian see P. Kretschmer, _op. cit._ pp. 189-191. Prof. Kretschmer

believes that the native population of Cyprus belonged to the

non-Aryan stock of Asia Minor.

439 W. E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 216.

440 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 54 _sq._; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._

i. 21. As to the date when the custom was abolished, Lactantius says

that it was done “recently in the reign of Hadrian.” Porphyry says

that the practice was put down by Diphilus, king of Cyprus, “in the

time of Seleucus the Theologian.” As nothing seems to be known as to

the date of King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theologian, I have

ventured to assume, on the strength of Lactantius’s statement, that

they were contemporaries of Hadrian. But it is curious to find kings

of Cyprus reigning so late. Beside the power of the Roman governors,

their authority can have been little more than nominal, like that of

native rajahs in British India. Seleucus the Theologian may be, as

J. A. Fabricius supposed (_Bibliotheca Graeca_,4 Hamburg, 1780-1809,

vol. i. p. 86, compare p. 522), the Alexandrian grammarian who

composed a voluminous work on the gods (Suidas, _s.v._ Σέλευκος).

Suetonius tells an anecdote (_Tiberius_, 56) about a grammarian

named Seleucus who flourished, and faded prematurely, at the court

of Tiberius.

441 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49.

442 Diogenianus, _Praefatio_, in _Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L.

Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1839-1851), i. 180.

Raoul-Rochette regarded the custom as part of the ritual of the

divine death and resurrection. He compared it with the burning of

Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et

Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et

Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (1848), p. 32.

443 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.

M108 The priestly Teucers of Olba perhaps personated a native god Tark.

444 A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright’s _Empire of the Hittites_,2 p. 186; W. M.

Ramsay, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux

relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et

Assyriennes_, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 _sq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der

Religion im Altertum_, i. 251; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, p.

333; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 70, 150 _sqq._, 155

_sqq._; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des

alten Orients_, pp. 44, 51 _sq._; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_,

p. 40. Sir W. M. Ramsay thinks (_l.c._) that Tark was the native

name of the god who had his sanctuary at Dastarkon in Cappadocia and

who was called by the Greeks the Cataonian Apollo: his sanctuary was

revered all over Cappadocia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5, p. 537). Prof.

Hommel holds that Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite deity,

worshipped all over the south of Asia Minor. Prof. W. Max Müller is

of opinion that Targh or Tarkh did not designate any particular

deity, but was the general Hittite name for “god.” There are grounds

for holding that the proper name of the Hittite thunder-god was

Teshub or Teshup. See above, p. 135 note.

445 J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the

Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 458; _id._, “A

Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.

(1891) p. 222; W. M. Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_

(London, 1890), pp. 22, 364. Sir W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds for

thinking that Olba was a Grecized form of a native name Ourba

(pronounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T. Bent discovered the site and the

name.

M109 Western or Rugged Cilicia.

M110 The Cilician pirates.

M111 The deep gorges of Rugged Cilicia.

446 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings

of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445,

450-453; _id._, “A Journal in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of

Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 208, 210-212, 217-219; R.

Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der

kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe_,

xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 49, 70; D. G. Hogarth and J. A. R.

Munro, “Modern and Ancient Roads in Eastern Asia Minor,” _Royal

Geographical Society, Supplementary Papers_, vol. iii. part 5

(London, 1893), pp. 653 _sq._ As to the Cilician pirates see Strabo,

xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 _sq._; Plutarch, _Pompeius_, 24; Appian, _Bellum

Mithridat._ 92 _sq._; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L.

Dindorf; Cicero, _De imperio Cn. Pompeii_, 11 _sq._; Th. Mommsen,

_Roman History_ (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv. 40-45, 118-120. As

to the crests carved on their towns see J. T. Bent, “Cilician

Symbols,” _Classical Review_, iv. (1890) pp. 321 _sq._ Among these

crests are a club (the badge of Olba), a bunch of grapes, the caps

of the Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, and so on. As to the

cedars and ship-building timber of Cilicia in antiquity see

Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars

and firs have now retreated to the higher slopes of the Taurus.

Great destruction is wrought in the forests by the roving Yuruks

with their flocks; for they light their fires under the trees, tap

the firs for turpentine, bark the cedars for their huts and

bee-hives, and lay bare whole tracts of country that the grass may

grow for their sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of

the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 453-458.

M112 The site and ruins of Olba. The temple of Olbian Zeus.

447 D. G. Hogarth, _A Wandering Scholar in the Levant_ (London, 1896),

pp. 57 _sq._

448 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings

of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445 _sq._,

458-460; _id._, “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of

Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1890) pp. 220-222; E. L. Hicks,

“Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” _ib._ pp. 262-270; R. Heberdey

und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser.

Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna,

1896) No. vi. pp. 83-91; W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth, in

_American Journal of Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 345; Ch. Michel,

_Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 858, No. 1231. In one place

(_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. 222) Bent gives the height of

Olba as 3800 feet; but this is a misprint, for elsewhere

(_Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. 446,

458) he gives the height as exactly 5850 or roughly 6000 feet. The

misprint has unfortunately been repeated by Messrs. Heberdey and

Wilhelm (_op. cit._ p. 84 note 1). The tall tower of Olba is figured

on the coins of the city. See G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek

Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pl. xxii.

8.

M113 Limestone caverns of Western Cilicia.

449 Sir Charles Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), ii. 518

_sqq._; _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, _s.v._ “Caves,”

v. 265 _sqq._ Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. 7, viii. 29. 1.

450 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.

xii. (1890) p. 447.

M114 The city of Corycus. The Corycian cave.

451 Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 240 _sq._

452 Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 _sq._; Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey; J.

T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the

Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 446-448; _id._, “A

Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.

(1891) pp. 212-214; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in

Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,

Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 70-79. Mr. D. G.

Hogarth was so good as to furnish me with some notes embodying his

recollections of the Corycian cave. All these modern writers confirm

the general accuracy of the descriptions of the cave given by Strabo

and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed speaks of exaggeration in Mela’s

account, but this is not admitted by Mr. A. Wilhelm. As to the ruins

of the city of Corycus on the coast, distant about three miles from

the cave, see Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 232-238;

R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 67-70.

M115 Priests of Corycian Zeus.

453 The suggestion is Mr. A. B. Cook’s. See his article, “The European

Sky-god,” _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) p. 418, note 2.

454 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.

xii. (1890) p. 448; _id_., in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.

(1891) pp. 214-216. For the inscription containing the names of the

priests see R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 71-79; Ch.

Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq_., No. 878;

above, p. 145.

M116 The cave of the giant Typhon.

455 Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 1867). The cave of Typhon is

described by J. T. Bent, _ll.cc._

456 Aeschylus, _Prometheus Vinctus_, 351-372.

457 Pindar, _Pyth._ i. 30 _sqq._, who speaks of the giant as “bred in

the many-named Cilician cave.”

M117 Battle of Zeus and Typhon.

458 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 6. 3.

M118 Fossil bones of extinct animals give rise to stories of giants.

459 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1, with my notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32.

5) bones of superhuman size which were preserved at Megalopolis, and

which popular superstition identified as the bones of the giant

Hopladamus.

460 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1.

461 A. Holm, _Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum_ (Leipsic, 1870-1874),

i. 57, 356.

462 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of

Mankind_3 (London, 1878), p. 322, who adduces much more evidence of

the same sort.

M119 Chasm of Olbian Zeus at Kanytelideis.

463 J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the

Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 448 _sq._; _id._,

“A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.

(1891) pp. 208-210; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in

Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der

Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe_, xliv. (Vienna,

1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61.

M120 The deity of these great chasms was called Zeus by the Greeks, but

he was probably a god of fertility embodied in vegetation and water.

464 See above, pp. 26 _sq._

M121 Analogy of the Corycian and Olbian caverns to Ibreez and the vale of

the Adonis.

M122 Two gods at Olba, perhaps a father and a son, corresponding to the

Baal and Sandan of Tarsus.

M123 Goddesses less prominent than gods in Cilician religion.

M124 The goddess ’Atheh, partner of Baal at Tarsus, seems to have been a

form of Atargatis. The lion-goddess and the bull-god. In later times

the old goddess became the Fortune of the City.

465 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 616. [However, Mr.

G. F. Hill writes to me: “The attribution to Tarsus of the ’Atheh

coins is unfounded. Head himself only gives it as doubtful. I should

think they belong further East.” In the uncertainty which prevails

on this point I have left the text unchanged. _Note to Second

Edition._]

466 The name ’Athar-’atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A.

Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 112, pp.

267-270. In analysing Atargatis into ’Athar-’atheh (’Atar-’ata) I

follow E. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 605, 650

_sq._), F. Baethgen (_Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_,

pp. 68-75), Fr. Cumont (_s.v._ “Atargatis,” Pauly-Wissowa,

_Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ii.

1896), G. A. Cooke (_l.c._), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion

im Altertum_, i. 245), F. Hommel (_Grundriss der Geographie und

Geschichte des alten Orients_, pp. 43 _sq._), Father Lagrange

(_Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 p. 130), and L. B. Paton

(_s.v._ “Atargatis,” J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and

Ethics_, ii. 164 _sq._). In the great temple at Hierapolis-Bambyce a

mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and

her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the

attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as

Deucalion, and others as Semiramis; for a golden dove, traditionally

associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure.

The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates

“sign” (σημήιον). See Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 33. It has been

plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian

translates “sign” was really ’Atheh (עתה), which could easily be

confused with the Syriac word for “sign” (אהא). See F. Baethgen,

_op. cit._ p. 73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from the third

century A.D., exhibits the images of the god and goddess seated on

bulls and lions respectively, with the mysterious object between

them enclosed in a shrine, which is surmounted by a bird, probably a

dove. See J. Garstang, _The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 22

_sqq._, 70 _sq._, with fig. 7.

The modern writers cited at the beginning of this note have

interpreted the Syrian ’Atheh as a male god, the lover of Atargatis,

and identical in name and character with the Phrygian Attis. They

may be right; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same

name ’Atheh (עתה) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.

467 As to the image, see above, p. 137.

468 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31.

469 Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 23. 12 and 17-19. The Greek name of Baalbec

was Heliopolis, “the City of the Sun.”

470 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, pp. 163,

164. The statue bears a long inscription, which in the style of its

writing belongs to the archaic type represented by the Moabite

Stone. The contents of the inscription show that it is earlier than

the time of Tiglath-Pileser III. (745-727 B.C.). On Hadad, the

Syrian thunder-god, see F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen

Religionsgeschichte_, pp. 66-68; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der

Religion im Altertum_, i. 248 _sq._; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les

Religions Sémitiques_,2 pp. 92 _sq._ That Hadad was the consort of

Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce is the opinion of P. Jensen

(_Hittiter und Armenier_, p. 171), who also indicates his character

as a god both of thunder and of fertility (_ib._, p. 167). The view

of Prof. J. Garstang is similar (_The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 25

_sqq._). That the name of the chief male god of Hierapolis-Bambyce

was Hadad is rendered almost certain by coins of the city which were

struck in the time of Alexander the Great by a priestly king

Abd-Hadad, whose name means “Servant of Hadad.” See B. V. Head,

_Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; J. Garstang, _The Syrian

Goddess_, p. 27, with fig. 5.

471 H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte

Testament_,3 pp. 442-449; M. Jastrow, _Die Religion Babyloniens und

Assyriens_ (Giessen, 1905-1912), i. 146-150, with _Bildermappe_,

plate 32, fig. 97. The Assyrian relief is also figured in W. H.

Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, _s.v._

“Marduk,” ii. 2350. The Babylonian _ramâmu_ “to scream, roar” has

its equivalent in the Hebrew _ra’am_ (רעם) “to thunder.” The two

names Adad (Hadad) and Ramman occur together in the form Hadadrimmon

in Zechariah, xii. 11 (with S. R. Driver’s note, _Century Bible_).

472 See above, pp. 121, 123.

473 See above, p. 130. However, the animal seems to be rather a goat.

See above, p. 133 note.

474 See above, p. 132.

475 G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and

Cilicia_, pp. 181, 182, 185, 188, 190, 228.

476 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 246

_sq._; F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_,

pp. 76 _sqq._ The idolatrous Hebrews spread tables for Gad, that is,

for Fortune (Isaiah lxv. 11, Revised Version).

477 Macrobius, _Saturn_. iii. 8. 2; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632.

478 Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. 53, p. 537.

479 F. Baethgen, _op. cit._ p. 77; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of

North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 269.

480 See above, p. 151.

M125 The Phoenician god El and his wife at Mallus in Cilicia.

Assimilation of native Oriental deities to Greek divinities.

481 Strabo, xiv. 5. 16, p. 675.

482 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), pp. 605 _sq._; G. F.

Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and

Cilicia_, pp. cxvii. _sqq._, 95-98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9; G.

Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_,

ii. 536 _sq._, pl. lix. 11-14. The male and female figures appear on

separate coins. The attribution to Mallus of the coins with the

female figure and conical stone has been questioned by Messrs. J. P.

Six and G. F. Hill. I follow the view of Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer

and B. V. Head. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that the

attribution of these coins to Mallus is no longer maintained by any

one. Imhoof-Blumer himself now conjecturally assigns them to

Aphrodisias in Cilicia, and Mr. Hill regards this conjecture as very

plausible. See F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Kleinasiatische Münzen_ (Vienna,

1901-1902), ii. 435 _sq._ In the uncertainty which still prevails on

the subject I have left the text unchanged. For my purpose it

matters little whether this Cilician goddess was worshipped at

Mallus or at Aphrodisias. _Note to Second Edition._]

483 See above, pp. 34 _sq._

484 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.

Müller, iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs of wings on coins

of Byblus. See G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de

l’Orient Classique_, ii. 174; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les

Religions Sémitiques_,2 p. 72.

485 Imhoof-Blumer, _s.v._ “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der

griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1572; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of

Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. cxxii. 99, pl.

xvii. 2.

486 G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. cxxi. _sq._, 98, pl. xvii. 1.

487 Another native Cilician deity who masqueraded in Greek dress was

probably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Anazarbus, but of his true

nature and worship we know nothing. See W. Dittenberger, _Orientis

Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. p. 267, No.

577; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἄδανα (where the MS. reading

Ολυμβρος was wrongly changed by Salmasius into Ὄλυμπος).

M126 Sarpedonian Artemis. The goddess Perasia at Hieropolis-Castabala.

The fire-walk in the worship of Perasia. Insensibility to pain

regarded as a mark of inspiration.

488 Strabo, xiv. 5. 19, p. 676. The expression of Strabo leaves it

doubtful whether the ministers of the goddess were men or women.

There was a headland called Sarpedon near the mouth of the

Calycadnus River in Western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p. 627,

xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpedon or Sarpedonian Apollo had a

temple and an oracle. The temple was hewn in the rock, and contained

an image of the god. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in

Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,

Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 100,

107. Probably this Sarpedonian Apollo was a native deity akin to

Sarpedonian Artemis.

489 E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 128-134; J. T. Bent,

“Recent Discoveries in Eastern Cilicia,” _Journal of Hellenic

Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 234 _sq._; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from

Eastern Cilicia,” _ibid._ pp. 243 _sqq._; R. Heberdey und A.

Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 25 _sqq._ The site of Hieropolis-Castabala

was first identified by J. T. Bent by means of inscriptions. As to

the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde

Kilikiens,” _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp. 267-290; G.

F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and

Cilicia_, pp. c.-cii. 82-84, pl. xiv. 1-6; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue

of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 534 _sq._

490 On the difference between Hieropolis and Hierapolis see (Sir) W. M.

Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, pp. 84 _sq._ According

to him, the cities designated by such names grew up gradually round

a sanctuary; where Greek influence prevailed the city in time

eclipsed the sanctuary and became known as Hierapolis, or the Sacred

City, but where the native element retained its predominance the

city continued to be known as Hieropolis, or the City of the

Sanctuary.

491 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” _Journal of

Hellenic Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 251-253; R. Heberdey und A.

Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 26. These writers differ somewhat in their

reading and restoration of the verses, which are engraved on a

limestone basis among the ruins. I follow the version of Messrs.

Heberdey and Wilhelm.

492 J. T. Bent and E. L. Hicks, _op. cit._ pp. 235, 246 _sq._; R.

Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 27.

493 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See above, p. 115. The Cilician

Castabala, the situation of which is identified by inscriptions, is

not mentioned by Strabo. It is very unlikely that, with his intimate

knowledge of Asia Minor, he should have erred so far as to place the

city in Cappadocia, to the north of the Taurus mountains, instead of

in Cilicia, to the south of them. It is more probable that there

were two cities of the same name, and that Strabo has omitted to

mention one of them. Similarly, there were two cities called Comana,

one in Cappadocia and one in Pontus; at both places the same goddess

was worshipped with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535,

xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The situation of the various Castabalas

mentioned by ancient writers is discussed by F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur

Münzkunde Kilikiens,” _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp.

285-288.

494 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 37 _sq._

495 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, iii. 4.

496 Another Cilician goddess was Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alexander

the Great sacrificed before the battle of Issus. See Arrian,

_Anabasis_, ii. 5. 9; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Μάγαρσος; J.

Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 444. The name of the city seems to

be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Semitic word for “cave”

(מגרה). As to the importance of caves in Semitic religion, see W.

Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 197 _sqq._ The site

of Magarsus appears to be at Karatash, a hill rising from the sea at

the southern extremity of the Cilician plain, about forty-five miles

due south of Adana. The walls of the city, built of great limestone

blocks, are standing to a height of several courses, and an

inscription which mentions the priests of Magarsian Athena has been

found on the spot. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in

Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,

Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 6-10.

497 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western

Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 826 _sq._

498 The Rev. G. E. White (Missionary at Marsovan, in the ancient

Pontus), in a letter to me dated 19 Southmoor Road, Oxford, February

11, 1907.

M127 The divine triad, Baal, ’Atheh, and Sandan, at Tarsus may have been

personated by priests and priestesses.

M128 Tarsus said to have been founded by the Assyrian king Sardanapalus,

who burned himself on a pyre. Deaths of Babylonian and Assyrian

kings on the pyre.

499 Strabo, xiv. 5. 9, pp. 671 _sq._; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 5;

Athenaeus, xii. 39, p. 530 A, B. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._

Ἀγχιάλη; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 312, ed. G.

Dindorf (Bonn, 1829). The site of Anchiale has not yet been

discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins of a vast quadrangular

structure have sometimes been identified with the monument of

Sardanapalus. See E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 37-39;

G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv.

536 _sqq._ But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that the ruins in question

seem to be the concrete foundations of a Roman temple. The mistake

had already been pointed out by Mr. R. Koldewey. See his article,

“Das sogenannte Grab des Sardanapal zu Tarsus,” _Aus der Anomia_

(Berlin, 1890), pp. 178-185.

500 See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_,

iv. 542 _sq._ They think that the figure probably represented the

king in a common attitude of adoration, his right arm raised and his

thumb resting on his forefinger.

501 L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 17-19,

plates xxi.-xxv.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans

l’Antiquité_, iv. 492, 494 _sq._, 528-530, 547; J. Garstang, _The

Land of the Hittites_, pp. 107-122.

502 Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that the Hittite civilization and

the Hittite system of writing were developed in Cilicia rather than

in Cappadocia (_Asien und Europa_, p. 350).

503 According to Berosus and Abydenus it was not Sardanapalus

(Ashurbanipal) but Sennacherib who built or rebuilt Tarsus after the

fashion of Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to flow through the

midst of the city. See _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.

Müller, ii. 504, iv. 282; C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-assyrische

Geschichte_, pp. 297 _sq._

504 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27; Athenaeus, xii. 38, p. 529; Justin, i. 3.

505 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,

iii. 422 _sq._ For the inscriptions referring to him and a full

discussion of them, see C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), _Šamaš-šumukîn,

König von Babylonien, 668-648 v. Chr._ (Leipsic, 1892).

506 Abydenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv.

282; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, i. p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf;

E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 576

_sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient

Classique_, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele thought that the story of the

death of Saracus might be a popular but mistaken duplicate of the

death of Shamash-shumukin (_Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, pp.

410 _sq._). Zimri, king of Israel, also burned himself in his palace

to escape falling into the hands of his enemies (1 Kings xvi. 18).

M129 Story that Cyrus intended to burn Croesus alive. It is unlikely that

the Persians would thus have polluted the sacred element of fire.

507 Herodotus, i. 86 _sq._

508 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de

l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième

Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 274.

509 J. Darmesteter, _The Zend-Avesta_, vol. i. (Oxford, 1880) pp.

lxxxvi., lxxxviii-xc. (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv.).

_ 510 Zend-Avesta_, _Vendîdâd_, Fargard, v. 7. 39-44 (_Sacred Books of

the East_, iv. 60 _sq._).

_ 511 Zend-Avesta_, translated by J. Darmesteter, i. pp. xc. 9, 110 _sq._

(_Sacred Books of the East_, iv.).

512 Strabo, xv. 3. 14, p. 732. Even gold, on account of its resemblance

to fire, might not be brought near a corpse (_id._ xv. 3. 18, p.

734).

M130 The older and truer tradition was that in the extremity of his

fortunes Croesus attempted to burn himself.

513 Sardes fell in the autumn of 546 B.C. (E. Meyer, _Geschichte des

Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884), p. 604). Bacchylides was probably

born between 512 and 505 B.C. See R. C. Jebb, _Bacchylides, the

Poems and Fragments_ (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 1 _sq._

514 Bacchylides, iii. 24-62.

515 F. G. Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_ (Göttingen, 1849-1864), iii. pl.

xxxiii.; A. Baumeister, _Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums_

(Munich and Leipsic, 1885-1888), ii. 796, fig. 860; A. H. Smith,

“Illustrations to Bacchylides,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,

xviii. (1898) pp. 267-269; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des

Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 618 _sq._ It is true that

Cambyses caused the dead body of the Egyptian king Amasis to be

dragged from the tomb, mangled, and burned; but the deed is

expressly branded by the ancient historian as an outrage on Persian

religion (Herodotus, iii. 16).

516 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de

l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième

Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 277 _sq._; M. Duncker, _Geschichte des

Alterthums_, iv.5 330-332; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i.

(Stuttgart, 1884) p. 604; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples

de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 618.

517 Herodotus, i. 7.

518 See above, pp. 115 _sq._, 173 _sq._

M131 Legend that Semiramis burnt herself on a pyre.

519 Hyginus, _Fab._ 243; Pliny, viii. 155.

520 See W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” _English

Historical Review_, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. But the legend of

Semiramis appears to have gathered round the person of a real

Assyrian queen, by name Shammuramat, who lived towards the end of

the ninth century B.C. and is known to us from historical

inscriptions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, _Die historische Semiramis

und ihre Zeit_ (Tübingen, 1910), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._

“Semiramis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.

Mythologie_, iv. 678 _sqq._; _The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._

521 See above, p. 114.

522 In ancient Greece we seem to have a reminiscence of widow-burning in

the legend that when the corpse of Capaneus was being consumed on

the pyre, his wife Evadne threw herself into the flames and

perished. See Euripides, _Supplices_, 980 _sqq._; Apollodorus,

_Bibliotheca_, iii. 7. 1; Zenobius, _Cent._ i. 30; Ovid, _Tristia_,

v. 14. 38.

M132 The “great burnings” for Jewish kings.

523 Isaiah xxx. 33. The Revised Version has “a Topheth” instead of

“Tophet.” But Hebrew does not possess an indefinite article (the few

passages of the Bible in which the Aramaic חת is so used are no

exception to the rule), and there is no evidence that Tophet

(Topheth) was ever employed in a general sense. The passage of

Isaiah has been rightly interpreted by W. Robertson Smith in the

sense indicated in the text, though he denies that it contains any

reference to the sacrifice of the children. See his _Lectures on the

Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 372 _sq._ He observes (p. 372, note

3): “Saul’s body was burned (1 Sam. xxxi. 12), possibly to save it

from the risk of exhumation by the Philistines, but perhaps rather

with a religious intention, and almost as an act of worship, since

his bones were buried under the sacred tamarisk at Jabesh.” In 1

Chronicles x. 12 the tree under which the bones of Saul were buried

is not a tamarisk but a terebinth or an oak.

524 2 Chronicles xvi. 14, xxi. 19; Jeremiah xxxiv. 5. There is no ground

for assuming, as the Authorized version does in Jeremiah xxxiv. 5,

that only spices were burned on these occasions; indeed the burning

of spices is not mentioned at all in any of the three passages. The

“sweet odours and divers kinds of spices prepared by the

apothecaries’ art,” which were laid in the dead king’s bed (2

Chronicles xvi. 14), were probably used to embalm him, not to be

burned at his funeral. For though “great burnings” were regularly

made for the dead kings of Judah, there is no evidence (apart from

the doubtful case of Saul) that their bodies were cremated. They are

regularly said to have been buried, not burnt. The passage of Isaiah

seems to show that what was burned at a royal funeral was a great,

but empty, pyre. That the burnings for the kings formed part of a

heathen custom was rightly perceived by Renan (_Histoire du peuple

d’Israel_, iii. 121, note).

525 Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ v. 4. 1. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._

“Jerusalem,” vol. ii. 2423 _sq._

526 As to the Moloch worship, see Note I. at the end of the volume. I

have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for indicating to me

the inference which may be drawn from the identification of the

Valley of Hinnom with the Tyropoeon.

M133 The great burnings for Jewish Rabbis at Meiron in Galilee.

527 W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and

Phoenicia_ (London, 1883), pp. 575-579; Ed. Robinson, _Biblical

Researches in Palestine_3 (London, 1867), ii. 430. _sq._; K.

Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 255.

528 Herodotus, v. 92. 7.

529 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), pp. 73-76.

M134 Death by fire regarded by the ancients as a kind of apotheosis. Fire

was supposed to purge away the mortal parts of men, leaving the

immortal.

530 This view was maintained long ago by Raoul-Rochette in regard to the

deaths both of Sardanapalus and of Croesus. He supposed that “the

Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last extremity, wished, by the mode

of death which he chose, to give to his sacrifice the form of an

apotheosis and to identify himself with the national god of his

country by allowing himself to be consumed, like him, on a pyre....

Thus mythology and history would be combined in a legend in which

the god and the monarch would finally be confused. There is nothing

in this which is not conformable to the ideas and habits of Asiatic

civilization.” See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et

Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et

Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 247 _sq._,

271 _sqq._ The notion of regeneration by fire was fully recognized

by Raoul-Rochette (_op. cit._ pp. 30 _sq._). It deserves to be noted

that Croesus burned on a huge pyre the great and costly offerings

which he dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He thought, says Herodotus

(i. 50), that in this way the god would get possession of the

offerings.

531 As to Isis see Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 16. As to Demeter see

Homer, _Hymn to Demeter_, 231-262; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 5.

1; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see Apollonius Rhodius,

_Argon_, iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, _Bibl._ iii. 13. 6. Most of these

writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the

mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, περικαίειν

τὰ θνητὰ τοῦ σώματος. Apollodorus says (i. 5. 1), εἰς πῦρ κατετίθει

τὸ βρέφος καὶ περιῄρει τὰς θνητὰς σάρκας αὐτοῦ, and again (iii. 13.

6), εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐγκρυβοῦσα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔφθειρεν ὂ ἦν αὐτῷ θνητὸν

πατρῷον. Apollonius Rhodius says,

ἡ μὲν γὰρ βροτέας αἰεὶ περὶ σάρκας ἔδαιεν νύκτα διὰ μέσσην φλογμῷ

πυρός.

And Ovid has,

“_Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla Obruit, humanum purget ut

ignis onus._”

On the custom of passing children over a fire as a purification, see

my note, “The Youth of Achilles,” _Classical Review_, vii. (1893)

pp. 293 sq. On the purificatory virtue which the Greeks ascribed to

fire see also Erwin Rohde, _Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903),

ii. 101, note 2. The Warramunga of Central Australia have a

tradition of a great man who “used to burn children in the fire so

as to make them grow strong” (B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The

Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, London, 1904, p. 429).

532 She is said to have thus restored the youth of her husband Jason,

her father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Dionysus, and all their

husbands (Euripides, _Medea_, Argum.; Scholiast on Aristophanes,

_Knights_, 1321; compare Plautus, _Pseudolus_, 879 _sqq._); and she

applied the same process with success to an old ram (Apollodorus,

_Bibl._ i. 9. 27; Pausanias, viii. 11. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 24).

533 Pindar, _Olymp._ i. 40 _sqq._, with the Scholiast; J. Tzetzes,

_Schol. on Lycophron_, 152.

534 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, v. 12.

535 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 27 _sq._

536 Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 _sq._

537 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 25; Strabo, xv. 1. 64 and 68, pp. 715,

717; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii. 3.

_ 538 The Dying God_, pp. 42 _sqq._

M135 The Lydian kings seem to have claimed divinity on the ground of

their descent from Hercules, the god of the double-axe and of the

lion; and this Lydian Hercules or Sandon appears to have been the

same with the Cilician Sandan. Lydian kings held responsible for the

weather and the crops.

539 Herodotus, i. 7.

540 Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64.

541 See above, p. 144, note 2.

542 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 45. Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped

at the village of Labraunda, situated in a pass over the mountains,

near Mylasa in Caria. The temple was ancient. A road called the

Sacred Way led downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a city of white

marble temples and colonnades which stood in a fertile plain at the

foot of a precipitous mountain, where the marble was quarried.

Processions bearing the holy emblems went to and fro along the

Sacred Way from Mylasa to Labraunda. See Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658

_sq._ The double-headed axe figures on the ruins and coins of Mylasa

(Ch. Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, p.

75; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, pp. 528 _sq._). A

horseman carrying a double-headed axe is a type which occurs on the

coins of many towns in Lydia and Phrygia. At Thyatira this

axe-bearing hero was called Tyrimnus, and games were held in his

honour. He was identified with Apollo and the sun. See B. V. Head,

_Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), p. cxxviii.

On a coin of Mostene in Lydia the double-headed axe is represented

between a bunch of grapes and ears of corn, as if it were an emblem

of fertility (B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 162, pl. xvii. 11).

543 L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 141

_sq._ As to the Hittite thunder-god and his axe see above, pp. 134

_sqq._

544 Nicolaus Damascenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.

Müller, iii. 382 _sq._

_ 545 Ibid._ iii. 381.

M136 The lion-god of Lydia.

546 Herodotus, i. 84.

547 Eusebius, _Chronic._ i. 69, ed. A. Schoene (Berlin, 1866-1875).

548 Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes there was a stone lion which was said to

have been dedicated by Hercules (Pausanias, ix. 17. 2).

549 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 553; _id._,

_Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), pp. xcviii,

239, 240, 241, 244, 247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv. 9-11, 13,

XXV. 2, 12, xxvii. 8.

M137 Identity of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules.

550 See above, p. 143.

M138 The Cilician and Lydian Hercules (Sandan or Sandon) seems to have

been a Hittite deity.

551 Herodotus, ii. 106; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art

dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 742-752; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus

Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii.,

xxxviii.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 170-173, with

plate liv.

552 Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13. 7 with my note; G. Perrot et Ch.

Chipiez, _op. cit._ iv. 752-759; L. Messerschmidt, _op. cit._ pp. 37

_sq._, pl. xxxix. 1; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp.

167-170, with plate liii. Unlike most Hittite sculptures the figure

of Mother Plastene is carved almost in the round. The inscriptions

which accompany both these Lydian monuments are much defaced.

553 The suggestion that the Heraclid kings of Lydia were Hittites, or

under Hittite influence, is not novel. See W. Wright, _Empire of the

Hittites_, p. 59; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i.

(Stuttgart, 1884) p. 307, § 257; Fr. Hommel, _Grundriss der

Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 54, note 2; L.

Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 22.

M139 Death and resurrection of the Lydian hero Tylon. Feast of the Golden

Flower at Sardes.

554 See above, pp. 110 _sqq._

555 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 27. 1.

556 Nonnus, _Dionys._ xxv. 451-551; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxv. 14. The

story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, an early

historian of Lydia.

557 Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was restored to life by the seer

Polyidus, who learned the trick from a serpent. See Apollodorus,

_Bibliotheca_, iii. 3. 1. For references to other tales of the same

sort see my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 _sq._).

The serpent’s acquaintance with the tree of life in the garden of

Eden perhaps belongs to the same cycle of stories.

558 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cxi-cxiii,

with pl. xxvii. 12. On the coins the champion’s name appears as

Masnes or Masanes, but the reading is doubtful. The name Masnes

occurred in Xanthus’s history of Lydia (_Fragmenta Historicorum

Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv. 629). It is probably the same with

Manes, the name of a son of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have been

the first king of Lydia (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i.

27. 1). Manes was the father of King Atys (Herodotus, i. 94). Thus

Tylon was connected with the royal family of Lydia through his

champion as well as in the ways mentioned in the text.

559 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _l.c._

560 See above, p. 183.

561 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, p. cxiii.

562 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cx, cxiii.

The festival seems to be mentioned only on coins.

563 See above, p. 154.

564 V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_7 (Berlin, 1902), p. 261. He

would derive the name from the Semitic, or at all events the

Cilician language. The Hebrew word for saffron is _karkôm_. As to

the spring flowers of North-Western Asia Minor, W. M. Leake remarks

(April 1, 1800) that “primroses, violets, and crocuses, are the only

flowers to be seen” (_Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor_, London,

1824, p. 143). Near Mylasa in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20, 1840)

the broom covered with yellow blossoms and a great variety of

anemones, like “a rich Turkey carpet, in which the green grass did

not form a prominent colour amidst the crimson, lilac, blue,

scarlet, white, and yellow flowers” (Ch. Fellows, _An Account of

Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, pp. 65, 66). In February the

yellow stars of _Gagea arvensis_ cover the rocky and grassy grounds

of Lycia, and the field-marigold often meets the eye. At the same

season in Lycia the shrub _Colutea arborescens_ opens its yellow

flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_

(London, 1847), ii. 133. I must leave it to others to identify the

Golden Flower of Sardes.

M140 The custom of burning a god may have been intended to recruit his

divine energies.

M141 The custom of burning a god may have stood in some relation to

volcanic phenomena.

M142 The great extinct volcano Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia.

565 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount Argaeus still retains its ancient

name in slightly altered forms (_Ardjeh_, _Erdjich_, _Erjäus_). Its

height is about 13,000 feet. In the nineteenth century it was

ascended by at least two English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and H.

F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and

Armenia_, ii. 269-281; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern

Asia Minor_, pp. 94, 113-131; Élisée Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie

Universelle_ (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 476-478. A Hittite inscription

is carved at a place called Tope Nefezi, near Asarjik, on the slope

of Mount Argaeus. See J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp.

152 _sq._

566 H. F. Tozer, _op. cit._ pp. 125-127.

M143 Persian fire-worship in Cappadocia. Worship of natural fires which

burn perpetually. The perpetual fires of Baku.

567 Strabo, xv. 3. 14 _sq._, pp. 732 _sq._ A bundle of twigs, called the

Barsom (_Beresma_ in the Avesta), is still used by the Parsee

priests in chanting their liturgy. See M. Haug, _Essays on the

Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis_3 (London,

1884), pp. 4, note 1, 283. When a potter in Southern India is making

a pot which is to be worshipped as a household deity, he “should

close his mouth with a bandage, so that his breath may not defile

the pot.” See E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_

(Madras, 1909), iv. 151.

568 Baron Charles Hügel, _Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab_ (London,

1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, _Things Indian_ (London, 1906), p. 219.

569 Jonas Hanway, _An Historical Account of the British Trade over the

Caspian Sea: with the Author’s Journal of Travels_, Second Edition

(London, 1754), i. 263. For later descriptions of the fires and

fire-worshippers of Baku, see J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des

Kaukasus_ (Gotha, Hildesheim, and St. Petersburg, 1796-1797), i.

151-159; A. von Haxthausen, _Transkaukasia_ (Leipsic, 1856), ii.

80-85. Compare W. Crooke, _Things Indian_, p. 219.

M144 The Burnt Land of Lydia.

570 Strabo, xii. 8. 18 _sq._, p. 579; xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. The wine of

the district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii. 3. 12) and Pliny

(_Nat. Hist._ xiv. 75).

571 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.

136-140, ii. 131-138. One of the three recent cones described by

Strabo is now called the _Kara Devlit_, or Black Inkstand. Its top

is about 2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 feet above the

surrounding plain. The adjoining town of Koula, built of the black

lava on which it stands, has a sombre and dismal look. Another of

the cones, almost equally high, has a crater of about half a mile in

circumference and three or four hundred feet deep.

572 Strabo, xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. Compare his account of the Catanian

vineyards (vi. 2. 3, p. 269).

M145 Earthquakes in Asia Minor. Worship of Poseidon, the earthquake god.

573 Strabo, xii. 8. 16-18, pp. 578 _sq._; xiii. 4. 10 _sq._, p. 628.

574 Strabo, xii. 8. 18, p. 579. Compare Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 58.

575 Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare Plutarch, _De Pythiae oraculis_,

11; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 202; Justin, xxx. 4. The event seems to

have happened in 197 B.C. Several other islands are known to have

appeared in the same bay both in ancient and modern times. So far as

antiquity is concerned, the dates of their appearance are given by

Pliny, but some confusion on the subject has crept into his mind, or

rather, perhaps, into his text. See the discussion of the subject in

W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873),

ii. 1158-1160. As to the eruptions in the bay of Santorin, the last

of which occurred in 1866 and produced a new island, see Sir Charles

Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), i. 51, ii. 65

_sqq._; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von

Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 272 _sqq._ There is a monograph

on Santorin and its eruptions (F. Fouqué, _Santorin et ses

éruptions_, Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief but striking

account of Rhodes, its architecture, its art-treasures, and its

constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 _sq._). As to the Rhodian schools

of art see H. Brunn, _Geschichte der griechischen Künstler_

(Stuttgart, 1857-1859), i. 459 _sqq._, ii. 233 _sqq._, 286 _sq._

576 Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 682; Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, vii. 21. 7;

Plutarch, _Theseus_, 36; Aristides, _Isthmic._ vol. i. p. 29, ed. G.

Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829); Appian, _Bell. Civ._ v. 98; Macrobius,

_Saturn._ i. 17. 22; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum

Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), ii. p. 230, No. 543.

577 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 22.

M146 Spartan propitiation of Poseidon during an earthquake.

578 Xenophon, _Hellenica_, iv. 7. 4. As to the Spartan headquarters

staff (οἱ περὶ δαμοσίαν), see _id._ iv. 5. 8, vi. 4. 14; Xenophon,

_Respublica Lacedaem_. xiii. 1, xv. 4. Usually the Spartans desisted

from any enterprise they had in hand when an earthquake happened

(Thucydides, iii. 59. 1, v. 50. 5, vi. 95. 1).

579 Thucydides, v. 70. 1. The use of the music, Thucydides tells us, was

not to inspire the men, but to enable them to keep step, and so to

march in close order. Without music a long line of battle was apt to

straggle in advancing to the charge. As missiles were little used in

Greek warfare, there was no need to hurry the advance over the

intervening ground; so it was made deliberately and with the bands

playing. The air to which the Spartans charged was called Castor’s

tune. It was the king in person who gave the word for the flutes to

strike up. See Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 22.

580 Xenophon, _Respublica Lacedaem_. xi. 3; Aristophanes, _Lysistrata_,

1140; Aristotle, cited by a scholiast on Aristophanes, _Acharn._

320; Plutarch, _Instituta Laconica_, 24. When a great earthquake had

destroyed the city of Sparta and the Messenians were in revolt, the

Spartans sent a messenger to Athens asking for help. Aristophanes

(_Lysistrata_, 1138 _sqq._) describes the man as if he had seen him,

sitting as a suppliant on the altar with his pale face and his red

coat.

581 I have assumed that the sun shone on the Spartans at Thermopylae.

For the battle was fought in the height of summer, when the Greek

sky is generally cloudless, and on that particular morning the

weather was very still. The evening before, the Persians had sent

round a body of troops by a difficult pass to take the Spartans in

the rear; day was breaking when they neared the summit, and the

first intimation of their approach which reached the ears of the

Phocian guards posted on the mountain was the loud crackling of

leaves under their feet in the oak forest. Moreover, the famous

Spartan saying about fighting in the shade of the Persian arrows,

which obscured the sun, points to bright, hot weather. It was at

high noon, and therefore probably in the full blaze of the mid-day

sun, that the last march-out took place. See Herodotus, vii.

215-226; and as to the date of the battle (about the time of the

Olympic games) see Herodotus, vii. 206, viii. 12 and 26; G. Busolt,

_Griechische Geschichte_, ii.2 (Gotha, 1895) p. 673, note 9.

M147 Modes of stopping an earthquake by informing the god or giant that

there are still men on the earth.

582 S. Müller, _Reizen en Onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_

(Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 264 _sq._ Compare A. Bastian, _Indonesien_

(Berlin, 1884-1889), ii. 3. The beliefs and customs of the East

Indian peoples in regard to earthquakes have been described by G. A.

Wilken, _Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel_,

Tweede Stuk (Leyden, 1885), pp. 247-254; _id._, _Verspreide

Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 274-281. Compare _id._,

_Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_ (Leyden, 1893), pp. 604 _sq._; and on primitive

conceptions of earthquakes in general, E. B. Tylor, _Primitive

Culture_2 (London, 1873), i. 364-366; R. Lasch, “Die Ursache und

Bedeutung der Erdbeben im Volksglauben und Volksbrauch,” _Archiv für

Religionswissenschaft_, v. (1902) pp. 236-257, 369-383.

583 Epiphanius, _Adversus Haereses_, ii. 2. 23 (Migne’s _Patrologia

Graeca_, xlii. 68).

584 H. N. van der Tuuk, “Notes on the Kawi Language and Literature,”

_Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xiii. (1881) p. 50.

585 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes

en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 398; compare _id._ pp. 330, 428.

586 G. Bamler, “Tami,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.

(Berlin, 1911) p. 492.

587 Mrs. Leslie Milne, _Shans at Home_ (London, 1910), p. 54.

588 De St. Cricq, “Voyage du Pérou au Brésil par les fleuves Ucayali et

Amazone, Indiens Conibos,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_

(Paris), ive Série, vi. (1853) p. 292.

589 Miss Alice Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,

1906), p. 56.

590 Mgr. Lechaptois, _Aux Rives du Tanganika_ (Algiers, 1913), p. 217.

591 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 313 _sq._

M148 Conduct of the Bataks during an earthquake.

592 W. Ködding, “Die batakschen Götter und ihr Verhältniss zum

Brahmanismus,” _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) p.

405.

593 G. A. Wilken, “Het Animisme bij de volken van den Indischen

Archipel,” _Verspreide Geschriften_, ii. 279; H. N. van der Tuuk,

_op. cit._ pp. 49 _sq._

M149 Various modes of prevailing upon the earthquake god to stop.

594 J. G. F. Riedel, “De Topantunuasu of oorspronkelijke Volkstammen van

Central Selebes,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxv. (1886) p. 95.

595 John Williams, _Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea

Islands_ (London, 1838), p. 379.

596 G. Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 211; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of

the United States Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York,

1851), ii. 131.

597 A. Schadenburg, “Die Bewohner von Süd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,”

_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 32.

598 W. Mariner, _Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_, Second

Edition (London, 1818), ii. 112 _sq._

599 Sangermano, _Description of the Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon, 1885), p.

130.

600 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_

(Hiltrup bei Münster, N.D.), p. 336.

601 A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l’État de Panama,” _Revue

d’Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 119.

602 E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,

1892) p. 469.

603 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London,

1887), pp. 35 _sq._

M150 Religious and moral effects of earthquakes.

604 J. Jackson, in J. E. Erskine’s _Journal of a Cruise among the

Islands of the Western Pacific_ (London, 1853), p. 473. My friend,

the late Mr. Lorimer Fison, wrote to me (December 15, 1906) that the

name of the Fijian earthquake god is Maui, not A Dage, as Jackson

says. Mr. Fison adds, “I have seen Fijians stamping and smiting the

ground and yelling at the top of their voices in order to rouse

him.”

605 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het

eiland Nias,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van

Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 118; Th. C.

Rappard, “Het eiland Nias en zijne bewoners,” _Bijdragen tot de

Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, lxii. (1909) p.

582. In Soerakarta, a district of Java, when an earthquake takes

place the people lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, and lick

it with their tongues so long as the earthquake lasts. This they do

in order that they may not lose their teeth prematurely. See J. W.

Winter, “Beknopte Beschrijving van het hof Soerokarta in 1824,”

_Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, liv. (1902) p. 85. The connexion of ideas in

this custom is not clear.

M151 The god of the sea and of the earthquake naturally conceived as one.

606 On this question see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische

Geographie von Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 332-336. As to the

frequency of earthquakes in Achaia and Asia Minor see Seneca,

_Epist._ xiv. 3. 9; and as to Achaia in particular see C. Neumann

und J. Partsch, _op. cit._ pp. 324-326. On the coast of Achaia there

was a chain of sanctuaries of Poseidon (L. Preller, _Griechische

Mythologie_, i.4 575).

607 See Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 ii. 147 _sqq._; J.

Milne, _Earthquakes_ (London, 1886), pp. 165 _sqq._

608 See, for example, Thucydides, iii. 89.

609 Strabo, viii. 7. 1 _sq._, pp. 384 _sq._; Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49;

Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 19; Pausanias, vii. 24. 5 _sq._ and 12,

vii. 25. 1 and 4.

610 Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49. 4 _sq._ Among the most famous seats of the

worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese were Taenarum in Laconia, Helice

in Achaia, Mantinea in Arcadia, and the island of Calauria, off the

coast of Troezen. See Pausanias, ii. 33. 2, iii. 25. 4-8, vii. 24. 5

_sq._, viii. 10. 2-4. Laconia as well as Achaia has suffered much

from earthquakes, and it contained many sanctuaries of Poseidon. We

may suppose that the deity was worshipped here chiefly as the

earthquake god, since the rugged coasts of Laconia are ill adapted

to maritime enterprise, and the Lacedaemonians were never a

seafaring folk. See C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische

Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 330 _sq._, 335 _sq._ For Laconian

sanctuaries of Poseidon see Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, iii. 12. 5, iii.

14. 2 and 7, iii. 15. 10, iii. 20. 2, iii. 21. 5, iii. 25. 4.

M152 Poisonous mephitic vapours.

611 Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 391 _sqq._, 590.

612 “Extract from a Letter of Mr. Alexander Loudon,” _Journal of the

Royal Geographical Society_, ii. (1832) pp. 60-62; Sir Ch. Lyell,

_Principles of Geology_,12 i. 590.

613 Sir Ch. Lyell, _l.c._

M153 Places of Pluto or Charon. The valley of Amsanctus.

614 Lucretius, vi. 738 _sqq._

615 Strabo, v. 4. 5, p. 244, xii. 8. 17, p. 579, xiii. 4. 14, p. 629,

xiv. 1. 11 and 44, pp. 636, 649; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 36.

79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208. Compare [Aristotle,] _De mundo_, 4,

p. 395 B, ed. Bekker.

616 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 84, who says that some people looked

on Mefitis as a god, the male partner of Leucothoë, to whom he stood

as Adonis to Venus or as Virbius to Diana. As to Mefitis see L.

Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 144 _sq._;

R. Peter, _s.v._ “Mefitis” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech.

und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 2519 _sqq._

617 Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 563-571, with the commentary of Servius; Cicero,

_De divinatione_, i. 36. 79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208.

618 Letter of Mr. Hamilton (British Envoy at the Court of Naples), in

_Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, ii. (1832) pp. 62-65;

W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, i. 127; H.

Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_ (Berlin, 1883-1902), i. 242, 271,

ii. 819 _sq._ Another place in Italy infested by poisonous

exhalations is the grotto called _dei cani_ at Naples. It is

described by Addison in his “Remarks on Several Parts of Italy”

(_Works_, London, 1811, vol. ii. pp. 89-91).

M154 Sanctuaries of Charon or Pluto in Caria.

619 Strabo, xiv. 1. 11, p. 636.

620 Strabo, xiv. 1. 44, pp. 649 _sq._ A coin of Nysa shows the bull

carried to the sacrifice by six naked youths and preceded by a naked

flute-player. See B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of

Lydia_, pp. lxxxiii. 181, pl. xx. 10. Strabo was familiar with this

neighbourhood, for he tells us (xiv. 1. 48, p. 650) that in his

youth he studied at Nysa under the philosopher Aristodemus.

M155 Sanctuary of Pluto at the Lydian or Phrygian Hierapolis.

621 Some of the ancients assigned Hierapolis to Lydia, and others to

Phrygia (W. M. Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i.

(Oxford, 1895) pp. 84 _sq._

622 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629 _sq._; Dio Cassius, lxviii. 27. 3;

Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 18.

M156 The hot springs and petrified cascades of Hierapolis.

623 Ammianus Marcellinus (_l.c._) speaks as if the cave no longer

existed in his time.

M157 The hot pool of Hierapolis with its deadly exhalations.

M158 Deposits left by the waters of Hierapolis.

624 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629, 630; Vitruvius, viii. 3. 10. For

modern descriptions of Hierapolis see R. Chandler, _Travels in Asia

Minor_2 (London, 1776), pp. 228-235; Ch. Fellows, _Journal written

during an Excursion in Asia Minor_ (London, 1839), pp. 283-285; W.

J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.

517-521; E. Renan, _Saint Paul_, pp. 357 _sq._; E. J. Davis,

_Anatolica_ (London, 1874), pp. 97-112; É. Reclus, _Nouvelle

Géographie Universelle_, ix. 510-512; W. Cochran, _Pen and Pencil

Sketches in Asia Minor_ (London, 1887), pp. 387-390; W. M. Ramsay,

_Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. 84 _sqq._ The temperature of

the hot pool varies from 85 to 90 degrees Fahrenheit. The volcanic

district of Tuscany which skirts the Apennines abounds in hot

calcareous springs which have produced phenomena like those of

Hierapolis. Indeed the whole ground is in some places coated over

with tufa and travertine, which have been deposited by the water,

and, like the ground at Hierapolis, it sounds hollow under the foot.

See Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 397 _sqq._ As to

the terraces of Rotomahana in New Zealand, which were destroyed by

an eruption of Mount Taravera in 1886, see R. Taylor, _Te Ika A

Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_2 (London, 1870), pp.

464-469.

M159 Hercules the patron of hot springs.

625 Athenaeus, xii. 6. p. 512.

626 Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1044-1054.

627 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1050; Scholiast on Pindar,

_Olymp._ xii. 25; Suidas and Hesychius, _s.v._ Ἡράκλεια λουτρά;

Apostolius, viii. 66; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch,

_Proverbia Alexandrinorum_, 21; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3.

4. Another story was that Hercules, like Moses, produced the water

by smiting the rock with his club (Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._

4).

628 Apostolius, viii. 68; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch,

_Proverbia Alexandrinorum_, 21.

629 Lucian, _Dialogi Deorum_, 13.

M160 Hot springs of Hercules at Thermopylae.

630 Strabo, ix. 4. 13, p. 428.

631 Herodotus, vii. 176; Pausanias, iv. 35. 9; Philostratus, _Vit.

Sophist._ ii. 1. 9.

632 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1050.

633 I have described Thermopylae as I saw it in November 1895. Compare

W. M. Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_ (London, 1835), ii. 33

_sqq._; E. Dodwell, _Classical and Topographical Tour through

Greece_ (London, 1819), ii. 66 _sqq._; K. G. Fiedler, _Reise durch

alle Theile des Königreichs Griechenland_ (Leipsic, 1840-1841), i.

207 _sqq._; L. Ross, _Wanderungen in Griechenland_ (Halle, 1851), i.

90 _sqq._; C. Bursian, _Geographie von Griechenland_ (Leipsic,

1862-1872), i. 92 _sqq._

M161 Hot springs of Hercules at Aedepsus.

634 Thucydides, iii. 87 and 89; Strabo, i. 3. 20, pp. 60 _sq._; C.

Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_,

pp. 321-323.

635 Aristotle, _Meteora_, ii. 8, p. 366 A, ed. Bekker; Strabo, ix. 4. 2,

p. 425. Aristotle expressly recognized the connexion of the springs

with earthquakes, which he tells us were very common in this

district. As to the earthquakes of Euboea see also Thucydides, iii.

87, 89; Strabo, i. 3. 16 and 20, pp. 58, 60 _sq._

636 Plutarch, _Sulla_, 26.

637 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviviales_, iv. 4. 1; _id._, _De fraterno

Amore_, 17.

638 As to the hot springs of Aedepsus (the modern _Lipso_) see K. G.

Fiedler, _Reise durch alle Theile des Königreichs Griechenland_, i.

487-492; H. N. Ulrichs, _Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland_

(Bremen, 1840—Berlin, 1863), ii. 233-235; C. Bursian, _Geographie

von Griechenland_, ii. 409; C. Neumann und J. Partsch,

_Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 342-344.

639 Strabo, i. 3. 20, p. 60.

640 Athenaeus, iii. 4, p. 73 E, D.

M162 Reasons for the association of Hercules with hot springs.

641 The hot springs of Himera (the modern _Termini_) were said to have

been produced for the refreshment of the weary Hercules. See

Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3. 4; Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._

xii. 25. The hero is said to have taught the Syracusans to sacrifice

a bull annually to Persephone at the Blue Spring (_Cyane_) near

Syracuse; the beasts were drowned in the water of the pool. See

Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 4, v. 4. 1 _sq._ As to the spring, which

is now thickly surrounded by tall papyrus-plants introduced by the

Arabs, see K. Baedeker, _Southern Italy_7 (Leipsic, 1880), pp. 356,

357.

642 The splendid baths of Allifae in Samnium, of which there are

considerable remains, were sacred to Hercules. See G. Wilmanns,

_Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_ (Berlin, 1873), vol. i. p. 227,

No. 735 C; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. 798. It is

characteristic of the volcanic nature of the springs that the same

inscription which mentions these baths of Hercules records their

destruction by an earthquake.

643 H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i.

(Berlin, 1902) p. 113, No. 3891.

644 Speaking of thermal springs Lyell observes that the description of

them “might almost with equal propriety have been given under the

head of ‘igneous causes,’ as they are agents of a mixed nature,

being at once igneous and aqueous” (_Principles of Geology_,12 i.

392).

645 See above, p. 194.

M163 The hot springs of Callirrhoe in Moab.

646 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, New

York, and Toronto, 1902), pp. 116 _sq._; Mrs. H. H. Spoer, “The

Powers of Evil in Jerusalem,” _Folk-lore_, xviii. (1907) p. 55. See

above, p. 78.

647 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xvii. 6. 5. The medical properties of the

spring are mentioned by Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ v. 72).

648 C. L. Irby and J. Mangles, _Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and

the Holy Land_ (London, 1844), pp. 144 _sq._; W. Smith, _Dictionary

of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873), i. 482, _s.v._

“Callirrhoë”; K. Baedeker, _Syria and Palestine_4 (Leipsic, 1906),

p. 148; H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Moab_ (London, 1873), pp.

233-250, 285 _sqq._; Jacob E. Spafford, “Around the Dead Sea by

Motor Boat,” _The Geographical Journal_, xxxix. (1912) pp. 39 _sq._

The river formed by the springs is now called the Zerka.

M164 Prayers and sacrifices offered to the hot springs of Callirrhoe.

649 Antonin Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,

1908), pp. 359 _sq._ The Arabs think that the evil spirits let the

hot water out of hell, lest its healing properties should assuage

the pains of the damned. See H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Moab_

(London, 1873), p. 247.

M165 Worship of volcanic phenomena in other lands.

M166 The great volcano of Kirauea in Hawaii.

650 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London,

1832-1836), iv. 235 _sqq._ Mr. Ellis was the first European to visit

and describe the tremendous volcano. His visit was paid in the year

1823. Compare _The Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xi. 531.

651 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 246 _sq._

M167 The divinities of the volcano. Offerings to the volcano. Priestess

impersonating the goddess of the volcano.

652 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 248-250.

653 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 207, 234-236. The berries resemble currants

in shape and size and grow on low bushes. “The branches small and

clear, leaves alternate, obtuse with a point, and serrated; the

flower was monopetalous, and, on being examined, determined the

plant to belong to the class _decandria_ and order _monogynia_. The

native name of the plant is _ohelo_” (W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 234).

654 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 263.

655 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 350.

656 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 309-311.

657 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 361.

M168 Sacrifices to volcanoes. Human victims thrown into volcanoes. Annual

sacrifices to the volcano Bromo in Java.

658 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, _Historia General y Natural de las

Indias_ (Madrid, 1851-1855), iv. 74.

659 A. C. Kruijt, _Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel_ (The Hague,

1906), pp. 497 _sq._

660 W. B. d’Almeida, _Life in Java_ (London, 1864), i. 166-173.

661 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, “Die Tĕnggĕresen, ein alter Javanischer

Volksstamm,” _Bijdragentot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, liii. (1901) pp. 84, 144-147.

662 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, _op. cit._ pp. 100 _sq._

M169 Other sacrifices to volcanoes.

663 I. A. Stigand, “The Volcano of Smeroe, Java,” _The Geographical

Journal_, xxviii. (1906) pp. 621, 624.

664 Pausanias, iii. 23. 9. Some have thought that Pausanias confused the

crater of Etna with the _Lago di Naftia_, a pool near Palagonia in

the interior of Sicily, of which the water, impregnated with naphtha

and sulphur, is thrown into violent ebullition by jets of volcanic

gas. See [Aristotle,] _Mirab. Auscult._ 57; Macrobius, _Saturn._ v.

19. 26 _sqq._; Diodorus Siculus, xi. 89; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._

Παλική; E. H. Bunbury, _s.v._ “Palicorum Iacus,” in W. Smith’s

_Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, ii. 533 _sq._ The author

of the ancient Latin poem _Aetna_ says (vv. 340 _sq._) that people

offered incense to the celestial deities on the top of Etna.

M170 No evidence that the Asiatic custom of burning kings or gods was

connected with volcanic phenomena.

665 See above, pp. 190 _sq._

666 On Mount Chimaera in Lycia a flame burned perpetually which neither

earth nor water could extinguish. See Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 236,

v. 100; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 288; Seneca, _Epist._ x. 3. 3;

Diodorus, quoted by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 212 B, 10 _sqq._, ed.

Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824). This perpetual flame was rediscovered by

Captain Beaufort near Porto Genovese on the coast of Lycia. It

issues from the side of a hill of crumbly serpentine rock, giving

out an intense heat, but no smoke. “Trees, brushwood, and weeds grow

close round this little crater, a small stream trickles down the

hill hard bye, and the ground does not appear to feel the effect of

its heat at more than a few feet distance.” The fire is not

accompanied by earthquakes or noises; it ejects no stones and emits

no noxious vapours. There is nothing but a brilliant and perpetual

flame, at which the shepherds often cook their food. See Fr.

Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), p. 46; compare T. A. B. Spratt

and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_ (London, 1847), ii. 181 _sq._

667 In the foregoing discussion I have confined myself, so far as

concerns Asia, to the volcanic regions of Cappadocia, Lydia, and

Caria. But Syria and Palestine, the home of Adonis and Melcarth,

“abound in volcanic appearances, and very extensive areas have been

shaken, at different periods, with great destruction of cities and

loss of lives. Continual mention is made in history of the ravages

committed by earthquakes in Sidon, Tyre, Berytus, Laodicea, and

Antioch, and in the island of Cyprus. The country around the Dead

Sea exhibits in some spots layers of sulphur and bitumen, forming a

superficial deposit, supposed by Mr. Tristram to be of volcanic

origin” (Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 592 _sq._). As

to the earthquakes of Syria and Phoenicia see Strabo, i. 3. 16, p.

58; Lucretius, vi. 585; Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xv. 5. 2; _id._,

_Bell. Jud._ i. 19. 3; W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book,

Central Palestine and Phoenicia_, pp. 568-574; Ed. Robinson,

_Biblical Researches in Palestine_,3 ii. 422-424; S. R. Driver, on

Amos iv. 11 (Cambridge _Bible for Schools and Colleges_). It is said

that in the reign of the Emperor Justin the city of Antioch was

totally destroyed by a dreadful earthquake, in which three hundred

thousand people perished (Procopius, _De Bello Persico_, ii. 14).

The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis xix. 24-28) has been

plausibly explained as the effect of an earthquake liberating large

quantities of petroleum and inflammable gases. See H. B. Tristram,

_The Land of Israel_, Fourth Edition (London, 1882), pp. 350-354; S.

R. Driver, _The Book of Genesis_4 (London, 1905), pp. 202 _sq._

M171 Results of the preceding inquiry.

M172 Our knowledge of the rites of Adonis derived chiefly from Greek

writers.

M173 Festivals of the death and resurrection of Adonis. The festival at

Alexandria. The festival at Byblus.