BOOK XVI.

GERMANY TO THE DEATH OF LUTHER.

CHAPTER I.

PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY.

(1520--1536.)

The light of the Gospel had risen upon Europe, and had already pervaded

the central and southern portions of this quarter of the world. A new

age had begun. The work of the Reformation was not done like that of

a council, by articles of discipline; but by the proclamation of a

Saviour, living and ever-present in the church; and it thus raised

Christendom from its fallen state. To the church in bonds in the rude

grasp of the papacy it gave the freedom which is to be found in union

with God; and withdrawing men from confessionals and from cells in

which they were stifled, it enabled them to breathe a free air under

the vault of heaven. At the time of its appearance, the vessel of the

church had suffered shipwreck, and the Roman Catholics were tossed

about in the midst of traditions, ordinances, canons, constitutions,

regulations, decretals, and a thousand human decisions; just as

shipwrecked men struggle in the midst of broken masts, parted benches,

and scattered oars. The Reformation was the bark of salvation which

rescued the unhappy sufferers from the devouring waters, and took them

into the ark of the Word of God.

The Reformation did not confine itself to gathering men together,

it also gave them a new life. Roman Catholicism is congealed in

the forms of the Middle Ages. Destitute of vitality, possessing no

fertilizing principle, humanity lay buried in its old grave-clothes.

The Reformation was a resurrection. The Gospel imparts a true, pure,

and heavenly life, a life which does not grow old, nor fade, nor

disappear like that of all created things, but is continually renewed,

not indeed by its own efforts, but by the power of God, and knows

neither old age nor death. Time was needed for the Gospel, after being

buried for ages by the papacy, to throw off all its swaddling-clothes,

and resume its free and mighty progress; but its advance was made by

an impulse from on high. After having restored to Europe primitive

Christianity, the church which sprang from the Reformation overthrew

the ancient superstitions of Asia, and of the whole world, and sent a

life-giving breath over the fields of death. Churches everywhere called

into existence, assemblies of men abounding in good deeds, these are

the testimonies of its fertility. The missionaries of this Gospel,

although they lived in poverty, spent their days in obscurity, and

often encountered death even in a cruel form, nevertheless accomplished

a work more beneficial and more heroic than princes and conquerors

have done. Rome herself was moved at the sight of all the stations

established, all the Bibles put into circulation, all the schools

founded, all the children educated, and all the souls converted.

There is, however, one point on which the papacy imagines that it may

claim a triumph, that is, unity; and yet on this very point it fails.

Roman Catholics know no other unity than that of the disciples of human

science,--of mathematics, for example. Just as all the pupils in a

school are agreed about the theorems of Euclid, the papacy requires

that all the faithful, who in her opinion ought to be nothing but

pupils, should be agreed about the dogmas which she establishes in

her councils or in her Vatican retreats. Unity, she says, is the

assertion of the same decrees. The Gospel is not satisfied with this

scholastic uniformity; it demands a union more intimate, more profound,

more vital--at once more human and more divine. It requires that all

Christians should 'be likeminded, having the same love, being of one

accord, of one mind;' a true 'fellowship of the Spirit;'[478] and this

union it founds upon Christ, on the truth--'that there is no salvation

in any other,' and on the fact that all those who are saved have in Him

the same righteousness, the same redemption.[479] Christ reveals the

divine nature of Christian unity,--'I in them,' he said, 'that they may

be one as we are one.'[480] This is assuredly something different from

the mechanical and scholastic unity of which the Roman doctors make

their boast. The unity of the Gospel is not a crystallization like the

unity of Rome, it is a movement full of life.

[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE REFORMATION.]

All kinds of human progress date from the Reformation. It produced

religious progress by substituting for the forms and the rites which

are the essence of Romish religion, a life of communion with God. It

produced moral progress by introducing, wherever it was established,

the reign of conscience and the sacredness of the domestic hearth.

It produced political and social progress by giving to the nations

which accepted it, an order and a freedom which other nations in vain

strive to attain. It produced progress in philosophy and in science,

by showing the unity of these human forms of teaching with the

knowledge of God. It produced progress in education, the well-being

of communities, the prosperity, riches, and greatness of nations. The

Reformation, originating in God, beneficially develops what pertains to

man. And if pride and passion sometimes happen to impede its movement,

and to thrust within its chariot wheels the clubs of incredulity, it

presently breaks them, and pursues its victorious course. Its pace is

more or less speedy; various circumstances make it slow or swift; but

if at one time it is slackened, at another time it is accelerated. It

has been in action for three centuries, and has accomplished more in

this time than had been effected in the preceding sixteen centuries.

It is upheld by a mighty hand. If the truth which was again brought to

light in the sixteenth century should once more be entombed, then the

sun being veiled the earth would be covered with darkness; it would no

longer be possible to discern the way of salvation; moral force would

disappear, freedom would depart, modern civilization would once more

sink into barbarism, and humanity, deprived of the only guide competent

to lead it on, would go astray and perish hopelessly in the desert.

We have narrated in our early volumes the great achievements of the

Reformation in Germany, at Worms, Spire, Augsburg, and elsewhere. While

these events were astonishing all Europe, the Spirit of God was gently

breathing, souls were silently awakening, churches were forming, and

the Christian virtues were springing up afresh in Christendom. What

took place at that period was very much like what frequently happens

in the world of nature. In the higher regions there are great gales,

clouds charged with electricity, thunders, lightnings, and torrents of

rain. Then in the lower regions, in the valleys and on the plains, the

fields refreshed, reviving, grow green again, 'and the earth brings

forth first the fruit, then the ear, after that the full corn in the

ear.'

The Reformation had made great progress in Germany. The Word of God

everywhere advanced with much power; and the waters which had gushed

forth at Wittenberg, spreading around, quenched the thirst of many

souls. Believers were found in all classes, but especially among the

traders of the towns.

[Sidenote: JOHN BUGENHAGEN.]

In an island of the Baltic, formed by the two eastern arms of the

Oder, and belonging to Pomerania, stands the small town of Wollin,

formerly a nest of Danish pirates. Here was born, on June 24, 1485, a

man of singular goodness, who became one of the champions of Christian

civilization in the sixteenth century, John, son of the councillor

Gerard Bugenhagen. He entered in 1502 the university of Greifswald,

a town situated on the same sea, and applied himself to the study

of languages, the humanities, and also theology. In 1505 he went

to Treptow, another town on the Baltic, further eastward, and was

appointed rector of the school. He was so successful as a teacher

that Bodelwin, abbot of a neighboring convent, invited him to become

professor of theology in a college instituted for the teaching of the

sciences. Here he expounded the Scriptures, for the most part according

to the views of Augustine and Jerome. Priests, monks, and townsmen came

to hear him; and although he was not ordained, his friends strongly

urged him to preach. This he did, to the great delight of his hearers,

among whom were some of noble rank.[481]

'Alas!' said Bugenhagen, afterwards, 'I was still in the strait bonds

of pharisaic piety, and I had no true understanding of the Holy

Scriptures. We were all so deeply sunk in the doctrine of the pope,

that we had not even a wish to know the doctrine of the Word of God.'

There were however desires and longings in his heart; but what he

wanted remained as a writing in cipher, of which he was unable to

discover the key. It was quite suddenly at last that he found it.

Towards the close of 1520, he dined with some professors and friends

at the house of Otto Slutov, one of the patricians of the town and

inspector of the church of Treptow. Slutov had just received a copy

of Luther's 'Babylonish Captivity.' 'You must read that,' he said to

Bugenhagen, as he laid the volume upon the table, around which the

guests were seated. Availing himself of the invitation, the rector

turned over the leaves of the book during dinner-time, and after having

read some passages he said aloud to the company present,--'Since the

birth of Christ, many heretics have attacked and roundly abused the

church; but among them there has not been one more execrable than the

man who has written this book.' He, however, took away the volume by

leave of his host, read it and reread it, meditated and deliberately

weighed its contents; and at each perusal scales seemed to fall from

his eyes. Some days afterwards, finding himself in the same company, he

made a confession to them. 'What shall I say to you? The whole world

is blind and plunged in the deepest darkness. This man alone sees the

truth.' He read to his friends page after page, undertook the defence

of each paragraph, and brought most of them to the same convictions

that he had received himself. J. Kyrich, J. Lorich, the deacon

Kettelhut, Abbot Bodelwin and others acknowledged the errors of the

papacy, and endeavored to turn people from their superstitions and to

make known to them the merits of Jesus Christ. This was the beginning

of the Reformation in Pomerania.

[Sidenote: CONVERSION OF BUGENHAGEN.]

Bugenhagen began to read Luther's other writings; and he was especially

charmed with his exposition of the difference between the Law and the

Gospel, and of the doctrine of justification by faith. Persecution soon

began, instigated by the bishop of Camin. Bugenhagen, who earnestly

desired to see the places whence the light had come, betook himself to

Wittenberg, arriving there in 1521, shortly before the departure of

the reformer to Worms. The Pomeranian was joyfully received by Luther

and Melanchthon, who thenceforth usually called him 'Pomeranus.' His

desire was to be a student, not a teacher; but having begun, in his

own room, to explain the Psalms to his countrymen, he did this with

so much clearness, such unction and evangelical life, that Melanchthon

requested him to give the course publicly. He now became one of the

professors of the University, and at the same time pastor of the parish

church. He was afterwards (1536) appointed superintendent-general.

Melanchthon and Pomeranus completed, each on his special side, the work

of Luther. Melanchthon did so in the scientific sphere, by means of

his classical culture, and in the political sphere by his discretion.

Pomeranus, though undoubtedly inferior to both of them, had great

experience and much knowledge of men, and he possessed at the same

time gentleness and firmness, abundance of tact and a practical turn

of mind, and to all these qualities he added energetic activity. He

was thus enabled to render great services in all that related to

ecclesiastical organization.[482] There was hardly an important church

in whose formation his assistance was not sought. We have already met

with him in Denmark.[483]

We have elsewhere seen how the Gospel had been brought to Erfurt by

Luther and by Lange, how Frederick Myconius, converted partly by

Tetzel's excesses, had preached the Gospel at Zwickau, and how the word

had renovated other towns in connection with Wittenberg. When a friend

of Luther, Nicholas Hausmann for instance, was called to some place

for the work of the Reformation, and came to ask the great doctor's

advice, the latter answered: 'If you accept the call, you will make

enemies of the pope and the bishops; but if you decline it, you will

be the enemy of Christ.' This was enough to induce them to enter upon

the work.[484] The evangelical doctrine had been publicly preached at

Frankfort-on-the-Main by Ibach, just after the famous diet of Worms.

Assemblies of evangelical deputies had been held there in June, 1530,

December, 1531, and May, 1536, and this town had joined the alliance of

Smalkalde.

The cities of Lower Saxony were the first to be touched by the light

which proceeded from electoral Saxony. Magdeburg, where Luther had been

at school and had personal friends, had early shown itself friendly to

evangelical principles. One day, an old clothier came and stood at the

foot of the monument erected in this town to the illustrious Emperor

Otto the Great, in memory of his conquests in the tenth century; and

the zealous partisan of the spiritual conqueror of the sixteenth

century began to sing one of Luther's hymns and to sell copies of it.

People were at the time coming out of a neighboring church, where mass

had been said. Many had received the leaf, but the burgomaster who

was passing with others of the faithful had the seller arrested. This

caused the fire which was smouldering under the embers to flame forth.

The parishioners of St. Ulrich assembled in the cemetery, elected eight

good men to undertake the government of the church. The parish of St.

John took part in the movement; and all declared that they attached

themselves to their sovereign pastor, bishop, and pope, Jesus Christ,

and were ready to fight bravely under this glorious captain. On June

23, 1524, the citizens met together in the convent of the Augustines

with seven evangelical pastors, and determined to request the Council

that nothing but the Word of God should any longer be preached, and

that the Lord's Supper should be administered regularly in both kinds.

On July 17, the communion was thus celebrated in all the churches; and

the town council, on the 23d of the same month, informed the elector

that 'the immutable and eternal Word of God, hitherto obscured by thick

shadows, now shone forth, by God's mercy, more brightly than the sun,

for the salvation of sinners, the happiness of the faithful, and the

glory of God.'[485] They requested the elector at the same time to send

Amsdorff to them.

[Sidenote: REFORMATION AT BRUNSWICK.]

Brunswick followed next. The Reformation was introduced into this town

chiefly by means of Luther's hymns, which were sung alike in private

houses and in the streets. Incumbents of benefices were in the habit

of paying young ecclesiastics to preach in their stead. These deacons,

usually called 'hireling priests' (_Heuer-pfaffen_), generally

embraced evangelical doctrines, and induced their flocks to do so too.

Sometimes one of them would strike up, instead of the hymn to the

Virgin Mary, one of these new German hymns, and all the congregation

would sing it with him. The clergy endeavored to maintain the

Scholastic doctrine; but if the people heard from the lips of their old

pastors false quotations from the Holy Scriptures, voices were raised

in all directions to correct them. The ecclesiastics in office then

summoned to their aid Doctor Sprengel, a preacher highly esteemed in

those parts. But at the close of his sermon, a townsman rose and said:

'Priest, thou liest.' He then struck up the hymn of Luther beginning--

O Gott vom Himmel sieh darin--

and the whole congregation sang it heartily with him. The old pastors

applied to the Council to rid them of these troublesome deacons; but

the people, on the other hand, demanded to be rid of their useless

pastors.

The Council, after some hesitation, was at length overcome by the

evangelical movement, and passed a decree (March 13, 1528) that the

pure Word of God alone should be preached at Brunswick. 'Christ grant

that his glory may increase!'[486] said Luther when he heard the news.

At the same time the Council begged the Elector of Saxony to send

Pomeranus, who, accordingly, on May 12, proceeded to Brunswick, to

the great joy of all the people. So admirably did he execute the task

of organization that the Brunswickers entreated the Elector to allow

him to remain with them a year longer. But Luther assured the prince,

September 18, 1528, that the doctor could not possibly be longer

spared. 'Wittenberg,' he added, 'is at this time of more importance

than three Brunswicks!'[487] This was a moderate assertion; Luther

might have said more. For the church of Brunswick Pomeranus drew up

ordinances on schools, preaching, the church festivals, baptism, the

Lord's Supper, and discipline. Sin was to be punished, but not the

sinner. He prepared similar constitutions for various great towns

in North Germany. The mendicant monks now left Brunswick, and the

Reformation was established.

[Sidenote: HAMBURG AND LUBECK.]

The assistance of Luther and Melanchthon was soon after sought by a

more important town. The Gospel had made its way into Hamburg; but the

priests and especially the Dominican Renssburg opposed it with all

their might. The citizens required of the Council (April 21, 1528) that

the preachers should be examined according to the Holy Scriptures, and

that all those who were found not to be in agreement with them should

be dismissed. Next day, a conference between the two parties was held,

in the presence of the senate and a commission of the townsmen. But

Renssburg spoke in Latin, in order that the laity might not understand

him. As the Roman Catholics put forward exclusively the authority of

the Church, five of their number were banished from the town; and some

of the most influential of the townsmen felt it necessary to escort

them, lest the populace should do them any injury. Pomeranus was at

this time called to Hamburg, to organize the evangelical church; and

when the Council further applied for an extension of the time of his

sojourn, Luther on this occasion supported their request. Hamburg was

for him undoubtedly a place of greater importance than Brunswick. But

the town made very large demands. On May 12, 1529, Luther wrote to

the Elector: 'The Hamburgers would fain have Pomeranus stay with them

forever.'[488] Now, new students were daily arriving at Wittenberg, and

the faculty could not dispense with the services of Pomeranus. Luther

therefore entreated the Elector to recall him, and declared himself

willing to persuade the Council and the University to do the same. For

Hamburg also Pomeranus drew up an ecclesiastical ordinance.

At Lübeck a powerful and compact party, composed of the clergy, the

Council, the nobles, and the principal men of business, resisted the

Reformation, the doctrines of which were steadily gaining ground among

the townsmen. A psalm in German having been sung by the domestic

servants in some house, the whole family was punished, and Luther's

sermons were burnt in the market-place in 1528. Two evangelical

ministers, Wilhelmi and Wahlhof, were expelled. A certain priest,

John Rode, preached that Christ had redeemed only the fathers of the

Old Testament, and that all who were born after him must obtain their

salvation by their own merits. People used to go about singing to him,--

Celui qui doit nous mener au bercail,

Nous fait, hélas! tous tomber dans la fosse.

At a great meeting of the townsfolk, those who meant to remain

Catholics were bidden to go apart. Only one person stirred from

his place. The Council was in want of money and demanded it of the

townsmen, who in reply demanded religious liberty. In 1529 the banished

ministers were recalled. In 1530 the Catholic preachers had to evacuate

all the pulpits; and in 1531 Pomeranus gave the town an ecclesiastical

ordinance.[489]

CHAPTER II.

THE PRINCIPALITY OF ANHALT.

(1522-1532.)

[Sidenote: DUKE GEORGE OF ANHALT.]

The Reformation met with difficulties in the principality of Anhalt,

but the young princes who now ruled the two duchies of which the

principality consisted, had had a pious mother, and the seed which

her hand had sown in their hearts overcame all obstacles. One of the

princes, Wolfgang, had held intercourse with Luther as early as 1522

and had, as we have seen, most willingly signed the Confession of

Augsburg.[490] The other three, however, had not followed his example.

John, on the contrary, had signed the Compromise of Augsburg, and it

was not easy for him to draw back. Surrounded by powerful neighbors

entirely devoted to Rome, the elector of Brandenburg, Duke George

of Saxony, and the archbishop elector of Mentz, it seemed scarcely

possible for them to extricate themselves from the net. Joachim

was of a feeble and gloomy temper. Moreover, Prince George was an

ecclesiastic at the age of eleven, a canon of Merseburg since 1524,

and provost of the chapter of Magdeburg, and seemed to be called to

the highest offices of the church. He was born at Dessau in 1501. From

his childhood he had shown a strong attachment to church ceremonies

and to the traditions of the fathers; and the doctrines of Luther

were afterwards depicted to him in the blackest colors. 'This man,'

they told him, 'proscribes good books, authorizes bad ones, and

abolishes all the holy ordinances. All his followers are Donatists

and Wickliffites.' He was henceforth a vehement opponent of a system

which, according to his judgment, was destructive of Christianity.

When the ministers of Magdeburg attempted to win over the members of

the Chapter to the Reformation, he roughly rebuked them. As he was an

honest man and was desirous of qualifying himself to contend against

the errors of the Protestants, he began to search for arguments in

the Holy Scriptures and in the fathers of the church, but it was

not possible for him to find any. On the contrary, he was utterly

astonished to find that Holy Scripture was opposed to many of the

established customs of the church; and that in what was called the new

doctrine there were many articles which were found in the Bible, and

which had been held by the fathers. His mother, although she continued

in the church and counselled her sons not to violate its unity, had

believed that she was saved by grace alone, and had with special

emphasis professed this faith at the time of her death. George had

embraced this faith at an early age; and the bishop of Merseburg had

confirmed him in it by rebuking one day a preacher who had exalted

human merits, and to whom he had said energetically: 'Not a single

living man is righteous.' He repeated the words three times in the

presence of George; and now George found the doctrine distinctly

asserted in the sacred writings. He wondered within himself whether it

could be on this account that the friends of Rome spoke of the Bible

as a heretical book and forbade people to read it. But at other times

recognizing in it this truth, of which God had kept alive a spark in

his heart,[491] he was not a little alarmed, for he saw that it was

the very doctrine of Luther. 'I see,' he said to himself, 'that the

fathers very much praised the Holy Scriptures, considered them the

foundation, and would have no other.' And now the doctors of the church

refuse to test their teaching by Scripture! He therefore put to some of

them the question on what basis the doctrines of the church were made

to rest; and they could not tell him. He observed at the same time,

in many of those who defended abuses, spiteful passions, injustice,

and calumny; and honest George was at a loss what to think about it.

He fell into a deep melancholy, a state of restlessness and distress

of mind which nothing could relieve.[492] 'On the one hand,' said he,

'I see the building threatening to fall; on the other I see troubles,

disagreements, and the revolt of the peasants.' Luther had indeed

opposed this revolt; but, for all that, the prince was terrified and

in great distress. 'What shall I do? Which side must I take? God grant

that I may determine to do only that which is right, and resolve not

to act against my own conscience.' He was haunted by these thoughts

day and night. At a later time he said: 'How many a night have I been

agitated and depressed, suffering unutterable heaviness of heart.

Something dreadful appeared before me; He knows, from whom nothing is

concealed. My whole being shuddered. How often this passage came into

my mind,--"The sword without, and terrors within." I could do nothing

else but cry unto God, as a poor sinner who supplicates his grace.'

In 1530 he received a copy of the Confession of Augsburg, which

Wolfgang had signed. He had up to this time read very little the

writings of the reformers; and he found that the evangelical doctrine,

as set forth in this document, was entirely different from what had

been told him. The fundamental doctrines of the apostolical churches

were clearly asserted in it, and the ancient heresies were convincingly

refuted. The refutation of the Protestant Confession drawn up by the

Roman doctors disgusted him. He now began to read the works of Luther,

and was struck by the fact that the author exhorted men to good works,

although he would have no one place confidence in them. He found,

indeed, that Luther was sometimes rather fiery; 'but,' said he, 'so are

Jeremiah, Isaiah, Ezekiel and other prophets.' He found that the Gospel

of Christ was again in the pulpits. He recollected that his mother had

one day said to him with sorrow,--'How is it that our preachers, when

they have to speak of the Gospel of Christ, do so with less warmth than

the new ministers?' And he thought within himself,--'While the poor

people to whom the cowl of St. Francis, satisfaction, and their own

merits are recommended, die wretchedly, those who are now directed to

Jesus Christ leave this world with joyful hearts.'

[Sidenote: HIS ZEAL FOR THE TRUTH.]

Ere long this prince, who was subsequently known as George the Pious,

showed himself zealous for the truth, and gained over his brothers John

and Joachim to the Gospel. On Holy Thursday, 1532, when a Dominican

who preached at Dessau had vigorously contended against the practice

of administering the Supper in both kinds, George dismissed him. The

three brothers now gave complete freedom to the Reformation. Duke

George of Saxony took care to warn them that they would draw upon

themselves the Emperor's displeasure, and that George would not attain

to the high honors which he had had reason to hope for. But all this

was ineffectual. Towards the close of the summer, Luther wrote to the

princes in the following terms: 'I have heard, illustrious princes,

that by the power of the Spirit of Christ an end has been put in your

dominions to impious abuses, and that you have introduced the practices

of Christian communion, not without exposing yourselves to great danger

and to the threats of powerful princes. I give God thanks that He has

imparted to the three brothers the same spirit and the same strength.

Christ, the "weak" king, is in truth and forever the king almighty, and

such are the works which he accomplishes. He acts, he lives, he speaks,

both in himself and in his members. The beginnings of every work of God

are weak, but the results are invincibly strong. The roots of all trees

are at first mere slender filaments, or rather a sort of pulp which

solidifies; nevertheless from them are produced those huge trees, those

oaks, of which are constructed vast buildings, ships and machines.[493]

Every work of God begins in weakness and is completed in strength. It

is otherwise with the works of men.' On September 14, Luther sent his

friend Hausmann to the princes as pastor, 'a man who loves the Word

of God and teaches it with discretion.' Prince George, on the ground

of his ecclesiastical offices, considered himself to be invested with

a legitimate authority in the church of his own dominions. Luther

calls him 'right reverend bishop.' When he heard how much George had

to suffer 'on the part of Satan, the world, and the flesh,' and that

machinations of all kinds were set on foot for attacking him, he made

haste to fortify him, writing to him as follows:--'Christ himself hath

said--"Be of good comfort, I have overcome the world." If the world be

overcome, so likewise is the prince of the world; for when a kingdom is

conquered the king also is conquered. And if the prince of this world

be conquered, all that proceeds from him shares his defeat,--fury,

wrath, sin, death, hell, and all the arms in which he confidently

trusted. Glory be to God, who hath given us the victory.'[494]

[Sidenote: PRINCE JOACHIM.]

Prince Joachim, a feebler man than George, found himself assailed by

powerful princes who exerted themselves to turn him away from the

Gospel, and his resolution was shaken. Luther therefore endeavored

to strengthen him. 'Let your Highness but call to mind,' said he,

'that Christ and His word are higher, greater, and surer than a

hundred thousand fathers, councils, and popes, whom the Scriptures

call sinners and sheep gone astray. Let your Highness then be full

of courage. Christ is greater than all devils and all princes.'[495]

A year later, Luther, understanding that Joachim had fallen into a

state of melancholy, wrote several letters to him. 'A young man like

you,' he wrote to him, 'ought to be always cheerful. I counsel you

to ride on horseback, to hunt, to seek for pleasant society in which

you may piously and honorably enjoy yourself. Solitude and melancholy

are penalties and death for all, but especially for a young man. God

commands us to be joyful. "Rejoice," says the Preacher, "rejoice, O

young man, in thy youth, and let thy heart cheer thee in the days of

thy youth."'[496]

On March 16, 1534, a meeting was held of all the ecclesiastics of

the principality of Anhalt; when, in spite of the opposition of the

archbishop, they were ordered to celebrate the Lord's Supper, according

to the institution of Christ. Prince George appointed to the livings

men who had studied at Wittenberg, and sent his candidates to Luther

for examination and consecration.

The country, which takes its name from the ancient castle of Anhalt,

the walls of which are still to be seen in the forest of Harzegerode,

was one of those in which the Reformation was most peacefully carried

out.

We have elsewhere treated of the reformation of Bremen, of Augsburg,

and of Würtemberg. Pomerania was not yet reformed, although Pomeranus,

the reformer to whom it had given birth, took so prominent a part in

the work in many towns and countries. The duke, Bogislas, and the

bishop of Camin were resolutely opposed to the Reformation; but here

and there amongst the townsmen were ardent aspirations towards the

Gospel; and occasionally, likewise, there were excesses and destruction

of images. The clergy and the nobles were on the side of the pope;

the towns were for the Bible; and the two camps were almost at war.

The duke on his travels, in 1523, passed through Wittenberg, and the

bishop of Camin, as curious as the duke, appears to have accompanied

him. The reformer in his sermon spoke, amongst other things, of the

carelessness and luxury of bishops. The duke smiled and looked at

his companion.[497] Bogislas sent for Luther, conversed with him in

a friendly manner, and said: 'I should like for once to confess to

you.' 'I am quite willing,' said the reformer; 'my only fear is that

as your Highness is a great prince, you are also a great sinner.' The

duke made frank reply that this was only too true. The duke felt also

the influence of his son, the young prince Barnim, who had studied at

Wittenberg from 1518 to 1521, and who had attended the disputation

at Leipsic in 1519. His brother George, on the other hand, brought

up at the court of Duke George of Saxony, had there imbibed a hatred

of the Gospel. After the death of Bogislas, these two princes became

leaders of the two opposing parties. Barnim sent word to the allies of

Smalcalde--'What my brother builds up, I shall cast down.' The mother

of George appeared friendly to his purpose; and her son Philip having

come to an understanding with Barnim, a diet was convoked, in 1533, at

Treptow. The towns laid before it a scheme of reformation, which was

well received; and Pomeranus was summoned to settle the new order of

things. The nobility, however, and the clergy, particularly the bishop

of Camin, still energetically opposed the evangelical work.

[Sidenote: WESTPHALIA.]

The conflict was severe in Westphalia.[498] Evangelical truth was

well received in some places. Children used to sing Luther's hymns at

the doors of houses; the members of a family would sing them by the

fireside; the most fearless ventured to do the same in the open air, at

first in the evening twilight, and then in the daytime. At length some

ministers arrived. Monks and nuns were now seen quitting their convents

and embracing the Gospel. At other places, as for instance at Lemgo,

the pastor, at first stoutly opposed, would set out for some reformed

town in order to see how matters were going on there, and on his return

would reform his own church. But in some districts violent resistance

was offered. At Soest, a conflict took place between a victim and the

executioner. The latter having made an ineffectual stroke and inflicted

only a severe wound, the victim, a robust man of the lower class,

snatched away the weapon, repulsed the executioner and his assistant,

and was carried off in triumph by the crowd to his own house, where,

however, he died on the following day, of the blow which he had

received.

[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUALS.]

In other places a struggle between cruelty and humanity took place

among the persecutors, and on some occasions humanity triumphed. At

Paderborn, a town in which Charlemagne held several diets and where

many Saxons were baptized, the community without asking leave of higher

authorities had opened the churches to evangelical preaching. Hermann,

elector of Cologne, who subsequently entertained very different views,

being named administrator of the bishopric, arrived in the town

attended by guards and by influential men of the country who were

devoted to the papacy. Appealed to by these men, by the chapter, and

by the council which implored him to punish the illegal proceedings

of the townsfolk, he allowed at first things to take their course.

The people were, however, called together in the garden of a convent

at which the elector was staying. They were told that he was desirous

of taking a gracious leave of them. The townsfolk arrived; but they

suddenly found themselves encompassed by armed men, and the leaders of

the evangelical party were seized and cast into prison. They were put

to the torture; they were led out to the scaffold, around which the

people were gathered, and the approaches to which were covered with

gravel intended to absorb the blood of the victims, and there sentence

of death was read to these honest and pious citizens. Nothing now

remained but to behead them. The chief executioner came forward and,

turning to Hermann and all the dignitaries around him, said: 'These men

are innocent, I would sooner die than behead them.' At the same time

a voice was heard from the midst of the crowd; it was that of an aged

man who came forward with difficulty, leaning on his staff. 'I also

am guilty like those you have condemned, and I ask to be put to death

with them.' The wives and daughters of the prisoners had assembled in

a neighboring house. The door now opened, and they approached, some

smiting themselves on the breast, others with dishevelled[499] hair;

they cast themselves at the feet of the elector and entreated pardon

for these innocent men. Hermann, who was not cruel, could not refrain

from tears, and he granted the pardon which was sought at his hands.

Nevertheless, the evangelical doctrine was prohibited in the town. The

people were even forbidden to engage domestic servants who came from

places where the new doctrine was professed.[500]

We have elsewhere seen how some countries and towns more or less

recently reformed, had felt the need of union after the decree of the

diet of Augsburg, of 1530, and had formed at Smalcalde, March 29,

1531, an alliance for six years, by which they engaged to defend each

other.[501] Under these circumstances, and considering that the Sultan

Solyman was advancing towards Austria with an immense army, the Emperor

had determined to treat with the Protestants, and the religious peace

of Nürnberg was concluded, July 23, 1532. The leaguers of Smalcalde,

nevertheless, were still subject to molestation, for various reasons,

by the tribunals of the Empire. The landgrave of Hesse, by a bold

measure, re-established the Protestant duke, Ulrich of Würtemberg, in

his dominions, thus opening them to the Reformation and increasing the

power of the League of Smalcalde.[502]

CHAPTER III.

THE TRIUMPH OF THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER.

(1533.)

Unfortunately, there was going on at this time a fanatical movement,

which the Roman Catholics were fain to turn to account against the

Reformation, but which in truth furnished no ground of reproach against

it; for the attitude of the Reformation towards the fanatics was

chiefly one of resistance and suppression. When after a long winter the

springtide comes again, it is not only the good seed which grows up,

but weeds too appear in abundance. It could not happen otherwise in

this new springtide of the church, which is called the Reformation. The

mightiest power of the Middle Ages--the Papacy--was assailed. In place

of the opinions which it had professed and imposed on the world for

centuries, the reformers presented evangelical doctrine. It was easy to

understand that not all who rejected the views of the Roman pontiffs

would accept those of the reformers, but that many would invent or

adopt others.

There was a diversity of doctrines, and sometimes, even within the

limits of a single party, all manner of opinions. This was the case

with the so-called _Spirituals_, who have been erroneously named

Anabaptists, for opposition to infant baptism, so far from being their

distinctive doctrine, was hardly their badge. They held in general the

power for good of the natural will (free-will). Haetzer denied the

divinity of Christ, and led a bad life. Many of them said, 'Christ

took nothing of human nature from his mother, for the Adamic nature is

accursed.' There were some who looked upon the observance of Sunday as

an antichristian practice. These fanatics fancied themselves alone to

be the children of God, and like the Israelites of old believed that

they were called to exterminate the wicked. One of this sect, Melchior

Hoffmann, after being in turn in kings' courts and in ignominious

imprisonment, went into Alsace, supposing that at Strasburg the new

Jerusalem was to come down from heaven, and that from this town would

go forth the messengers charged to gather together God's elect. Almost

all of them expected that the end of the world was very near at hand,

and some even fixed the day and the hour.

[Sidenote: BERNARD ROTTMANN.]

These fanatics, in consequence of the persecution to which they were

subjected in South Germany, in Switzerland, and in Holland, turned

their steps towards the regions bordering on the Rhine, where more

freedom was to be enjoyed, and where the Reformation was not yet

thoroughly organized. Munster, in Westphalia, was a strong town,

fortified with a citadel, and the seat of a bishop, with a cathedral,

and a numerous body of clergy. Near the town stood a church dedicated

to St. Maurice; here a false reformer preached a false reformation.

This preacher was one Bernard Rottmann, a fiery man, eloquent and

daring, who had to some extent apprehended the reformed doctrine,

but whose heart remained unaffected by it. As he used to deliver

fine discourses, the townspeople flocked to hear him; and at length

requested that he should be called into Munster. Some influential men

among the Roman Catholics, acquainted with the man, and anxious to

avoid any disturbance, offered him money to go away.[503] Rottmann

accepted the money and took his departure, thus giving the measure of

his faith and zeal. He then visited several towns and universities

in Germany, but made no stay anywhere, and in the course of a few

months returned to Munster. Some of the citizens and the populace,

who were very fond of listening to his declamation, joyfully welcomed

him; but the bishop and the clergy were opposed to his preaching

in the churches. His partisans now set up a pulpit for him in the

market-place, and his hearers increased in number daily. Two pastors

from Hesse, taking Rottmann for a minister of good standing, joined

him, and drew up a statement of the errors of Rome in thirty-one

articles, and submitted it to the council. The priests were then

assembled at the town-hall, and the council laid the document before

them. 'This is indeed our doctrine,' they said, 'but we are not

prepared to defend it.' They were consequently deprived. The bishop,

who had quitted Munster, resolved to cut off the supply of food to the

town--a measure not exactly within a pastor's function, whose call is

to feed his flock. The townsmen, provoked, arrested most of the canons

and the priests and imprisoned them; and it was arranged in 1533, that

evangelical doctrine should be preached in the six churches of the

town, and that the old abuses should be no longer allowed except in the

cathedral.[504]

Among the most respected inhabitants of Munster was the syndic Wiggers,

whose wife, continually followed by a host of admirers, was a person

of doubtful character. She had a great admiration for Rottmann, and,

clever woman as she was, knew how to captivate him. Her husband died

shortly afterwards, and the rumor was spread that she had poisoned

him.[505] This is, however, uncertain. Whatever the fact may be,

Rottmann married her, and thus showed again, that although he was a

preacher of the Gospel, he did not practise it. Honorable men now

withdrew from his society. This circumstance, with others, drove him to

take an extreme course.

In 1533 a very large number of enthusiasts from the Netherlands arrived

at Munster. One of these, Stapreda, from Meurs, became Rottmann's

colleague, and preached vigorously their particular doctrines.[506]

Rottmann, abandoned by his old friends, threw himself into the arms

of these new ones, and strongly advocated their views. Great alarm

was excited in Hesse. Hermann Busch, of Marburg, came to Munster to

oppose the fanatics, and in consequence of a dispute between him and

Rottmann the adherents of the latter received orders to leave the town.

They concealed themselves for a time and then reappeared. The pastor

Fabritius, sent to Munster by the landgrave of Hesse, who was growing

more and more alarmed, earnestly exhorted the senate and the people to

be steadfast in sound doctrine. But one of the visionaries, pretending

to be led by divine inspiration, went about the town towards the end of

December, 1533, exclaiming: 'Repent ye and be baptized, or the wrath of

God will destroy you.'[507] Ignorant men were filled with terror and

hastened to obey.

[Sidenote: MATTHISSON AND BOCKHOLD.]

At the beginning of 1534, the strength of the party was augmented

by the arrival of some famous recruits. On January 13 two men made

their entrance into Munster, strangely apparelled, with an air of

enthusiasm in their countenances and in their actions, and honored by

the visionaries as their leaders. These were a prophet and an apostle;

the former, John Matthisson, a baker from Haarlem, the latter, John

Bockhold, a tailor from Leyden.[508] Bockhold had made his journeyman's

tour, had run over Germany, and also, it was said, had visited Lisbon.

On returning to his native land, he had taken a shop at Leyden, near

the gate which leads to the Hague. The working men who rallied round

the prophet had in general very little relish for work. This youthful

tailor, for example, felt it very irksome to sit all day with his legs

crossed, threading needles and sewing pieces of stuff and buttons.

General tradition represents Bockhold as a tailor, but it is stated

by some writers that he was a cloth-merchant. His father held some

office in the magistracy at the Hague; but his mother, a native of

Westphalia, belonged to the servant class. However this may be, he gave

up his shop, and took, in conjunction with his wife, a public-house for

the sale of beer and other drinks; and here he led a gay and even a

dissolute life. The new tavern-keeper had not read much, but he had a

certain amount of education and a good address. He was keen, crafty,

ambitious, daring, eloquent, and full of animation.[509] There were at

this time in most of the towns in the Netherlands, and particularly at

Leyden, poetical societies; and John Bockhold was ambitious to shine

as an orator. He made speeches which were remarkable for fluency and

copiousness of diction. He even composed comedies and acted in them. He

took part in the conversations, and caught the spirit of opposition to

the church which prevailed in these assemblies. He made acquaintance

with some of the enthusiasts; was fascinated by the notion of a new

kingdom in which they were to be leading men; and thought that he

should be able to find there better than elsewhere a great part to play

himself. Matthisson, as we have stated, chose Bockhold for one of his

apostles.

[Sidenote: THEIR PROCEEDINGS AT MUNSTER.]

At the time of the arrival of these two men, there was living at

Munster a notable townsman named Bernard Knipperdolling. This man

having been in Sweden had associated with some of the enthusiasts of

that country. He was now eager to receive into his house two persons

already so famous. The latter set to work without delay. Their wish

was to make Munster the capital of the sect, and with a view to this

they made use of all means calculated to gain over men's minds. By

their figure, their unusual attire, their fervor, their eloquence, and

their enthusiasm, they produced a powerful impression. These men were

bold, but also shrewd, and sought to propitiate every body. Bockhold

succeeded even in gaining access to the evangelical ministers. He spoke

to them at first in the pure language of the Gospel; then he asked

one or another, what he thought of this or that point on which the

visionaries had peculiar views. If their answers were not such as he

required, or if passages of Scripture were noted in support of their

opinions, he would smile, and sometimes shrug his shoulders. It was

not long before his friends and he openly proclaimed the new kingdom of

which they were the fore-runners. But the evangelical ministers implored

the people to remain faithful to pure doctrine and to maintain it

against the fanatics.[510]

Women were the first to believe in that earthly and heavenly kingdom

which was thus proclaimed, and which was flattering at the same time

to their senses and their understanding. First some nuns, then some

women of the middle class, and afterwards men embraced the doctrines

published by Bockhold. Rottmann, who by his wrong-doing had forfeited

the good opinion of the evangelicals, now threw himself into the

arms of the new party, which received him most favorably; and he

began to preach with his utmost eloquence the fantastic kingdom of

the visionaries. The crowd that flocked to listen to his sermons was

immense, and to hear, people said, was to be converted. The report

became current that he possessed a secret charm, of such sovereign

power that all persons on whom he chose to practise it were immediately

enchanted and bound to the sect. It was the charm of novelty, of

pride, and of error. Women, who joined the party, sharply rebuked the

burgomaster because he was friendly to Fabritius, the pious evangelical

minister from Hesse, who declined to become a convert to the new

kingdom. Working men wanted to be reputed masters. A blacksmith's boy

began to preach the new Gospel; and when the council ordered him to be

imprisoned, all his comrades assembled and compelled the magistrate to

release him.

A collision between the two parties seemed inevitable. On February 8

(1534), the enthusiasts, believing themselves strong enough, took up

arms and suddenly seized the great square; the evangelicals remaining

masters of the walls and the gates of the city. The latter were the

stronger party, and many talked of making an attack with artillery

upon the fanatical multitude and of expelling the intruders from the

town. While the most prudent men were engaged in deliberation, the

_illuminés_ had the strangest visions. 'I see,' said one, 'a man with

a golden crown; in one hand he holds a sword, in the other a rod.'

Many declared that 'the town was filled with ruddy-brown flames, and

that the horseman of the Apocalypse, mounted on a white horse, was

advancing, conquering and to conquer.' The good pastor Fabritius,

whom they had scandalously insulted, pleaded on behalf of them. He

entreated that the mad ones should be leniently dealt with. In other

quarters it was expected that there would be a vigorous resistance

and great slaughter. Men of conciliatory disposition would fain avoid

shedding the blood of their fellow-citizens; and some were afraid that

the bishop, who was near with his troops, would take advantage of the

conflict to get possession of the town.[511] Two proposals were made to

the visionaries; liberty secured to both sides in matters of religion,

but submission to the magistrates in civil matters. This was a victory

for the enthusiasts; they were triumphant, and 'their countenances,'

says one of themselves, 'became of a magnificent color.'[512]

[Sidenote: A MOURNFUL SPECTACLE.]

This was, indeed, the beginning of their kingdom. They now summoned

their adepts to Munster from all quarters, and these came in crowds,

especially from Holland. The period for the election of the Council

having arrived (February 20, 1534), not one of the former magistrates

was re-elected. Some working men, who pretended to be illuminated by

the Spirit, superseded them and distributed all offices among their

own friends. Knipperdolling was named burgomaster. A few days later

(February 27) there was held at the town-hall a great meeting of the

Christians, as they called themselves. The prophet Matthisson remained

for some time motionless, and seemed to be asleep. Suddenly he rose

and exclaimed: 'Drive away the children of Esau (the Evangelicals);

the inheritance belongs to the children of Jacob.' The streets were at

the time almost impassable in consequence of a storm of wind with rain

and snow; but the enthusiasts dashed into the midst of it, impetuously

rushing about, and crying out with all their might, 'Wicked ones,

begone!' They forcibly entered people's houses, and expelled from them

all who would not join their party. All the magistrates, the nobles,

and the canons who were still in the town, were compelled to leave it;

the poor likewise. The unfortunate city presented at this time the most

mournful spectacle. Mothers, in terror, would snatch up their children

half-naked in their arms and go away pale and trembling from their

abodes, carrying with them nothing but some beverage to refresh the

poor little ones on the way. Young lads with a scared look, holding

in their hands a bit of bread which their school-masters had given

them to comfort them or to allay their hunger, went side by side with

their parents, with bare feet, through the snow; and old men, leaning

on their staffs, quitted the town at a slow pace. But on reaching the

gates, the wanderers were searched; from the mothers the fanatics took

away the beverage intended for their young children, from the lads the

bread which they were carrying to their mouths, and from the old men

the last small coins which they had taken up at the moment of their

departure,[513] and then they drove them all out of the town. They

went forth at hap-hazard, not knowing whither they were to go, having

nothing to eat or to drink, and deprived of the pitiful savings of

a long and laborious life.[514] The prophet Matthisson had at first

intended that all those who did not accept the new kingdom should be

put to death. But they did them the favor of only banishing them,

pillaged, however, and almost naked, taking from them their coats if

they happened to be good,[515] and then drove them away, crying out,

'Wicked! Pagans!'

[Sidenote: TERROR.]

The new community was now organized; and Matthisson ere long

exercised over it supreme authority. Prophets who gave themselves

out for inspired did not wait for the millennial kingdom, or for the

resurrection of the dead, or for the advent of the Saviour. They were

quite equal, they thought, to their task. They despised knowledge.

They prohibited all intercourse with the _pagans_, that is to say, the

evangelicals. Those who received the new baptism indispensable for

admission into their imaginary kingdom, and they alone, were saints.

Marriages previously solemnized were annulled; laws were abolished

on the ground that they were opposed to liberty. All distinctions of

rank were suppressed; community of goods was established; and all the

property of those who were banished was thrown into a common fund.

At the same time, seeing that their first duty was to break with a

corrupt world, that irreconcilable enemy of the saints, orders were

given to destroy all those evil things of which the men of the world

made use. Images, organs, painted windows, clocks, seats adorned with

sculptures, musical instruments, and other things of a similar kind,

were removed into the market-place, and there solemnly broken to

pieces. The masterpieces of the painters of the Westphalian school were

not spared. Books and manuscripts, even the rarest, were some of them

burnt and others thrown upon dunghills.[516] This was all done, they

declared, by divine inspiration. People were at the same time ordered

to deliver up all gold, silver, jewels, ornaments, and other precious

things. Property was superseded by communism; and any one who failed

to bring these superfluities to the public office was put to death.

The leading fanatics divided among themselves the fine houses of the

canons, the patricians, and the senators, and settled in them in plenty

and comfort. A large number of adventurers in quest of fortune, and

of fanatics who coveted the good things of the world more than they

acknowledged, arrived at Munster from Holland and the neighboring

countries. They looked upon it as a fine opportunity, and were eager

to have a share of the spoil, and ready enough to lay hands on a large

portion of it. To each handicraft some special duty was assigned. The

tailors for example, were charged to see that no new form of dress was

introduced into the community. These people made it a matter of as much

moment to avoid the fashion as other people did to follow it.

Meanwhile, the main business was the defence of the town. Young lads

even were in training for this task, and not without good reason; for

in the month of May, 1531, the bishop of Munster invested the episcopal

city. He, however, made no progress; for the town, admirably fortified,

was situated on a plain, and there was no rising ground in its

neighborhood on which the besiegers could establish themselves. Some

of the soldiers who were taken prisoners in the sorties were beheaded

by order of the prophets; and their heads were set up on the walls, to

show their comrades what fate awaited them.[517]

The prophet Matthisson, who had at least the virtue of courage, was

killed in an attack made by the besieged. Bockhold took his place.

He was not so brave, but was more ambitious than his predecessor,

and applied himself to the organizing of this strange community. The

magistrates were nominated by Rottmann the preacher and Bockhold the

prophet. Their decrees were executed by Knipperdolling. This man had

authority to put to death, without form of trial, any one who was

detected in violating the new laws. For this purpose he was always

accompanied by four satellites, each carrying a drawn sword; and thus

attended he paraded the streets, at a slow pace, and with a penetrating

glance which spread terror all around.

CHAPTER IV.

THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. EXCESSES.

(1535.)

It was not long before the new king gave the rein to his passions.

Munster became the scene of the grossest debaucheries and the most

revolting cruelties. Fanaticism is usually accompanied by immorality,

and with faith morality is thrown overboard. Bockhold, not contented

with Matthisson's office, wanted also to have his wife, the beautiful

Divara. He was already married, but that was of no consequence. He

began to preach polygamy, adducing the examples of the Old Testament,

but passing by what the New says, that God in the beginning ordained

the union of one man with one woman, an institution confirmed and

sanctioned by the Saviour. This scandalous proceeding was at first

opposed by several members of the community, and there was even an

evangelical reaction. At the head of the gainsayers was a blacksmith.

Some of the prophets were arrested, and there was talk of recalling

the exiles. The evangelical party seemed to be on the point of revival;

but the enthusiasts were the stronger party, and their opponents were

shot or beheaded.

[Sidenote: THE KING OF THE UNIVERSE.]

The prophets became more numerous. A working goldsmith, named

Tausendschur, pretended to great revelations. Urged on, no doubt,

by Bockhold, he called together the whole body of the saints, and

said,--'The will and the commandment of the Father who is in heaven is

that John of Leyden should have the empire of the whole world, that he

should go forth from the town with a powerful army, that he should put

to death indiscriminately all princes and kings, and that destroying

all the wicked he should take possession of the throne of David his

father.'[518] Bockhold, who was present, at first kept silent, and

appeared to know nothing of this revelation. But when Tausendschur

had finished, the Leyden tailor fell on his knees, and said that ten

days before the same things had been revealed to him, but that he had

refrained from announcing them, lest he should seem desirous of the

sovereignty. At length, he said, he submitted to the will of God,

applying to himself this saying of Ezekiel,--'David my servant shall

be their king, and he shall make an everlasting covenant with them.'

He therefore declared himself ready to undertake the conquest of

the world. This scheme was, doubtless, on his part, a mere piece of

trickery, but it abundantly served his ambition. The madmen and fools

who believed in it, voluntarily submitted to the man who was to be king

of the universe; and the hope of occupying the chief places in this

universal kingdom filled them with zeal for the support of Bockhold.

Even if there were any doubters, they knew that the impostor would not

hesitate to cut off their heads, if that should be necessary for the

establishment of his empire. Bockhold, whose mother was a serf of

Westphalia, assumed in the capital of this province the pomp and attire

of a king. He surrounded himself with a court composed of a large

number of officers and magistrates. The churches were pillaged; and

the king and his ministers decked themselves with the silk vestments

enriched with gold and silver which they took out of the churches, from

the officiating ministers and from the most wealthy citizens.[519] He

had a seal made, representing the world with two swords which pierced

it through and through. This he hung about his neck on a gold chain

adorned with precious stones, as a symbol of his power. He bore a

golden sword with a silver hilt; and on his head he had a triple crown

made of the finest gold. To all this ostentation the ex-journeyman,

now a king, added debauchery. Besides Divara, who was his queen, he

took fifteen wives, all under twenty years of age, and he declared that

he would have three hundred.[520] His queen and these young girls he

attired magnificently. Each of his apostles and other adherents also

had several wives. He considered it necessary to keep his followers in

a state of drunkenness, to prevent them from foreseeing the catastrophe

which was impending over them. He assumed the title of king of the

new temple, and rode about the town invested with the insignia of his

office, and escorted by his guards. All who met him were obliged to

fall on their knees. Three times a week he made his appearance in the

public square, and sat upon a lofty throne, a sceptre in his hand and

a crown upon his head, and surrounded by a body of his satellites. In

this position he delivered his judgments. Knipperdolling, one step

below him, with a drawn sword in his hand, held himself in readiness

to execute them. Whosoever wished to bring any matter before him was

compelled to fall on his knees twice in approaching the throne, and

then to prostrate himself with his face to the ground.

[Sidenote: A SUPPER.]

In October there was a great religious festival, which Bockhold called

the Lord's Supper. A table of 4,200 covers was prepared for men and

women. The king, the queen, and their principal officers, served on

the occasion. Bockhold perceiving a stranger in the crowd ordered him

to be arrested and brought before him. 'Wherefore,' said he, 'hast

thou not on a wedding garment?' He pretended to believe that the man

was a Judas, and ordered him to be expelled; then going out himself,

he beheaded him with his own hands. He then re-entered, exulting and

smiling at this exploit.[521]

When the repast was over, he asked if they were all ready to do the

will of God. 'All,' they replied. 'Well, then,' said the king, 'this

will is that some of you should go forth to make known the wonderful

things which God has done for us.' He forthwith nominated six of

them to go to Osnabruck, and the same number to go to various other

towns in the neighborhood. He gave to each of them a piece of gold of

the value of nine florins and a viaticum. On the same evening these

apostles quitted Munster; and on their arrival at the towns which had

been assigned to them, they made their entrance, filling the air with

horrible outcries. 'Be converted,' they said, as they went along the

streets; 'repent! The time which God in his mercy leaves you is short.

The axe is laid at the root of the tree. If you do not receive peace,

your town will soon be destroyed.' Next, presenting themselves to the

assembled senate, they spread their cloaks upon the ground, threw

down their pieces of gold,[522] and said,--'We proclaim peace to you;

if you receive it bring hither what you possess and place it with

this gold. Our king will ere long have conquered the whole world and

subdued it to righteousness.' Those envoys who had been despatched to

the towns belonging to the bishop of Munster were at first favorably

received; but presently they were all arrested, and several were put

to the torture. Not one of them, however, would acknowledge himself in

error. 'We wait for new troops from Friesland and from Holland, and

then,' repeated they, 'the king will go forth and will subdue the whole

earth.' They suffered the extreme penalty of the law, as men guilty of

sedition.

The king encountered difficulties not only in the neighboring towns,

but likewise in his own capital, and even in his harem. There was at

Munster a woman of great courage and determination, who boasted that

no man should ever marry her. John of Leyden commanded that she should

be carried off and placed in the number of his wives; but the woman,

with her independence of character, finding the morals and the manners

of this harem intolerable, made her escape. This was in the king's

eyes a very great crime. He therefore had her arrested, conducted her

himself to the great square, cut off her head with his own hand, and

then, filled with wrath and vengeance, trampled her body in the dust.

Bockhold had ordered that all his other wives should be present at this

hateful scene, and had directed them to sing a hymn of praise after the

execution. These unhappy creatures did, accordingly, strike up their

song in the presence of the mutilated and desecrated body of their

companion.[523]

CHAPTER V.

THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. CHASTISEMENT.

(1535-1536.)

[Sidenote: CHASTISEMENT.]

The landgrave Philip of Hesse having, meanwhile, entered Westphalia

with the troops which had just made the conquest of Würtemberg, Munster

was soon so completely invested that nothing, and especially no food

supplies, could any longer enter the town. The dearth became more and

more severe, and the miserable people were driven to have recourse for

sustenance to the most unaccustomed food. They ate the flesh of horses,

dogs and cats, dormice, grass, and leather; they tore up books and

devoured the parchment. Half the population of the town, it was said,

died of starvation. These fanatics had trusted in the word of their

king and prophet, and had awaited with confidence the succor which he

promised them; but, as this succor did not arrive, murmurs began to be

heard from some of them, and others appeared to go mad. Bockhold had

told them that, if it were necessary for saving his people, 'the stones

would be turned into bread.' Consequently, some of these votaries might

be seen stopping in the streets, biting the stones and attempting to

tear them to pieces, in expectation of their being converted into

nourishment.[524] At length despair, madness, and inhumanity proceeded

to the bitterest extremities. The wife of the senator Menken, one of

the working men raised to this dignity by Bockhold, killed her three

children, salted their bodies, and placed the parts thus cured in jars,

in this way making abominable provision for her own subsistence, and

on this she fed day by day.[525] The wretched inhabitants of this

ill-fated town wandered with tottering steps about the streets, the

skin wrinkled over their fleshless bones, their necks long and lank,

hardly able to sustain the head, their eyes haggard and opening and

shutting with sudden jerk, their cheeks hollow and emaciated, with

lips which death seemed to be about to close, corpses in appearance

rather than living beings. In the midst of this appalling spectacle

which recalls the greatest distresses recorded in history, even the

destruction of Jerusalem, there was, it is said, in the king's palace

abundance, feasting, and debauchery.[526]

The enthusiasts, during this time, were causing much trouble in

Holland; but they did not succeed in bringing help to their brethren.

At the beginning of 1535 a certain number of them proposed to burn

Leyden; fifteen were arrested and beheaded. In February others ran

naked about the streets of Amsterdam by night, crying out, 'Woe! woe!

woe!' They also were executed. Near Franeker, in Friesland, three

hundred of them assembled and took possession of a convent; but they

were all put to death. Bockhold, impatient to get the succor of which

he was in sore need, delegated Jan van Geelen, a clever, crafty man,

to stir up a revolt in Holland, and to return to his aid with an army

which should raise the siege of Munster, and help him to conquer

the world. Jan van Geelen, by a feigned renunciation of his errors,

obtained a pardon from Queen Mary. Having entered Holland, he was able

secretly to attract a large number of followers; and in a short time

he conceived the project of surprising Amsterdam by night. He did, in

fact, get possession of the town-hall; but the townsmen, aroused by the

tocsin, drove away the fanatics with cannon-shot, not without suffering

great losses themselves, particularly in the death of a burgomaster.

The rebels were cruelly treated. Many of them were stretched upon

butchers' blocks, had their hearts torn out, and were then quartered.

On all these occasions a certain number of women were, as usual,

drowned.[527]

[Sidenote: CAPTURE OF MUNSTER.]

[Sidenote: EXECUTIONS.]

These successive defeats made an impression on Bockhold and his

partisans. They lost all hope of aid from Holland. The landgrave,

Philip of Hesse, one of the most powerful chiefs of Protestantism,

had brought up his forces to put an end to the scandals of Munster.

The bishop of this city, impelled by the desire to reconquer it,

had assembled for the purpose some Roman Catholic soldiers. One of

Bockhold's men escaped from the town and pointed out the way to capture

it.[528] In the night of June 24, 1535, two hundred lansquenets cleared

the foss and scaled the wall at a point where it was very low. They

were no sooner within the town, than they uttered cries and beat the

drum. The men of the king of Zion leaped out of their beds and ran to

arms. The conflict began and was for a moment doubtful; but one of the

city gates having been opened from within, the army of the besiegers

entered and the fight became terrible. A hundred and fifty horse or

foot soldiers lost their lives. On the side of the besieged many also

fell, and amongst others Rottmann who, resolved not to suffer the

disgrace of captivity, threw himself with intrepidity into the midst of

the fire and perished. The king and two of his principal counsellors,

Knipperdolling and the pastor Crechting, made their escape and hid

themselves in a strong tower, where they hoped to escape the notice

of the conquerors.[529] But the soldiers penetrated into their place

of concealment, dragged them out and made them prisoners. Bockhold at

first braved it out, and assuming the air of a king spoke arrogantly

to the bishop. Two theologians of Hesse endeavored to bring him to

repentance; but he obstinately held to his opinion, admitting no

superior to himself on earth. Reflection, however, wrought a change.

Bockhold was not a fanatic, but an impostor; and he felt that the only

way to save his life was to abjure his errors. He asked for a second

conference with the two Hessians and feigned conversion. 'I confess,'

he said to them, 'that the resistance I have offered to authority

was unlawful; that the institution of polygamy was rash, and that

the baptism of children is obligatory. If pardon should be granted

me, I pledge myself to obtain from all my adherents obedience and

submission.' He likewise acknowledged that he had deserved to die ten

times over. This was the behavior of a knave, willing to abandon even

his imposture, if, by so doing, he might save his life. Knipperdolling

and Crechting, on the contrary, persisted in their views, and asserted

that they had followed the guidance of God. Cruelty of various kinds

was inflicted on these wretched men. They were led about publicly,

during the month of their detention, like strange animals, as a

spectacle to the several princes and their courts, to whom they and

their pretended king were made a subject of ridicule.[530] Bockhold did

not derive from his confessions the advantage which he expected. The

three leaders were all sentenced to the same punishment, the penalty of

high treason to a supreme head. This took place in February, 1536. In

the barbarous period of the Middle Ages imagination had been racked for

the invention of the most cruel punishments. These three wretches were

conducted to the great square of Munster, where Bockhold, as king,

had borne the sceptre and the triple crown, and his executive minister

Knipperdolling the sword. They were then laid out naked; and their

bodies were plucked to pieces with hot pincers, until at length, amidst

hideous tortures, pincers, fire, sword and excruciating sufferings had

put an end to their life.[531] This process lasted an hour. Cochlæus

himself exclaims,--'Cruel, horrible punishment! a terrible example

to all rebels!' Knipperdolling and Crechting bore with courage the

frightful infliction, and Bockhold, apparently recovering good sense,

was determined not to die the death of a coward. Not a groan escaped

him. After he had breathed his last they pierced his heart with a

dagger.

It was Philip of Hesse and his soldiers of the reformed party who

chiefly contributed to put an end to the disorders and cruelties of

which Munster had been the scene. The only result of this episode for

Protestantism was to demonstrate that it had no connection with the

fanaticism of these would-be inspired ones. Protestant opinion was on

this occasion distinguished by various characteristic features. Its

intention was that punishment should be inflicted not for the religious

doctrine of the enthusiasts, but only for their rebellion and other

ordinary crimes. There have been, indeed, and there are especially

at the present time a large number of pious and zealous Christians

who advocate adult baptism; and we are bound to respect them although

we do not share their views. Moreover the baptism practised by the

enthusiasts of Munster, was not that of the sect of Baptists; it was a

proceeding which denoted adhesion to the fanatical system the triumph

of which they pretended to insure, a ceremony such as is adopted in

many secret societies. The essential characteristics of their system

were their alleged visions, their unquestionable licentiousness, the

confusion which they brought upon the institutions of social life,

their tyranny and their cruelty.

Various opinions were entertained as to the punishment which ought to

be inflicted on them. Luther by a letter expressed clearly and briefly

what he thought on the subject. He was not greatly troubled. 'It does

not disturb me much,' he said; 'Satan is in a rage, but the Scripture

stands fast.'[532] The landgrave Philip was always an advocate of the

most lenient measures; he had no desire that the punishment of death

should be inflicted upon them, as had been done in other countries. He

consented only to their being imprisoned; and he insisted that they

should be instructed. The evangelical towns of Upper Germany acted upon

the same principle and refused to stain their hands with the blood of

these unhappy men. But it was decreed by a majority of the Germanic

Diet, that all enthusiasts who persisted in their false doctrines

should be put to death. Thus were confounded, as it has been said,

two things as remote from each other as heaven and earth, evangelical

doctrine and the confusion introduced into churches and states by

these fanatics. The unfortunate men were put to death, whether they

were visionaries or not; and not only were culpable disorders put down

with a strong hand, but evangelical doctrine was also banished from

Munster.[533]

[Sidenote: CAUSES OF THE DISORDERS.]

Three causes especially contributed to bring about these hideous

disorders of the fanatics. First, the bloody persecutions carried on

by Charles V. in the Netherlands against all those who desired to

worship God according to their conscience; next, the doctrines of

the enthusiasts, mingled sometimes with immorality, which Tanchelme

of Antwerp, Simon of Tournay, Amalric of Bena, the Turlupines, the

Pseudo-Cathari, and the Brethren of the Free Spirit, had for centuries

professed in different countries, and especially in the Netherlands

and on the banks of the Rhine, and which had lately been revived

there by emissaries from Germany; and finally, the need for a change

in the social order felt at this period by the least industrious and

most fanciful men of the lower orders, and especially of the class of

artisans.

After the terrible catastrophe which put an end to the kingdom of Zion,

there still remained, undoubtedly, some enthusiasts and libertines,

particularly David Joris. But many of them settled down and returned

to more wholesome doctrines. One of these, Ubbo of Leuwarden, had been

consecrated bishop of the new sect and had in turn consecrated others,

Menno Simonis in particular. Ubbo made public confession of his error;

'I have been miserably mistaken,' he said, 'and I shall lament it as

long as I live.'[534]

We have narrated the horrible episode of Munster, and we have exhibited

it like one of those placards which we have sometimes met with in the

Alps, nailed to a post near an abyss, on which were to be read such

words as these,--'Traveller, beware! any one approaching falls and

rolls over, and hurled from rock to rock, is dashed to pieces and

killed, the sad victim of his rashness.'

TRIUMPH IN DEATH.

(The night of the _18th February, 1546_, at Eisleben.)

Luther had throughout his life refused the aid of the secular arm, as

his desire was that the truth should triumph only by the power of God.

However, in 1546, in spite of his efforts, war was on the point of

breaking out, and it was the will of God that his servant should be

spared this painful spectacle.

The Counts of Mansfeld, within whose territories he was born, having

become involved in a quarrel with their subjects and with several Lords

of the neighborhood, had recourse to the mediation of the reformer. The

old man--he was now sixty-three--was subject to frequent attacks of

giddiness, but he never spared himself. He therefore set out, in answer

to the call, and reached the territory of the Counts on the 28th of

January, accompanied by his friend the theologian Jonas, who had been

with him at the Diet of Worms, and by his two sons, Martin and Paul,

the former now fifteen, and the latter thirteen, years of age. He was

respectfully received by the Counts of Mansfeld, attended by a hundred

and twelve horsemen. He entered that town of Eisleben in which he was

born, and in which he was about to die. That same evening he was very

unwell and was near fainting.

Nevertheless, he took courage and, applying himself zealously to the

task, preached four times, attended twenty conferences, received the

sacrament twice, and ordained two ministers. Every evening Jonas and

Michael Coelius, pastor of Mansfeld, came to wish him good-night.

'Doctor Jonas, and you Master Michael,' he said to them, 'entreat of

the Lord to save his church, for the Council of Trent is in great

wrath.'

Luther dined regularly with the Counts of Mansfeld. It was evident from

his conversation that the Holy Scriptures grew daily in importance

in his eyes. 'Cicero asserts in his letters,' he said to the Counts

two days before his death, 'that no one can comprehend the science of

government who has not occupied for twenty years an important place in

the republic. And I for my part tell you that no one has understood the

Holy Scriptures who has not governed the churches for a hundred years,

with the prophets, the Apostles and Jesus Christ.' This occurred on

the 16th of February. After saying these words he wrote them down in

Latin, laid them upon the table and then retired to his room. He had

no sooner reached it than he felt that his last hour was near. 'When

I have set my good lords at one,' he said to those about him, 'I will

return home; I will lie down in my coffin and give my body to the

worms.'

The next day, February 17, his weakness increased. The Counts of

Mansfeld and the prior of Anhalt, filled with anxiety, came to see

him. 'Pray do not come,' they said, 'to the conference.' He rose and

walked up and down the room and exclaimed,--'Here, at Eisleben, I was

baptized. Will it be my lot also to die here?' A little while after he

took the sacrament. Many of his friends attended him, and sorrowfully

felt that soon they would see him no more. One of them said to

him,--'Shall we know each other in the eternal assembly of the blessed?

We shall be all so changed!' 'Adam,' replied Luther, 'had never seen

Eve, and yet when he awoke he did not say "Who art thou?" but, "Thou

art flesh of my flesh." By what means did he know that she was taken

from his flesh and not from a stone? He knew this because he was filled

with the Holy Spirit. So likewise in the heavenly Paradise we shall be

filled with the Holy Spirit, and we shall recognize father, mother, and

friends better than Adam recognized Eve.'

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S PRAYER.]

Having thus spoken, Luther retired into his chamber and, according to

his daily custom, even in the winter time, opened his window, looked

up to heaven and began to pray. 'Heavenly Father,' he said, 'since in

thy great mercy thou hast revealed to me the downfall of the pope,

since the day of thy glory is not far off, and since the light of thy

Gospel, which is now rising over the earth is to be diffused through

the whole world, keep to the end through thy goodness the church of

my dear native country; save it from falling, preserve it in the true

profession of thy word, and let all men know that it is indeed for thy

work that thou hast sent me.' He then left the window, returned to

his friends, and about ten o'clock at night retired to bed. Just as he

reached the threshold of his bedroom he stood still and said in Latin,

'In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me, Deus veritatis!'

The 18th of February, the day of his departure, was now at hand.

About one o'clock in the morning, sensible that the chill of death

was creeping over him, Luther called Jonas and his faithful servant

Ambrose. 'Make a fire,' he said to Ambrose. Then he cried out,--'O Lord

my God, I am in great pain! What a weight upon my chest! I shall never

leave Eisleben.' Jonas said to him, 'Our heavenly Father will come to

help you for the love of Christ which you have faithfully preached to

men.' Luther then got up, took some turns up and down his room, and

looking up to heaven exclaimed again,--'Into thine hand I commit my

spirit; thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth!'

Jonas in alarm sent for the doctors, Wild and Ludwig, the Count

and Countess of Mansfeld, Drachstadt, the town-clerk, and Luther's

children. In great alarm they all hastened to the spot. 'I am dying,'

said the sick man. 'No,' said Jonas, 'you are now in a perspiration and

will soon be better.' 'It is the sweat of death,' said Luther, 'I am

nearly at my last breath.' He was thoughtful for a moment and then said

with faltering voice,--'O my heavenly Father, the God and Father of our

Lord Jesus Christ, the God of all consolation, I thank thee that thou

hast revealed to me thy well-beloved Son, Jesus Christ, in whom I have

believed, whom I have preached, whom I have confessed, whom the pope

and all the ungodly insult, blaspheme, and persecute, but whom I love

and adore as my Saviour. O Jesus Christ, my Saviour, I commit my soul

to thee! O my heavenly Father, I must quit this body, but I believe

with perfect assurance that I shall dwell eternally with thee, and that

none shall pluck me out of thy hands.'

He now remained silent for a little while; his prayer seemed to have

exhausted him. But presently his countenance again grew bright, a holy

joy shone in his features, and he said with fulness of faith,--'God

so loved the world that he gave his only-begotten Son, that whosoever

believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life.' A

moment afterwards he uttered, as if sure of victory, this word of

David,[535]--'He that is our God is the God of salvation; and unto God

the Lord belong the issues from death.' Dr. Wild went to him, and tried

to induce him to take medicine, but Luther refused. 'I am departing,'

he said, 'I am about to yield up my spirit.' Then returning to the

saying which was for him a sort of watchword for his departure, he said

three times successively without interruption,--'Father! into thine

hand I commit my spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth! Thou

hast redeemed me, O God of truth!'

[Sidenote: HIS LAST HOURS.]

He then closed his eyes. They touched him, moved him, called to him,

but he made no answer. In vain they applied the cloths which the

town-clerk and his wife heated, in vain the Countess of Mansfeld and

the physicians endeavored to revive him with tonics. He remained

motionless. All who stood round him, perceiving that God was going to

take away from the church militant this mighty warrior, were deeply

affected. The two physicians noted from minute to minute the approach

of death. The two boys, Martin and Paul, kneeling and in tears, cried

to God to spare to them their father. Ambrose lamented the master, and

Coelius the friend, whom they had so much loved. The Count of Mansfeld

thought of the troubles which Luther's death might bring on the Empire.

The distressed Countess sobbed and covered her eyes with her hands that

she might not behold the mournful scene. Jonas, a little apart from the

rest, felt heartbroken at the thought of the terrible blow impending

over the Reformation. He wished to receive from the dying Luther a last

testimony. He therefore rose, and went up to his friend, and bending

over him, said,--'Reverend father, in your dying hour do you rest on

Jesus Christ, and stedfastly rely upon the doctrine which you have

preached?' 'YES,' said Luther, so that all who were present

could hear him. This was his last word. The pallor of death overspread

his countenance; his forehead, his hands, and his feet turned cold.

They addressed him by his baptismal name, 'Doctor Martin,' but in vain,

he made no response. He drew a deep breath and fell asleep in the Lord.

It was between two and three o'clock in the morning. 'Truly,' said

Jonas, to whom we are indebted for these details, 'thou lettest, Lord,

thy servant depart in peace, and thou accomplishest for him the promise

which thou madest us, and which he himself wrote the other day in a

Bible presented to one of his friends: Verily, verily, I say unto you,

if a man keep my saying, he shall never see death.'[536]

Thus passed Luther into the presence of his Master, in full reliance

on redemption, in calm faith in the triumph of truth. Luther was no

longer here below, but Jesus Christ is with his people evermore to the

end of the world, and the work which Luther had begun lives, is still

advancing, and will extend to all the ends of the earth.

APPENDIX.

_Transcript of 'Indulgence' of Leo X.--the words which are abbreviated

in the original being written in full._

Albertus dei et apostolice sedis gratia . sancte Moguntinensis sedis

. ac Magdeburgensis ecclesie Archiepiscopus . primas . et sacri

Romani imperii in germania archicancellarius . princeps : elector

ac administrator Halberstattensis . Marchio Brandenburgensis .

Stettinensis . Pomeranie : Cassuborum Sclauorumque dux | Burggrauius

. Nurenbergensis Rugieque princeps . Et guardianus fratrum ordinis

minorum de obseruantia conuentus Moguntini . Per sanctissimum |

dominum nostrum Leonem Papam decimum per prouincias Moguntinensem ac

Magdeburgensem ac illarum et Halberstattenses ciuitates et dioceses

necnon terras | et loca illustrissimi et illustrium Principum dominorum

Marchionum Brandenburgensium temporali dominio mediate uel immediate

subiecta nuncii et commissarii : ad infrascripta specialiter deputati

. Vniuersis et singulis presentes literas inspecturis Salutem in

domino . Notum facimus quod sanctissimus dominus | noster Leo diuina

prouidentia Papa decimus modernus : omnibus et singulis utriusque

sexus christifidelibus : ad reparacionem fabrice basilice principis

apostolorum sancti Petri de vrbe : iuxta ordinationem nostram manus

porrigentibus adiutrices : vltra plenissimas indulgentias ac alias

gratias et facultates quas christifideles ipsi obtinere possunt

: iuxta literarum apostolicarum desuper confectarum continentiam

misericorditer etiam in domino indulsit atque concessit : vt idoneum

possint | eligere confessorem presbyterum secularem . uel cuiusuis

etiam mendicantium ordinis regularem . qui eorum confessione diligenter

audita . pro commissis per eligentem | delictis et excessibus : ac

peccatis quibuslibet : quantumcumque grauibus et enormibus : etiam in

dicte sedi reseruatis casibus : ac censuris ecclesiasticis : etiam

ab | homine ad alicuius instantiam latis . de consensu partium etiam

ratione interdicti incursis . et quarum absolutio eidem sedi esset

specialiter reseruata. Preterquam machinationis in personam summi

pontificis : occisionis episcoporum aut aliorum superiorum prelatorum

et iniectionis manuum violentarum in illos aut alios prelatos .

falsificationis | literarum apostolicarum . delationis armorum et

aliorum prohibitorum ad partes infidelium ac sententiarum et censurarum

occasione aluminum tulfe[537] apostolice de partibus infidelium ad

fideles contra prohibitionem apostolicam delatorum incursarum semel in

vita et in mortis articulo quotiens ille imminebit . licet mors tunc

non subsequatur | Et in non reseruatis casibus totiens quotiens id

petierint plenarie absoluere et eis penitentiam salutarem iniungere .

necnon semel in vita et in dicto mortis articulo : plenariam omnium

peccatorum indulgentiam et remissionem impendere . Necnon per eos

emissa pro tempore uota quecumque (vltramarino : visitationis | liminum

apostolorum et sancti Jacobi in compostella : religionis et castitatis

votis dumtaxat exceptis) in alia pietatis opera commutare auctoritate

apostolica | possit et valeat . Indulsit quoque idem sanctissimus

dominus noster prefatos benefactores eorumque parentes defunctos qui

cum charitate decesserunt in precibus : | suffragiis : elemosynis

: ieiuniis : orationibus : missis : horis canonicis : disciplinis

: peregrinationibus : et ceteris omnibus spiritualibus bonis que

fiunt : et fieri poterunt in tota vniuersali sacrosancta ecclesia

militante : et in omnibus membris eiusdem in perpetuum participes

fieri . Et quia deuotus | Philippus Kessel[538] presbyter ad ipsam

fabricam et necessariam instaurationem | supradicte basilice principis

apostolorum iuxta sanctissimi domini nostri Pape intentionem et nostram

ordinationem de bonis suis contribuendo se gratum | exhibuit. In cuius

rei signum presentes literas a nobis accepit Ideo eadem auctoritate

apostolica nobis commissa : et qua fungimur in hac parte | ipsi quod

dictis gratiis et indulgentiis vti et eisdem gaudere possit et valeat

per presentes concedimus et largimur. Datum Auguste | sub sigillo per

nos ad hec ordinato. Die xv Mensis Aprilis Anno domini M.D.xvij.

Forma absolutionis totiens quotiens in vita.

Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per meritum sue

passionis te absoluat : auctoritate cuius et apostolica mihi in hac

parte commissa: et | tibi concessa ego te absoluo ab omnibus peccatis

tuis. In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti Amen.

Forma absolutionis et plenissime remissionis : semel in vita et in

mortis articulo.

Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per meritum sue

passionis te absoluat : et ego auctoritate ipsius et apostolica mihi

in hac parte commissa : et tibi | concessa te absoluo . primo ab omni

sententia excommunicationis maioris vel minoris si quam incurristi .

deinde ab omnibus peccatis tuis : conferendo tibi plenissimam omnium |

peccatorum tuorum remissionem remittendo tibi etiam penas purgatorii in

quantum se claues sancte matris ecclesie extendunt . In nomine patris et

filii et spiritus sancti Amen.

* * * * *

NOTE.--If one effect produced by the perusal of this often-talked-of

document be surprise at the extent of the remissions offered to

those who should 'stretch out a helping hand towards the repair of

the fabric of the Church of the prince of the apostles, St. Peter of

Rome,' another surely is amazement at the seeming incongruity of the

exceptions. 'Indulgence' is extended to crimes and excesses and any

kind of sin, however 'grave and enormous,' but is withheld not only

from 'conspiracy against the person of the Pope, murder of Bishops

or other superior prelates, laying violent hands on them or on other

prelates, forgery of apostolic letters, exportation of arms and other

forbidden goods to heathen parts,' but also from _the importation

of alum from heathen to Christian parts, contrary to the apostolic

prohibition, by which the faithful who wanted alum were required to use

only that obtained from Tolfa belonging to the Pope_.

Superficially regarded, this last exception is suggestive of a

commercial monopoly enforced by the threat of spiritual penalties; and

so clearly has it been seen that a damaging significance might readily

be attached to it, that the accuracy of the passage has frequently been

doubted. M. Audin, who in his Histoire de Martin Luther, vol. i. pp.

429-432, gives a copy of the 'Indulgence,' renders the passage thus:

'occasione aluminum (_sic_) sanctæ ecclesiæ,' &c. By using the word

sic, and by appending the note 'Tiré d'une source protestante par un

protestant,' M. Audin would seem to have intended to suggest not merely

that he doubted the correctness of the copy to which he had had access,

but also that the apparently objectionable features of the document

might be attributable to inaccuracy.

But transactions of which the causes are imperfectly understood may

give rise to very erroneous opinions; and in this case even the most

cursory glance at the state of Europe during the pontificate of Pius

II., when the alum-works of Tolfa came into existence, will show that

there were grave reasons for treating the importation of alum as a most

heinous offence--reasons which might well affect the decrees of the

Pope, and which had not lost their importance in the time of Leo X.

Until the discovery that alum could be obtained from the hills near

Tolfa, the Italians had been dependent for their supplies of this

commodity, which they used in very considerable quantities, upon the

Turks, who, it is to be borne in mind, had but a few years previously

taken Constantinople, and who were now the scourge and dread of

Christendom. The Papal view as to the use to which the discovery should

be turned is shown in the following extract from a brief of Pius II.:--

'Item quoniam diebus nostris faciens nobiscum Dominus

misericordiam suam de absconditis terræ, uberrimas pretiosi

aluminis venas antea nunquam inventas miraculo quodam in

montibus nostris, qui in patrimonio B. Petri in Tuscia prope

arcem Tolpham sunt patefecit, volens videlicet, ne ultra

ex fidelium pecunia Turchorum in eos persecutio cresceret,

sed ilia ad defensionem nostram uti possemus, justum et

pietati suæ placitum reputantes, fructum omnem, qui antehac

ex comportato in Christianitatem transmarino alumine penes

impios Turchos in Christianorum exitium erat, modo ad nos in

suffragium ecclesiæ catholicæ transeat, præsertim cum alumen

nostrum, magistra experientia, virtute perfectius, pretio

vilius, numero autem sit adeo abundans, ut usui Christianorum

in omnem partem satisfacere possit, ex parte omnipotentis Dei

Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, ac nostra ex hoc sancto

tribunali apostolica voce hortamur atque requirimus omnes,

et singulos profitentes nomen Christianum, ne posthac alumen

a Turchis aliisque infidelibus emant, &c. Dat. Romæ apud S.

Petrum anno MCDLXIII. vii. id. Aprilis, pontificatus nostri

anno v.' (Raynaldus, 'Annales Ecclesiastici,' tom. 29, p. 376).

In his 'History of Inventions, Discoveries,' &c. (_Bohn's Standard

Library_), Beckmann, who, in treating of Alum, quotes several accounts

of the works at Tolfa, says:--'The Pope himself has left us a very

minute history of this discovery, and of the circumstances which gave

rise to it;' and, alluding to the conflicting statements respecting the

discoverer, he adds:--'But as I do not wish to ascribe a falsehood to

the Pontiff, I am of opinion that the history of this discovery must

have been best known to him. He has not, indeed, established the year

with sufficient correctness; but we may conclude from his relation that

it must have been 1460 or 1465.[539] The former is the year given by

Felician Bussi; and the latter that given in the History of the City

of Civita Vecchia.' Beckmann's rendering of the Pope's history, though

the account is here and there open to criticism, throws much light on

the passage in the Indulgence and is otherwise very interesting. It

is in these terms:--'A little before that period came to Rome John di

Castro, with whom the Pontiff had been acquainted when he carried on

trade at Basle, and was banker to Pope Eugenius. His father, Paul,

was a celebrated lawyer of his time, who sat many years in the chair

of Padua, and filled all Italy with his decisions; for lawsuits were

frequently referred to him, and judges paid great respect to his

authority, as he was a man of integrity and sound learning. At his

death he left considerable riches, and two sons arrived to the age of

manhood, the elder of whom, following the profession of the father,

acquired a very extensive knowledge of law. The other, who was a man

of genius, and who applied more to study, made himself acquainted with

grammar and history; but, being fond of travelling, he resided some

time at Constantinople, and acquired much wealth by dyeing cloth made

in Italy, which was transported thither and committed to his care, on

account of the abundance of alum in that neighborhood. Having by these

means an opportunity of seeing daily the manner in which alum was made,

and from what stones or earth it was extracted, he soon learned the

art. When, by the will of God, that city was taken and plundered about

the year 1453, by Mahomet II., Emperor of the Turks, he lost his whole

property; but, happy to have escaped the fire and sword of these cruel

people, he returned to Italy, after the assumption of Pius II., to whom

he was related, and from whom he obtained, as an indemnification for

his losses, the office of Commissary-General over all the revenues of

the Apostolic Chamber, both within and without the city. While in this

situation he was traversing all the hills and mountains, searching

the bowels of the earth, leaving no stone or clod unexplored, he at

length found some alum-stone in the neighborhood of Tolfa. Old Tolfa

is a town belonging to two brothers, subjects of the Church of Rome,

and situated at a small distance from Civita Vecchia. Here there are

high mountains, retiring inland from the sea, which abound with wood

and water. While Castro was examining these, he observed that the grass

had a new appearance. Being struck with wonder, and inquiring into the

cause, he found that the mountains of Asia, which enrich the Turkish

treasury by their alum, were covered with grass of the like kind.

Perceiving several white stones, which seemed to be minerals, he bit

some of them, and found that they had a saltish taste. This induced him

to make some experiments by calcining them, and he at length obtained

alum. He repaired therefore to the Pontiff, and addressing him said,

"I announce to you a victory over the Turk. He draws yearly from the

Christians above three hundred thousand pieces of gold, paid to him

for the alum with which we dye wool different colors, because none

is found here but a little at the island of Hiscla, formerly called

Aenaria, near Puteoli, and in the cave of Vulcan at Lipari, which,

being formerly exhausted by the Romans, is now almost destitute of that

substance. I have, however, found seven hills so abundant in it, that

they would be almost sufficient to supply seven worlds. If you will

send for workmen, and cause furnaces to be constructed, and the stones

to be calcined, you may furnish alum to all Europe; and that gain

which the Turk used to acquire by this article being thrown into your

hands will be to him a double loss. Wood and water are both plenty,

and you have in the neighborhood the port of Civita Vecchia, where

vessels bound to the West may be loaded. You can now make war against

the Turk: this mineral will supply you with the sinews of war, that is

money, and at the same time deprive the Turk of them." These words of

Castro appeared to the Pontiff the ravings of a madman: he considered

them as mere dreams, like the predictions of astrologers; and all

the cardinals were of the same opinion. Castro, however, though his

proposals were often rejected, did not abandon his project, but applied

to his Holiness by various persons, in order that experiments might be

made in his presence on the stones which he had discovered. The Pontiff

employed skilful people, who proved that they really contained alum;

but lest some deception might have been practised, others were sent to

the place where they had been found, who met with abundance of the like

kind. Artists who had been employed in the Turkish mines in Asia were

brought from Genoa; and these, having closely examined the nature of

the place, declared it to be similar to that of the Asiatic mountains

which produce alum; and, shedding tears for joy, they kneeled down

three times, worshipping God, and praising his kindness in conferring

so valuable a gift on our age. The stones were calcined, and produced

alum more beautiful than that of Asia, and superior in quality. Some

of it was sent to Venice and to Florence, and, being tried, was found

to answer beyond expectation. The Genoese first purchased a quantity

of it, to the amount of 20,000 pieces of gold; and Cosmo of Medici for

this article laid out afterwards seventy-five thousand. On account

of this service, Pius thought Castro worthy of the highest honors

and of a statue, which was erected to him in his own country, with

this inscription:--"To John di Castro, the Inventor of Alum;" and he

received besides a certain share of the profit. Immunities and a share

also of the gain were granted to the two brothers, lords of Tolfa, in

whose land the aluminous mineral had been found. This accession of

wealth to the Church of Rome was made, by the divine blessing, under

the Pontificate of Pius II.: and if it escape, as it ought, the hands

of tyrants, and be prudently managed, it may increase and afford no

small assistance to the Roman Pontiffs in supporting the burdens of

the Christian religion--_Pii Secundi Comment . rer . memorab . quæ

temp . suis contigerunt. Francof._ 1614, _fol. p._ 185'

Dr. Georg Voigt, in his 'Enea Silvio de Piccolomini als Papst Pius der

Zweite und sein Zeitalter,' vol. iii. pp. 546-48, says:--

'Ein Glückszufall brachte dem Papste noch eine ganz

unerwartete Quelle von Einnahmen. Unter ihm wurden die

berühmten Alaungruben von Tolfa entdeckt. Der genannte

Giovanni de Castro, ein Mann der rührigsten Industrie, der

zu Konstantinopel die Färbung italienischer Zeuge betrieben,

bei der Eroberung der Stadt jedoch nichts als sein Leben und

seine technischen Kenntnisse davongetragen, war der Finder.

Umherschweifend auf dem einsamen culturlosen Waldgebirge,

das sich unweit Civita-vecchia mit seinen Ausläufern bis

zum Meer erstreckt, stöbernd unter den Steinen, Erden und

Pflanzen mit dem eigenthümlichen Antriebe solcher Naturen,

bemerkte er zunächst ein Kraut, das er auf den alaunhaltigen

Bergen Asiens gesehen, dann weisse Steine, die der salzige

Geschmack und gar die Auskochung als Alaun erwies. Freudig

eilte er zum Papste und verkündete ihm den Sieg über die

Türken, zunächst den Industriellen, da der Orient durch den

Alaun jährlich über 300,000 Ducaten von den Christen verdiene.

Von anderer Seite wird der Astrolog Domenico di Zaccaria

aus Padua wenigstens als Mitentdecker angegeben.[540] Pius

indess erwähnt nur de Castro. Er und die Cardinäle hielten

die Entdeckung anfangs für eine alchymistische Träumerei.

Doch bestätigten Sachverständige, dass das Gestein wirklich

Alaun und dass es in jenen Bergen in betriebsfähiger Masse

vorhanden sei; das reichliche Wasser der Gegend und der

nahe Seehafen begünstigten den Bau. Es wurden Gewerbsleute

aus Genua berufen, die einst bei den Türken den asiatischen

Alaun behandelt; sie weinten vor Freude, als sie das Mineral

erkannten, nach der Abkochung zeigte sich seine Güte: 80

Pfund hatten den Werth von 100 Pfund türkischen Alauns.

Proben wurden nach Venedig und Florenz versandt. Genuesische

Kaufleute schlossen zuerst einen Ankauf für 20,000 Ducaten

ab. Dann Cosimo de' Medici einen für 75,000. Der Papst fasste

den Vorsatz, das Geschenk Gottes auch zur Ehre Gottes, zum

Türkenkriege zu verwenden; er ermahnte alle Christen, fortan

nur von ihm, nicht von den Ungläubigen den Alaun einzukaufen,

zumal da der seinige nach der Erfahrung besser und billiger

sei.[541] Schon im Jahre 1463 wurde tüchtig in den Gruben von

Tolfa gearbeitet, 8,000 Menschen waren dabei beschäftigt: der

Finder wie die Besitzer des vorher unfruchtbaren Districtes

erhielten eine Quote des Gewinnes, der dem apostolischen

Schatze jährlich gegen 100,000 Ducaten einbrachte. In der

Wahlcapitulation von 1464 wurden sämmtliche Einkünfte von

Alaun für den Türkenkrieg bestimmt.'[542]

* * * * *

From Dr. Voigt's statements that as early as the year 1463, 8,000

men were employed in the alum-works of Tolfa, and that the profit to

the apostolic treasury, after the claims of the discoverer and the

proprietors had been duly recognized, amounted to 100,000 ducats a

year, and from the date of the Pope's Brief quoted above, it would seem

that the discovery could scarcely have been made later than 1462, the

year assigned to it by Niccolo della Tuccia.

The following extract from R. Harrison's translation of A. von

Reumont's 'Lorenzo de' Medici,' carries on somewhat further the

history of this famous mine and of its position in regard to the Papal

Government:--

'The Pope's affection and confidence were shown in various ways. The

Roman depository, i.e., the Receiver's office, was handed over to the

Medici, with the permission to choose as their representative Giovanni

Tornabuoni, director of the Roman bank. New privileges were also

granted to them in connection with their share in the farming of the

alum-works of Tolfa. It was an important concession. In the days of

Pope Pius II., Giovanni di Castro, son of the famous jurisconsult,

Paolo, the principal co-operator in the revision of the Florentine

statutes (finished in 1415), discovered alum-deposits in the rock while

making geological investigations in the hilly country between Civita

Vecchia and the territory of Viterbo, in the vicinity of Tolfa. He

instantly perceived the importance of his discovery, which promised

to free the West, hitherto poor in this mineral, from a tribute to

the distant East, made more inaccessible by the Turkish conquests. In

fact the produce soon amounted to 160,000 gold florins; and it is well

known what sanguine hopes Pius II., whose eyes were directed towards

the East, indulged, that this new source of revenue would aid his

enterprises. Genoese houses had employed themselves with the alum-trade

till the Medici concluded a contract with the Papal exchequer, which

afterwards gave rise to many unpleasant misunderstandings with the

financial department.'--(Vol. I. p. 275).

An account of the alum of Tolfa is also given in vol. v. chap. i., of

the 'Voyages du P. Labat de l'Ordre des FF. Prescheurs, en Espagne

et en Italie;' and in the article 'Alaun,' in the 'Oeconomische

Encyclopädie,' by Dr. J. G. Krünitz, which is in part derived from

Labat's work.

GENERAL INDEX

TO

VOLUMES I.--VIII.

_Aarau_, meeting of pastors at, to complain of exile of

Megander, vi. 367;

deputation sent to Berne, 367

_Abelard_, ii. 18; iii. 44

_Ab Hofen_, Thomas, Bernese deputy to Geneva, ii. 311 _sqq._;

his evangelical work, 312;

opposition and dejection, 314;

death, 316

_Adam_, iii. 301 _sqq._

_Adrian VI._, Pope, attempts to prevent introduction of

Luther's works and followers into Spain, viii. 4

_Adrian_, Dr., umpire at conference of Schässburg, vii. 384

_Agrippa_, Cornelius, at Strasburg, i. 360;

his career, 363;

his book on marriage, 363

_Alasco_, John, Baron, primate of Poland, vii. 433, 443;

unfriendly reception of his nephew John, 445;

his devotion to the papacy, 445;

examines John, 446;

his death, 450

-- Stanislaus, vii. 433;

at court of Francis I., 442

-- Yaroslav, vii. 433;

gets his brother John appointed a bishop, 452;

interview with John, 458;

his relations with Zapolya, 458;

military service and imprisonment, 458;

his death, 459

_Alasco_, John, Polish reformer, his birth and early life, vii. 434;

sets out to visit European courts and universities, 434;

at Louvain, 434;

meets Zwinglius at Zurich, 435;

difficulty of fixing dates of his travels, 436, _note_;

grateful remembrance of Zwinglius, 436;

becomes guest of Erasmus, 437;

influence of Erasmus on him, 438, 439;

studies at Basel under Pellican, 439;

friendship with Glareanus, 439;

enjoined by King Sigismund to leave Basel, 441;

uncertainty of his next course, 442;

in Italy, 442;

again in Poland, 443;

his struggles, 444;

worldly associations, 444;

decline of faith, 445;

false reports about him, 445;

examined by the primate, 446;

renounces doctrines of the Reformation, 447;

urges Erasmus to write to the king, 448;

named provost of cathedral church of Gnesne, 448;

reads and corresponds with Melanchthon, 449;

leans towards Luther, 449;

coolness of Erasmus, 450;

his place among reformers, 451;

has to give up hope of reforming Poland, 451;

appointed bishop of Wesprim, 452;

bishop of Cujavia, 452;

his difficult position, 452;

refuses bishopric of Cujavia, 453;

leaves Poland, 454;

goes to Mentz and Louvain, 454;

offers made to him, 455;

marries, 456;

his life at Embden, 456, 457;

declines offer of pastorate there, 458;

attends death-bed of his brother Yaroslav, 458, 459;

returns to Friesland, 459;

writes to Hardenberg, 459;

accepts direction of churches in Friesland, 462;

invited to Poland, 462;

his task in Friesland, 462;

charges against him, 463;

opposition of John of Falkenberg, 464;

writes to Bullinger, 464;

conflict with the monks, 465;

his appeal to Countess Anna, 466;

victory over John of Falkenberg, 467;

aims at union of Protestant sects, 468;

has a conference with Menno, 468;

with David Joris, 470;

his ministry, 471;

his church government, 471;

relations to Erasmus, Zwinglius, and Melanchthon, 472;

his _Epitome of doctrine_, 472;

again appeals to Countess Anna, 473;

resigns office of superintendent, 473;

resumes it, 474;

death of his child, 474;

his country home, 475;

his first letter to Calvin, 475, _note_;

at Louvain, 548, 552;

meetings with Francis de Enzinas, viii. 43, 59

_Albany, John Stuart_, duke of, i. 414;

special ambassador of Francis I. to Clement VII., ii. 148;

his career, 148, 155;

commands French fleet escorting Catherine de' Medici to Nice, 189;

escorts Clement VII. to Marseilles, 190;

regent of Scotland, vi. 15;

returns to France, 15;

again in Scotland, defeated by the English, finally quits the

country, 21

_Albert_, duke of Prussia, protects the reformed in Poland, vii. 431

_Albigenses_, the, ii. 102

_Alcagnices_, Marchioness of, her conversations with Carranza, viii.

117;

gets his works copied and translated, 119

_Alcala de Henares_, viii. 13;

a theological disputation at, 14

_Alciati_ of Milan, at Bourges, ii. 23

_Aleander_, papal nuncio, obtains edict of persecution for the

Netherlands, vii. 488;

receives recantation of Spreng, 490

_Alençon_, Duchess of [_Margaret of Angoulême_]

_Alençon_, Duke of, i. 346

_Alesius_, presents Melanchthon's _Common places_ to

Henry VIII., v. 106;

account of him, 186;

present at convocation, 187;

his speech, 188, 189;

refused admission, 190;

his birth and early life, vi. 11;

publicly refutes Luther's doctrine, 51;

his interviews with Patrick Hamilton, 52;

refuses to condemn him, 75;

preaches before the synod, 76;

assailed by Prior Hepburn, and imprisoned, 76, 77;

released by command of the king, 77;

immediately imprisoned again, 78;

urged to escape, reluctant to leave Scotland, 80, 81;

his flight, 81, 82;

embarks at Dundee, 83;

his wanderings, 84;

his letter to James V., 90, 91

_Alexander VI._, Pope, i. 119, 211;

his decree on printing, ii. 173

_Alexander Canus_ (_Dumoulin_), goes to Geneva, iv. 195;

attempts to arrest him, 198;

seized and banished, 205;

leaves Geneva, 206

_Alexander_, Dr., preaches at Dantzic, vii. 425

_Alexander_, Peter, chaplain to the Regent of the Netherlands,

viii. 86;

holds a disputation with De Soto, 87;

his flight, trial, and burning in effigy, 87;

pastor of French church in London, 88

_Alva_, Duke of, i. 325

_Amadeus V._ of Savoy, i. 17;

seizes the château de l'Ile, 17;

becomes _vidame_, 18;

bids for popular favor, 18

_Amadeus VIII._, his attempt on Geneva, i. 19;

his abdication, 21;

nominated pope by Council of Basel as Felix V., 21;

makes himself prince and bishop of Geneva, 21;

his death, 21

_Amadeus IX._, i. 22

_Amman_, Louis, vi. 434

_Amsterdam_, beginning of the Reformation at, vii. 531 _sqq._;

arrests of evangelicals by night, their execution, 535;

Jan van Geelen's attempt to surprise, viii. 348

_Amyot_, Jacques, iii. 76

_Anabaptists_, burnt by Henry VIII., v. 63; viii. 160 [_Spirituals_]

_Ancina_, Messire d', i. 116, 122

_Anderson_, Lawrence, his birth and early life, vii. 239;

receives evangelical doctrine, 240;

administrator of diocese of Strengnaes, 240;

friendship with Olaf and Lawrence Peterson, 241;

before Gustavus, 258;

appointed chancellor of the kingdom, 258;

his character, 259;

advises Gustavus, 259;

translates the New Testament, 269;

advises the king on church power, 281;

his speech at Diet of Westeraas, 285 _sqq._;

deputy with Olaf to the king, 291;

his speech on return of the king, 293;

president of synod of Orebro, 299

_Anderson_, William, a Protestant of Perth, vi. 178;

seized and condemned to death, 181;

hung, 181

_Andronicus_, invited into Switzerland by Farel, iii. 233 _sqq._;

joins Farel, 235

_Angelis_, Francis de, viii. 4

_Angers_, University of, declares for divorce of Henry VIII.,

iv. 40

_Angoulême_, city, iii. 5

_Angus_, Earl of, marries Margaret, regent of Scotland, vi. 15;

takes the Great Seal, 22;

defeats Lennox, 24;

renews proscription of New Testament, 43;

keeps the king in subjection, 72;

banished, 74;

joins English army against the Scots, 138;

accompanies the liberated nobles to Scotland, 158;

reinstated, 161;

imprisoned, liberated, 184

_Anhalt_, Principality of, the reformation in, viii. 322;

the princes of, 322;

Luther's letter to them, 326;

the reformation established in, 327

_Anna_, Countess [_Friesland_]

_Annates_, in England, abolished, iv. 87

_Anne Boleyn_, meets Henry VIII., ii. 105; iv. 21, 27;

lodged in palace at Greenwich, 103;

marriage of, 118, 127;

included in Clement's excommunication of Henry VIII., 128;

appears as queen, 131;

her marriage pronounced lawful, 135;

presented to the people, 135;

her coronation, 136;

unsatisfied, 137;

her course and fate, 138;

change in her character, v. 32;

protects evangelicals, 32;

orders liberation of Harman, 33;

her bringing up, 119;

her good works, 120, 121;

esteem for Latimer, 121;

Tyndale's present to, 122;

character of, 124;

opposite views of her, 125;

hostility of Norfolk, 126;

her difficult position, 127;

jealousy of Jane Seymour, 128;

gives birth to a dead son, 129;

co-operates with Cranmer, 130;

her choice of bishops, 130, 131;

forebodings, 132;

commends her daughter Elizabeth to Parker, 133;

charges against her, 133, 134 _sqq._;

ordered to keep her room, 138;

before the council, 139;

taken to the Tower, 140;

her sympathy, 141;

watched, 145;

agitation, 146;

her letter to the king, 150 _sqq._;

alleged pre-contract of marriage not proved, 153;

her trial, 155 _sqq._;

sentenced to death, 157;

her address to the judges, 158;

asks pardon of the princess Mary, 162;

her execution, 165 _sqq._;

effect of her death in Europe, 170, 171

_Anne_ of Beauregard, v. 427, 428

_Anne of Cleves_, proposal for her marriage with Henry VIII.,

viii. 193;

her portrait, 193;

the marriage arranged, 193;

at Calais, 194;

a game of cards, 194;

reaches Canterbury, 195;

at Rochester, seen by the king, 195;

received by him, 197;

enters London, 197;

married, 198;

hopes, 198;

scheme contrived for her divorce, 230 _sqq._;

consents, 231;

receives report of judgment of convocation, 232;

her submission, 233;

a pension and a palace for her, 234

_Anne_ of Cyprus, i. 21, 22, 23;

accused by her son Philip to her husband, 25

_Annonay_, the 'holy virtues' of, i. 429;

preaching of Stephen Machopolis at, 430;

of Rénier, 430;

of Jonas, 430;

arrest and imprisonment of many evangelicals, 431

_Anschar_, apostle of Scandinavia, vii. 120

_Antwerp_, vii. 481;

beginning of reformation at, 483 _sqq._;

persecution, 492;

the convent of the Augustines destroyed, 499;

open-air meeting of the reformed, 503;

murder of Nicholas, 504;

preaching attended by crowds, 517

_Aosta_, Lutheranism at, v. 451 _sqq._;

assembly of estates at, 452;

resolution against Lutheranism, 453;

monuments of Calvin's passage through, 454

_Apologists_, Christian, iii. 10, 182

_Appeals_ to the pope, abolished in England, iv. 179

_Aquinas_, Thomas, Calvin's admiration of, i. 387; ii. 167

_Arcimbold_, sells indulgences in Scandinavia, vii. 127;

gains over the King of Denmark, 128;

sends his brother to Gothland, 236

_Aresen_, Johan, bishop of Holum, vii. 226;

his quarrel with bishop of Skalholt, 226;

vanquished in single combat, 226;

takes up arms against the reformation, 229;

usurps the see of Skalholt, 229;

arrested and executed with his sons, 230;

barbarous revenge of his partisans, 230

_Arlod_, Jean d', i. 271; iv. 313; v. 352;

imprisoned at Chillon, 353

--, Domaine d', iii. 364;

proscribed by the bishop, 439;

seized and imprisoned, 441, 457.

_Arnold_ of Winkelried, i. 194

_Arran_, Earl of, vi. 152;

his character, 154;

proclaimed regent of Scotland, 154;

his evangelical chaplains, 155;

favors project of marriage of Mary Queen of Scots with Edward of

England, 158;

confirmed in the regency, 161;

dismisses his chaplains, 168;

refuses the hostages to Henry VIII., 171;

assembles an army at Edinburgh, 172;

his irresolution, 173;

joins the cardinal at Stirling, 173;

submits to the pope and is absolved, 174;

accompanies Beatoun to Perth, sanctions martyrdom of Protestants,

181;

and persecution in Forfarshire, 182;

flies from Edinburgh with Beatoun, 183;

gives up Wishart to Beatoun, 197;

writes to the cardinal about him, 197

_Arras_, martyrs at, i. 349; iii. 142

_Artois_, preaching of Berquin in, i. 332, 333

_Aske_, Robert, heads revolt of Catholics in Yorkshire, v. 206;

the _pilgrimage of grace_, 206;

at Pomfret Castle, 209;

confronts the Lancaster herald, 209;

resolves to march on London, 210

_Askew_, Anne, account of, viii. 274;

her marriage and separation, 275;

imprisoned, her examinations, 276;

before Bishop Bonner, 277;

liberated on bail, 277;

again arrested, examined, 277, 278;

her firmness, 279;

condemned to be burnt, 279;

again examined and tortured by Wriothesley and Rich, 280, 281, and

_note_;

her martyrdom, 283 _sqq._

_Athanasian Creed_, the, vi. 317

_Audley_, Sir Thomas, Speaker, iv. 9;

appointed Chancellor, 91;

one of Fryth's examiners, 151;

begs for gift of convents, v. 99;

member of commission of inquiry into conduct of Queen Anne, 136,

139; viii. 226

_Augsburg_, Diet of, ii. 216, 255, 415, 421; vii. 170;

influence of the confession in Hungary, 345

_Augustines_, at Geneva, i. 44

_Augustine_, St., iv. 46

_Austria_, ii. 215, 216;

delegates at Diet, of Augsburg, 217, 218, 219

[_Ferdinand_ of Austria, _Philip_ of Hesse]

_Avalos_, Don Gaspard d', opposes publication of Spanish New

Testament, viii. 61

_Avenches_, iii. 212

_Avignon_, Francis I., holds council at, ii. 214;

the embroiderer of, iv. 325;

seized and ill-used, 325;

reaches Geneva, 326

_Avila_, John d', his preaching in Andalusia, viii. 4, 5, 6;

exposes the fraud of Madeline de la Croix, 7;

defends St. Theresa, 7;

counsels Sancha de Carile, 8;

arrested by the Inquisition, and acquitted, 17

_Babinot_, Albert, iii. 46;

sent by Calvin to preach, 58;

at Toulouse, 59, 61

_Baduel_, Claude, ii. 257;

seeks introduction to Margaret of Navarre, 258;

visits her, 259;

his career, 259;

envoy from Margaret to Melanchthon, iv. 368

_Baillot_, Jacques, of Neuchâtel, advocates giving help to

Geneva, v. 323;

on the march, 327

_Bainham_, James, iv. 106;

arrested and tortured by More, 106;

before Bishop of London, 107;

his abjuration and sentence, 107;

remorse, 108;

repentance, 108;

condemned, 109;

visited by Latimer, 109;

martyrdom, 110

_Bakker_, Johan van, with his father denounced as a Lutheran, vii.

510;

sent to Louvain, becomes a priest, 511;

imprisoned, liberated, goes to Wittenberg, 511;

returns, and is banished, 511;

wanderings, 511;

separates from Rome, 512;

opposes indulgences, 512;

arrested, 513;

his trial, 513;

imprisoned, 514;

his father, 515;

his martyrdom, 515, 516

_Balard_, syndic of Geneva, i. 204;

elected syndic, 263;

cited, 292, _note_; iii. 282, 286, 290;

recommends celebration of the mass, v. 367;

his views, 411;

examined before the Council, vi. 502 _sqq._

_Balkerley_, Martin, imprisoned at Edinburgh for reading the

Scriptures, vi. 113;

pays a ransom and is left in prison, a double ransom demanded,

113;

liberated, 113

_Balleyson_, M. de, i. 278, 291, 295, 297

_Balue_, Master, deputy of the Sorbonne, ii. 287

_Bandière_, Ami, i. 267, 270, 276, 292;

leads the search for Pontverre, and is wounded, ii. 379

_Bandière_, Jean, i. 292

_Bandini_, Francesco, Archbishop of Siena, receives deputation

accusing Paleario, iv. 444;

consents to support the charge, 445

_Baner_, Eric, in charge of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 245

_Baptism_, a reformed, at Geneva, iv. 249

_Barbarossa_, iv. 465

_Barbier_, instigates plot against reformers at Geneva, v. 244

_Bar-le Duc_, conference and treaty of, ii. 224 _sqq._, 297

_Barlow_, Dr., prior of Bisham, his embassy to Scotland, vi.

100, 101;

ready to preach, 105

_Barnes_, envoy to reformers at Wittenberg, v. 106;

sent by the king to invite Melanchthon, 107;

well received by Elector of Saxony, 107;

joined by Fox and Hare, 109;

takes part in negotiating marriage of the king with Anne of Cleves,

viii. 202;

appointed to preach at Paul's Cross, superseded by Gardiner, 202;

preaches, 203;

reprimanded by the king, 204;

reads a retractation, and again preaches, 204;

committed to the Tower, 204;

with Garret and Jerome and three Papists, burnt at Smithfield,

227, 228

_Barton_, Elizabeth [_Maid of Kent_]

_Basel_, council of, i. 21;

embassy to Geneva, ii. 390, 392;

treaty with landgrave of Hesse, 420;

conferences at, vi. 325; vii. 43, 44

_Baud_, Claude, syndic of Geneva, attempts to direct Catholic

rioters, iii. 375;

plants the city banner, 379;

refuses to give the signal for attack, 385;

takes part in consultation for peace, 395; iv. 200;

searches for Froment, 205

_Bayfield_, Richard, in prison, iv. 83;

his martyrdom, 84

_Beatoun_, David, abbot of Arbroath, negotiates return of his

uncle, the primate, to St. Andrews, vi. 28;

one of the judges of Patrick Hamilton, 61;

accompanies James V. to Paris, 108;

again in France, made bishop of Mirepoix, 108;

negotiates marriage of James with Mary of Lorraine, 109;

his character and aims, 110, 111;

created cardinal, 111;

unites with the king against the gospellers and the nobles, 112;

finds money for the king, 113;

his arrogance, 113;

goes to France to seek aid for Scotland, 115;

persecutes the gospellers, 116 _sqq._;

demands the burning of Kennedy and Russel, 123;

succeeds his uncle as primate, 124:

his persecutions checked by the king, 126;

holds assembly of prelates and nobles at St. Andrews, 126;

aims at ruin of Henry VIII., 133;

prevents interview of James and Henry, 135;

visits James V. on his death-bed, 149;

under alleged will of the king claims to be president of the

council of regency, 153;

opposes appointment of Arran to the regency, 154;

appointed chancellor, 155;

resists scheme for marriage of Mary Queen of Scots with Prince

Edward of England, 158;

excluded from the council and imprisoned, 159;

results of his arrest, 160;

liberated, 169;

his intrigues against the regent, 169;

convokes the clergy, 170;

induces the regent to refuse the hostages, 171;

removes the two queens to Stirling, 172;

receives submission of Arran and absolves him, 174;

crowns the queen, 175;

resolves to crush the Reformation, 177;

goes to Perth, condemns six Protestants to death, 181;

persecutes them in Forfarshire, 182;

on appearance of English army at Leith, flies from Edinburgh with

Arran, 183;

sets a body of armed men to waylay Wishart, 196;

imprisons Wishart, 197;

convokes the bishops, 197;

arms his men to escort them and Wishart, 198;

presides at his trial, 198 _sqq._;

witnesses his martyrdom, 205 _sqq._;

marries his daughter to David Lindsay, 208;

quarrels with Norman Lesley, 209;

a conspiracy formed against him, orders his partisans to meet him

at Falkland, 209;

his castle seized by Norman Lesley, 211;

murdered, 212;

opinions on the murder, 214

_Beatoun_, James, primate of Scotland, gathering of the

Hamiltons in his palace, vi. 16;

dissensions with the queen-mother and the nobles, 22;

deprived of the Great Seal by Angus, 23;

plots with the priests against Angus, 23;

in concealment in Fifeshire, 24;

returns to St. Andrews, 28;

cites Patrick Hamilton before him, 28;

invites him to a conference, 48;

cites him on a charge of heresy, 54;

orders his arrest, 59;

pronounces sentence on him, 64;

sanctions imprisonment of Alesius, 78;

condemns Seaton's doctrines, 88;

imprisons Thomas Forrest, 92;

leaves his see to his nephew David, 124

_Beatrice_ of Portugal, married to duke Charles III., i. 218;

reception of, at Geneva, 219 _sqq._;

birth of a son, 234;

deputation of women to her in behalf of Levrier, 251;

quits Geneva, 251; ii. 452

_Beaugency_, ancient custom at, ii. 6

_Becon_, Thomas, quoted, iv. 162

_Beda_, syndic of the Sorbonne, advises persecution of

Lutherans, i. 332, 333;

reports on Berquin's works, 334;

principal of Montaigu College, 386;

attacks Berquin, 403;

his refutation of Erasmus, 404;

arrested, 405;

attacked by Berquin, 406;

urges persecution of Berquin, 431, 432; ii. 34, 36, 40;

attacks the professors, 59;

his charges dismissed by the parliament, 60;

adopted by the Sorbonne, 60;

declaims against reformers, 90;

urges arrest of preachers, 119;

general in the war against Lutherans, 121;

sets mendicant friars to work, 121, 122;

confined to his house by the king's order, 124;

breaks loose, 125;

appears before the parliament, 129;

banished, 130;

his departure, 133;

censor of books, 167;

detects heresy in Margaret's _Mirror_, 167;

returns to Paris, 230;

attacks professors of University of Paris, 230;

demands burning of Roussel and others, 231;

his debate with Roussel in the prison, 233;

his _Remonstrance_ read by the king, 233;

imprisoned, 233;

accuses the king, iii. 115;

charged with treason, his imprisonment and death, 116; iv. 40

_Bell_, Dr., joint commissioner to Oxford University, iv. 33

_Bellantes_, Antonio, his friendship with Paleario, iv. 439;

his mother, 440;

her property stolen by the monks, 440

_Bellantes_, Faustus, warns Paleario, iv. 441;

at his trial, 441, 451

--, Evander, at trial of Paleario, iv. 451

_Bellegarde_, Sieur de, prepares ambuscade for Levrier, i. 246;

seizes and takes him to castle of Bonne, 247;

tortures him, 251;

treachery to Bonivard, ii. 406;

envoy to the emperor, iii. 282;

bribes the grand equerry, 262;

has audience of Charles V., 263;

interview with Granvella, 265;

his letter to the duke, 266;

his plans against Geneva, 267;

projects a fortress, 273

_Bellessert_, Captain, commands one of the bands against

Lutherans, iii. 378;

strikes down Philippe, and is wounded by him, 387

_Bembo_, Pietro, Cardinal, iv. 432, 465, 482

_Benoit_, Andrew, goes to Geneva, vi. 299

[_Spirituals_]

_Berger_, Nicholas, assassinated by Pennet, iv. 233

_Bergeron_, G., syndic of Geneva, i. 308

_Bernard_, Carmelite, martyrdom of, vii. 516

_Bernard_ of Lublin, vii. 422

_Bernard_, Claude, iii. 277, 296, 314;

his daughter, 325, 327, 328;

rescues Froment, 347;

aids in rescue of Olivétan, 363;

leads Huguenots in the fight in the Molard, 416;

receives evangelists into his house, v. 245, 247, 250;

proposes suppression of the mass, &c., 275

_Bernard_, Jacques, superior of Franciscans, converted by

Farel's preaching, iv. 254; v. 251;

preaches in convent church, 251;

undertakes a public disputation, 253;

ten theses, 254, 255, 263;

at the debate, 265 _sqq._;

appointed pastor at Geneva, vi. 414

_Bernard_, John, i. 57, 134, 256; ii. 333

_Bernard_, Louis, throws off his priestly robes, iv. 283;

marries, 305;

writes to Calvin, vii. 14

_Berne_, i. 154, 155, 182;

friendly to Geneva, 276, 277;

embassy to Geneva, 280;

exiles at, 283;

receives news of Huguenot triumph at Geneva, 302;

alliance with Friburg and Geneva, 303, 305, 306, 307, 308, 310,

376;

Genevese and Savoyard deputations to, ii. 307;

admonishes duke of Savoy, 338;

warns Geneva, 338;

triumph of the Scriptures at, 346;

Bernese Lutherans at Geneva, 385, 390, 392, 400, 420;

prepares to succour Geneva, 424, 432;

asks help of Geneva, 442;

refuses help to Geneva, 445;

deputies propose renunciation of alliance, 446;

demands it again, 449;

Genevese embassy to, 450;

alliance maintained, 450;

joint-suzerain of Orbe, iii. 205;

orders that all fathers of families should attend Farel's

preaching, 217;

opens churches at Granson to reformers, 238, 239;

with Friburg publishes first act of religious liberty in

Switzerland, 244;

intervenes in favor of religious liberty at Geneva, 365;

counter embassies to, from Geneva, 402, 403, 404;

embassy to Geneva, 428;

the deputies counsel yielding to the bishop, 453;

sends Farel to Geneva, iv. 207;

embassy to Geneva, 215;

protects the reformers, 216;

compels opening of a church to them, 219;

insists upon trial of Furbity, 220;

deputies assist at his examination, 243 _sqq._, 255;

farewell of the embassy, 256;

intervention on behalf of Maisonneuve, 273;

Genevese embassy to, 309;

exhorts Savoy and Burgundy to cease hostilities against Geneva,

317, 318;

intervenes for Maisonneuve and Janin, 322;

supports duke of Savoy, 340;

refuses aid to Geneva, v. 316;

negotiates with duke of Savoy on its behalf, 360;

helps Geneva, 372;

declares war against duke of Savoy, 373;

march of the army under Nägueli, 374;

demands sovereignty of Geneva, 397;

reduction and annexation of Vaud, 398;

the envoys at Aosta, 450, 451;

the Bernese take Yverdun, and abolish Romish worship, vi. 229;

edict issued for disputation at Lausanne, 234;

ordinances for the Pays de Vaud, 263;

treaty with Lausanne, 265;

issues edict of reformation for the Pays de Vaud, 272;

synod of, 320;

another synod convoked, 327;

a patched-up peace, 327;

another synod, 327 _sqq._;

deputies of, at Geneva, support the malcontent Huguenots, 340;

letter to the Reformers, 348;

an embassy to Geneva promised, 348;

and not sent, 349;

sanctions the Genevese confession, 350;

dismissal of Megander, 367;

deputation of country pastors to Berne, 367, 368;

views of Bernese on church and state, 371;

on worship, 372;

convoke a synod at Lausanne, 373;

letters to Calvin and the Council of Geneva, 376;

letter of the council to the Genevese on behalf of Calvin and

Farel, 418;

delegates sent with them to Geneva, 431;

received by the council, 433;

dispute about treaty with Geneva, 512;

a new treaty, 513;

quarrel about it, 514;

summons the Genevese to a trial at Lausanne, 516;

sentence against Geneva, 516;

proposes fresh discussion, 517

_Berquin_, Louis, arrested and liberated, i. 332;

his character, 332;

preaching in Artois, 332;

assailed by priests and nobles, 333;

his books examined by the Sorbonne, 334;

imprisoned, 335;

interrogated, 343;

threatened with the stake, 343;

proceedings stopped by Francis I., 344;

partial liberation, 358;

set free, 377;

his task, 378;

resolves to attack the papal power, 403;

letter to Erasmus, 404;

rejects advice of Erasmus, 405;

attacks Beda and the Sorbonne, 406;

censured by Erasmus, 407;

abuse of, 431; ii. 30;

judges appointed to try him, 33;

Margaret's intercession, 34;

arrested, 35;

his letter discovered, 35;

sentence pronounced, 36;

appeals, 37;

efforts of Budaeus, 38;

a fall and a recovery, 39;

sentenced to be burnt, 40;

execution hurried on, 41;

martyrdom, 43 _sqq._;

effect on spectators, 44, 55

_Berthaud_, appointed to preach in Paris, ii. 117;

his end, 119;

confined by the king's orders, 125;

forbidden to preach, 228;

burning of, demanded by Beda, 231;

set free, 234;

arrested, iii. 113;

before the king, 117;

sent to a convent, 125

_Berthelier_, Philibert, Genevese patriot, i. 2;

his character and aim, 30, 36, 39;

accepts from the Bastard the government of Peney, 40;

friendship with Bonivard, 47, 50;

tears up his commission, 56;

his school of liberty, 59, 64;

frustrates attempt of the duke to seize Levrier, 64;

his intercourse with Bonivard, 66, 67, 68;

calls a meeting of patriots, 69 _sqq._;

his exhortation to unity, 70;

watched by agents of the bishop, 71;

practical joke about Claude Gros' mule, 73;

threatened with a fine by the vidame, 74;

scheme to get rid of him, 76, 80;

demanded by the bishop, 83;

warned, 83;

escapes with the Friburgers, 84;

the search for him, 84;

at Friburg, 84;

his speech to the guilds, 86;

offered a pardon by the duke, 92;

alleged to be a 'charmer' 97;

his return to Geneva, 110;

promotes the Swiss alliance, 110;

obstacle to destruction of liberty, 112;

his trial, 112;

his energy and devotion, 130, 131;

his proposition for consultation of patriots, 134;

his friendship with Marty, of Friburg, 136;

rouses the Genevese to action, 143;

tried by the syndics and acquitted by the council, 144;

rejects bribe offered by the duke, 153, 160, 161, 173, 178, 185;

the bishop 'watches for' him, 188;

his serenity, 188;

his retreat, 188;

arrested, 189;

in prison, 190;

his religious faith, 191;

refuses to be tried by Desbois, 192;

proposal to rescue him, 193;

sentence of death, 195;

execution, 196;

procession through Geneva, 196;

impression produced by his death, 197;

_sanguis semen_, 198, 213, 282;

his memory honored, 314; iv. 210

'_Bésolles war_,' the, i. 181, 207

_Beyaerts_, Jan, vii. 550, 551;

removes pictures from the churches, 552;

arrested, 554, 555

_Beza_, Theodore, i. 386, 396, 398; ii. 8, 19, 21, 22;

birth and early life of, first meets Calvin, 23

_Bible, the_, in French, prohibited in France, i. 342;

difficulty of obtaining at Paris, ii. 87;

Latin, of Stephens, 87;

first French published, v. 272;

act passed by Scottish parliament for freedom to read, vi. 163

[_Tyndale_, _Cromwell_, _Cranmer_, and names of various versions]

_Biderman_, John [_Blanchet_]

_Billik_, Carmelite, papal delegate at _Ratisbon_, viii. 102

_Bilney_, Thomas, character and opinions of, iv. 77;

his preaching, 78;

friendship with Latimer, 78;

arrested, 79;

attempts of monks to convert him, 79;

his trial, 80;

condemned, 80;

his last evening, 81;

martyrdom, 82, 83, 93

_Bishopers and Commoners_, at Geneva, ii. 329, 350

_Bishops_, of England, their reply to petition of the Commons,

iv. 13, 14;

the reply criticised, 15;

resist attack on their privileges, 17;

their subterfuge, 18;

alliance with the king against reformers, 72;

attempt to impose on lower clergy the payment promised to the

king, 73 _sqq._;

begin persecution of Lutherans, 77;

submit to the king, 89;

their oath at consecration, 89;

renounce orders of the pope prejudicial to the king, 90;

election of, regulated, 180;

declare the papacy a human invention, 181;

suspension of their jurisdiction, v. 83;

decline to answer German envoys, viii. 156;

find a compromise impossible, 180, 181;

protest against referring the translation of the Bible to the

universities, 257

_Bishops_, government by, i. 284, 285;

arguments for temporal power, iii. 452

_Bishops_ in Denmark, excluded from the Diet, vii. 220

'_Bishop's Book_,' the, viii. 261

_Blancherose_, physician, takes part in disputation at

Lausanne, vi. 242, 245, 250, 253, 254

_Blanchet_, i. 69;

his adventures, 109;

imprisoned at Turin, 114;

his examination, 115;

tortured, 116, 121;

sentenced to death, 122;

beheaded, 123;

treatment of his remains, 123, 124;

agitation in Geneva, 124, 127, 182

_Blois_, Roussel and Lefèvre at, i. 363;

a 'placard' on the king's door, iii. 106

_Bockhold_ [_John of Leyden_]

_Bocking_, Friar, instigates imposture of Maid of Kent, v. 8, 9;

before Star Chamber, 15

_Bocquet_, Christopher, preaches at Geneva, iii. 329;

again, 336, 353;

ordered to leave Geneva, 354

_Boehmer_, Edward, his researches on the brothers Valder, iv.

457 _note_, 467 _note_

_Bohemia_, the Reformation in, vii. 417;

the Calixtines, 417;

the Taborites, 417

_Boiling to death_, penalty for poisoning, iv. 68

_Bois-le-Duc_, martyrs at, vii. 537

_Boisseau de la Borderie_, Jean, iii. 46

_Bologna_, Conference of, ii. 142 _sqq._;

another congress, iv. 22;

meeting of Clement VII. and Charles V., 126;

beginning of reformation at, 451;

address of evangelicals to John of Planitz, 452

_Bologna_, University of, appealed to by Henry VIII. on his

divorce, iv. 40;

the judgment, 41

_Boniface VIII._, Pope, ii. 461

_Boniface_, Cardinal bishop of Ivrea, arrests Curione and his

friends, iv. 416

_Bonivard_, Francis, his arrival at Geneva, i. 46;

birth and education, 46;

friendship with Berthelier, 47, 50, 57;

rejects proposal made to him to seize Levrier, 63, 64;

warns him, 64;

his character, 67;

fascinates Berthelier, 67;

their intercourse and aims, 67, 68;

his difference with the bishop, 72, 76, 80, 83, 96;

attempts to save Pécolat, 98;

resolves to 'bell the cat,' 100;

gets inhibition of the metropolitan served on the bishop, 100;

his advice to Pécolat's friends, 103, 104;

goes to Rome, 117;

what he saw there, 118;

fails in his suit for bishopric, 120;

warned of danger at Turin, 121;

his flight, 121;

discouraged, 131, 134, 143, 151, 153;

his speech in chapter, 157;

his protest, 159;

pacifies the people threatening the canons, 160, 161, 168, 169;

escapes from Geneva, 173, 175;

betrayed, 185;

compelled to resign his priory, 186;

imprisoned by the duke, 186, 191, 199;

set at liberty, 211, 245, 255, 264;

his estimate of La Baume, 265;

restored to his priory, 314;

advocates expulsion of the prince-bishop, ii. 329, 334, 336;

detested by papal party, 348;

threatened with expulsion from his priory, 348;

his estimate of excommunication, 349;

reflections on state of Geneva, 352, 353;

his reply to proposal of Huguenots, 354;

his fief at Cartigny, 358;

maintains reciprocity of rights between prince and subject, 358;

obtains support of the council to his claim, 359;

takes possession of Cartigny, 360;

loses it, 360;

his expedition to recover it, 360;

his grass mown by Pontverre, 371;

among the Lutherans, 385;

his raids to recover his rents, 401;

fires at the papal proctor, 401;

illness of his mother, 402;

obtains safe-conduct to visit her, 403;

at Seyssel, 403;

slandered at Geneva, 403;

perplexity, 404;

safe-conduct extended, 405;

proposes to give up his priory, 405;

at Moudon, 406;

journey to Lausanne, 406;

kidnapped, 407;

imprisoned at Chillon, 408;

treatment, 408;

liberation of, demanded and refused, 432;

incidents of his confinement, v. 399;

orders given for his death, 400;

liberated, 401;

made free of city of Geneva, marries, 416;

a prediction fulfilled, 417, 418

_Bonivard_, Jean Aimé, prior of St. Victor, i. 46;

orders his culverins to be cast into church bells, 47;

his death, 47

_Bonner_, Edmund, envoy to Marseilles, iv. 168;

forces his way into the pope's palace, 169;

presents the king's appeal to a council, 170;

threatened by the pope, 173;

ambassador in France, viii. 177;

conveys to Cromwell the Bibles printed at Paris, 177;

appointed bishop of London, 202;

declares against Cromwell, 211;

his activity, 237;

assails Grafton, 238;

persecutes citizens of London, 238 _sqq._;

admonitions to his diocese, 257

_Borthwick_, Sir John, cited before Cardinal Beatoun, escapes

to England, vi. 127;

his property confiscated and his effigy burnt, 128;

withdraws from the court, 168

_Bothniensis_, Nicolaus, president of assembly at Upsala, vii. 340

_Bothwell_, Earl of, opens negotiations on the part of Scottish

nobility with Northumberland, vi. 85;

withdraws from the court, 168;

sides with Beatoun, 169;

prohibits preaching of Wishart in Haddingtonshire, 194;

arrests him, 196;

gives him up to the regent, 197

_Boulet_, Bernard, treasurer of Geneva, i. 257;

assaulted by Richardet, 258;

his friends turn it to account, 259;

reports it to ducal council, 259;

appears at a general council, 260;

condemned, 285

_Bourbon_, Constable of, i. 325, 337

_Bourges_, University of, ii. 23;

centre of reformed doctrine, 24, 29;

declares for divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 40

_Bouteville_, Prior of, iii. 14, 17

_Boxley_, fraud of monks at, v. 89

_Brandenburg_, George, margrave of, vii. 392

_Brask_, bishop of Linkoping, resolves to suppress the Lutheran

heresy, vii. 242, 243;

entreats the pope that Olaf may be sentenced to death, 244, 257;

his violence, 262;

remonstrates with Magnus, 263;

demands trial of the reformers, 263;

circulates books against them, 264;

his services to Sweden, 268;

letters to Gustavus, 268;

excommunicates Olaf, 268;

stirs up the people against him, 269;

censures the primate, 276;

attends diet of Westeraas, 282;

at secret meeting of the bishops, instigates opposition to

reforms, 283;

gains Thure Joensson, 284;

his speech at the diet, 287;

deprived of his castle, 294, 295;

leaves Sweden, 295;

his death, 295

_Brereton_, William, arrested, v. 136;

examined, 148;

beheaded, 159

_Briconnet_, bishop of Meaux, i. 355, 366, 428; ii. 57; iii. 76

_Brion_, Denis, burnt, iv. 364

_Brothers_, enmities of, viii. 99;

love of, 119, 120

_Brouwart_, Jean de, i. 349

_Brown_, George, made archbishop of Dublin, v. 131

_Bruccioli_, translates New Testament into Italian, iv. 410

_Bruly_, Pierre, preaches at Ghent, vii. 546;

removes to Strasburg, 547

_Brunswick_, beginning of reformation at, viii. 319;

evangelical preaching decreed, 319;

organization by Pomeranus, 320

_Brussels_, the reformation at, vii. 565;

persecution, 568 _sqq._

_Bucer_, reformer, his qualifications as peacemaker, ii. 02;

his confidence in Margaret, 63;

letter to Luther, 63, 88, 89, 183;

interview with William Du Bellay, 245;

mission of Chelius to, 263;

his proposals examined before Francis I., 264 _sqq._; iii. 67;

his opinion of Servetus, 86, 150, 152, 153, 154;

with Calvin visits Erasmus, 156;

condemns divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 42, 349, 352, 353;

prepares to go to France, 361;

his works read in Italy, 408;

joint envoy to Henry VIII., v. 118;

proposes a conference with Calvin, vi. 275;

advocates union of Lutherans and Zwinglians, 324;

defended by Myconius and Grynæus at Basel, 325;

gets another synod held at Berne, 327;

with Capito goes to Berne, 327;

his views, 328;

agrees to Calvin's view of the sacrament, 329;

revises Megander's catechism, 366;

attends synod of Zürich, 422;

invites Calvin to Strasburg, 445;

acquaintance with Juan Diaz, viii. 101;

delegate to conference of Ratisbon, 102;

writes to Cranmer, 147, 187

_Buchanan_, George, sent to Paris, vi. 16;

his epitaph on Madeleine of Valois, 108;

account of him, 118;

imprisoned, 119;

escapes to France, 119

_Buckmaster_, Dr., vice-chancellor of Cambridge University,

iv. 29, 30, 31, 37;

presents the sentence on the divorce to the king, 37;

conference with the king, 38

_Budaeus_, William, ii. 9;

one of the judges on trial of Berquin, 36;

tries to save him, 38 _sqq._, 40, 50, 65, 140;

present at torture of De la Croix, 242; iv. 393

_Budé_, Matthew, goes with Juan Diaz to Geneva, viii. 101

_Bugenhagen_ [_Pomeranus_]

_Bullinger_, iv. 353; vi. 323; vii. 23; viii. 144, 145;

dedicates works to Henry VIII., 146, 147

_Bulls, papal_, proclamation of Henry VIII. against, iv. 44

_Burgos_, viii. 38, 41

_Burgundians_, at Geneva, i. 9;

compilation of code, i. 9;

first and second kingdoms of the, 9

_Burgundy_, Marshal of, takes part with Savoy in advance on

Geneva, iv. 310, 315

_Burrey_, Denis, governor to Erick, son of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 325,

326;

goes in search of Erick and is slain by his order, 329

_Bursinel_, meeting of knights at, Order of the Spoon instituted,

ii. 355

_Butler_, John, writes to Bullinger, viii. 198

[_Students, English_]

_Cadan_, peace of, ii. 255; iv. 373

_Cadena_, Louis of, opposes scholasticism, viii. 16;

his exile, 17

_Cajetan_, Cardinal, sent into Hungary, vii. 351

_Calcagnini_, Celio, iv. 427

_Calixtines_, the, in Bohemia, vii. 417;

correspond with Luther, 418, 421;

the majority adopt his views, 421

_Calmar_, blockaded by the Danes, vii. 246

_Calmar_, Union of, vii. 121;

violated by Sweden, 128;

dissolved, 257

_Calvi_, bookseller of Pavia, circulates the works of the reformers,

iv. 407, 408

_Calvin_, i. 2, 4;

distinction between his reformation and that of Luther, 4;

his influence on politics, 4;

his disciples in foreign countries, 5;

founder of American republic, 5;

the charge of despotism against him, 5;

his plea for Servetus, 6;

his work, 68, 317;

his great idea, 319;

the complete reformer, 321;

his origin, 322;

compared with Margaret of Angoulême, 323 _sqq._;

enters college of La Marche, 381;

influence of Mathurin Cordier on him, 382, 383;

removes to Montaigu College, 384;

a Spanish professor, 385;

classical studies, 385;

his moral and devout character, 386;

a strict Romanist, 386;

a hard student, 386;

has a benefice, visits Noyon, 387;

first breath of the new Gospel, 387;

friendship with Olivétan, 388;

chronology of his student life obscure, 388;

intercourse with Olivétan, 389;

resists Olivétan's innovations in religion, 389;

secret struggles, 390;

alarm of his teachers, 390;

confession to the priest, 391;

distress of mind, 391;

conversion, 394;

reverence for church authority, 396;

investigates claims of the pope of Rome, 397;

longing for unity with truth, 398;

results of his conversion, 398;

its date, 399;

shyness and reserve, 400;

his father's grief and plan, 400, 401;

consents to study law, 401, 404

--, goes to Orleans, ii. 1;

enters household of Duchemin, 2;

falls under influence of L'Etoile, 3, 4, 5;

proctor of the Picard nation, 6;

demands the _maille de Florence_ at Beaugency, 6;

a close student, 7;

visits house of F. Daniel, 8;

acquaintance with Wolmar begins, 9;

studies Greek, 10;

his fellowship with Wolmar, 11;

inward struggles, 11;

accused of schism, 12;

sympathy with the Psalmist, 12;

phases of his conversion, 14;

renunciation of the world, 15;

his motto, 16;

his great qualities recognized, 16;

study of the Bible and of the law, 17;

sought as a teacher, 17;

teaches in families, 18;

called to Noyon, 20;

his father's illness, 20 _sqq._;

his first extant letter, 21;

first meeting with Beza, 22;

goes to Bourges, 23;

reads works of Luther and Melanchthon, 24;

Wolmar's appeal to him, 25;

hesitation, 25;

preaches, 27;

intrigues of priest, 28;

again called to Noyon, his father's death, 29, 47, 48;

curé of Pont l'Evêque, 49;

preaches, 49;

goes to Paris, 50, 51;

his visitors, 51 _sqq._;

visit to a nunnery, 52;

social habits, 54;

renounces the law, 54;

speaks at secret meetings, 55;

his extensive correspondence, 56;

returns to Paris, 58;

observant of the Sorbonne, 60;

works in obscurity, 61;

his activity, 87;

rejects Daniel's proposal of office in Roman church, 84;

his commentary on Seneca, 85;

publishes it, 86;

form of his name, 86;

makes his book known, 87;

a search for Bibles, 87;

interview with a young 'Frondeur,' 89;

writes to Bucer, 89;

intercourse with La Forge, 90;

with Tillet, 91;

abstinence, 92;

first intercourse with Margaret of Navarre, 93;

declines to enter her service, 93;

quoted, 123;

preaches at Paris, 138, 176, 178, 183, 184;

his labors at Paris, 198;

writes address for Cop to deliver, 199;

the address, 199;

his idea of a universal church, 202;

in favor with Margaret, 205;

interview with her, 205;

his arrest ordered by the parliament, 209;

escapes, 210;

recognized on his way, 211;

in concealment, 212, 262;

his narrative of conversion of the provostess of Orléans,

272 _sqq._

--, flight, iii. 4;

received by Du Tillet, 6;

his _Doxopolis_, 8;

his studies, 9;

sketches his _Christian Institutes_, 10;

combats materialism, 12;

love of nature, 13;

teaches Greek, 14;

visits prior of Bouteville, 15;

conferences, 16;

sermons, 18;

preaches in Latin, 18;

visits Roussel, 22;

visits Lefèvre, 23;

goes to Poitiers, 44;

attends disputations at the university, 45;

his friends, 47;

his teaching, 47;

visits the lieutenant-general, 48;

in the garden, 48;

his grotto, 51;

view of the mass, 52, 53;

sends evangelists into France, 58;

care for the young, 60;

leaves Poitiers, 64;

renunciation of Roman orders, 64, 65;

goes to Paris, 66;

saddened, 77;

first contact with the Spirituals, 78;

attacks them, 81, 82;

encounters Servetus, 86;

agrees to conference with him, 87;

Servetus absents himself, 87;

first theological work, _Psychopannychia_, 88;

his bitterness, 89;

leaves Paris, 91;

reaches Strasburg, 91;

comments on procession of relics, 127 _sqq._;

his mission, 149;

received by Zell, 150;

friendships, 153;

his estimate of Strasburg reformers, 153;

meets Erasmus at Friburg, 156;

goes to Basel, 157;

received by Catherine Klein, 157;

silent growth, 159;

friendships, 160;

his book on _Immortality_ criticised, 161;

translation of New Testament, 162;

hears of persecution at Paris, 163;

his plea for compassion, 163;

effect of the martyrdoms on him, 169;

resolves to publish his _Institutes_, 170;

goes to the fountain head, 171;

account of the _Institutes_, 172, 180;

letter to the king, 182;

publication of the _Institutes_, 191;

starts for Italy, 192;

his object, 193;

agreement of Luther and Calvin, 368;

in preparation for Geneva, 458

--, his influence in England, iv. 2;

condemns divorce of Henry VIII., 42;

his place in the Reformation, 208;

protests against union with popery, 353;

writes to Francis I., 383;

welcomes Caraccioli at Geneva, 464;

expected at Ferrara, 489

--, expected at Ferrara, v. 421;

arrives at Ferrara, 421;

his interviews with the duchess, 422, 423;

preaches, 426;

his portrait painted by Titian, 431;

intercourse with Master François, 431 _sqq._;

his letter to Duchemin, 436, 437;

writes to Roussel, 439 _sqq._;

his influence in Italy, 441;

arrested by the Inquisition, 444;

rescued, 445;

his wanderings, 446;

reaches Aosta, 447, 451;

'Calvin's farm,' 452, 453;

monuments of his flight, 454;

returns to France, 455;

at Noyon, 455;

arrives at Geneva, 456;

meeting with Farel, 458;

consents to stay at Geneva, 462;

visits Basel, 463;

his vocation as reformer, 464;

his concession to the state, 465;

his place in history, 466 _sqq._;

mention of him in a council minute, 469

--, his arrival at Geneva, vi. 221;

refuses any official charge, 222;

reader in holy Scripture, 222;

character of his teaching, 223;

his view of church discipline, 225;

retained by advice of the council, 228;

goes with Farel to Lausanne, 228, 236;

his speeches at the disputation, 247, 255;

begins to take part in church government, 273;

his work compared with Luther's and Zwingli's, 275;

elected pastor at Geneva, 276;

biographies of him, 276 _note_;

prepares a catechism, 280, 281;

and a confession of faith, 282;

his memoir on order in the church, 285 _sqq._;

requires that all should profess the reformed faith, 292;

encounters the Spirituals, 299 _sqq._;

intervenes between Viret and Caroli at Lausanne, 300, 307;

accused of Arianism by Caroli, 308;

his reply, 309;

avoids use of the term 'Trinity,' 310;

writes to Megander, 312;

goes to Berne, urges assembly of a synod, 312;

at synod of Lausanne, 313;

unmasks Caroli, 315;

his confession on the Trinity, 315;

his views of the early creeds, 317;

confronts Caroli at synod of Berne, 320;

his speech at another synod, lays the storm between Zwinglians

and Lutherans, 331, 332;

gains support of the civil power in church affairs, 333;

pleads for the hospitals and the schools, 334;

proposes compulsory swearing to the confession of faith, 337;

at the council, 347;

goes to Berne, vindicates himself and the reformers, 348;

applies to the council for their support, 350;

proposes to the council to exclude the disturbers from the Lord's

Supper, 352;

difference with Du Tillet, 356;

blames the proceedings of the government and is warned to let it

alone, 364;

writes to Bucer, 370;

excluded by Berne from colloquies of the Vaudois, 372;

sent with Farel and Jean Philippe to synod of Lausanne, 373;

has conference with Bernese delegates, 375;

before the council, 377, 378;

protests against imprisonment of Courault, 383;

refuses to accept order for adoption of Bernese usages, and is

forbidden to preach, 386;

his perplexity, 389, 390;

with Farel declines to administer the supper, 392;

his embarrassment, 392, 393;

preaches, 398, 399;

a disturbance in the church, 401;

banished, 403;

is refused a hearing by the council, 405;

sentence of the general council, 406;

his reflections, 408;

leaves Geneva, 409;

goes to Berne, 416;

with Farel complains to the council, 416, 417;

at synod of Zürich, 421 _sqq._;

his demands, 422;

returns to Berne, 426;

interview with Kunz, 427;

before the senate, 429;

reconducted to Geneva by Bernese, 431;

banished by vote of general council, 439;

at Berne, 441;

at Basel, 442;

at Strasburg, 445;

returns to Basel, 446;

settles at Strasburg, 447;

his letter to the Genevese, 453;

his position at Strasburg, 456, 457, 458;

pastor and teacher, 459, 460;

his view of the Lord's Supper, 461;

his poverty, 462;

at Frankfort, 473;

meets Melanchthon, 474 _sqq._;

replies to Sadoleto, 487 _sqq._;

intercourse with Caroli, 498;

refuses to return to Geneva, 504;

household troubles, 504;

marriage projects, 505, 506;

Idelette de Bure, 508;

married, 509;

difference between wives of Luther and Calvin, 510;

attends assembly at Hagenau, 511;

fruits of exile, 526

--, his recall desired, vii. 3;

letter to his friends, 3, 4, 5;

his perplexity, 6, 9, 10;

deputy to conference at Worms, 7;

receives letter of recall, 8;

his reply to Geneva, 10, 11;

meets Melanchthon and Cruciger at Worms, 15;

friendship with Melanchthon, 15 _sqq._;

his Song of Victory, 19;

deputy to diet of Ratisbon, 21;

letter to Bernard, 21;

loses his friend Feray, 23;

his estimate of Contarini, 25;

his part at Ratisbon, 26;

his reply to manifesto of the papacy, 27-36;

resists concessions made by the Protestants, 37;

writes against reference to a council, 38;

his moderation, 39;

complains of the princes, 40;

leaves Ratisbon, 41;

at Strasburg, 42;

edict of expulsion revoked, 43;

writes to Farel, 47;

leaves Strasburg, 48;

visits Farel at Neuchâtel, 49;

returns to Geneva, 51;

his house there, 52, 53;

benefit of his Strasburg life, 53;

before the council, 54, 55;

colleagues appointed to draw up with him articles of a

constitution of a church, 55, 56;

his project of the ordinances, 60;

his desire for frequent communion, 74;

limits of his responsibility for ecclesiastical ordinances, 80, 81;

his active duties, 82;

his preaching, 82;

his method, 83;

his sermon to young men, 86;

on fitful devotion, 87;

on self-love, 88;

on grace unbounded, 90;

on predestination, 92;

his impartiality, 103;

efforts for peace, 104;

gentleness and strength, 105;

loses his friend Porral, 110;

illness of his wife, 110;

reconciles Pierre Tissot and his mother, 112, 113;

his place in the Reformation, 115 _sqq._;

his doctrines moderate, 117;

compared with Zwinglius, 117;

his desire for union, 118

--, correspondence with Enzinas, viii. 98;

visited by English students, 144;

his view of the _Six Articles_, 189

_Cambray_, treaty of, ii. 61

_Cambray_, bishop of, his cruelties, iii. 437

_Cambridge_, University of, appealed to by Henry VIII. on his

divorce, iv. 30;

meeting of the doctors, &c., 30;

a committee appointed, 31;

sentence, 32;

disowns primacy of the pope, v. 20

_Camillo_, Giulio, invited to Paris by Francis I., iii. 74

_Campbell_, Alexander, prior of the Dominicans, his interviews

with Patrick Hamilton, vi. 52;

reports them to Beatoun, 53;

accuses him on his trial, 62;

insults him at the stake, 67;

dies mad, 68

_Campbell_, John, of Cessnock, protects Lollards, vi. 6;

denounced by monks, 7;

acquitted by James IV., 8

_Campeggio_, papal legate, ii. 144;

deprived of See of Salisbury, iv. 180;

at diet of Nürnberg, 410, 411;

reclaims see of Salisbury, v. 173

_Canaye_, Jacques, iii. 75

_Canirmius_, Frederick, vii. 500

_Canons_, i. 157;

conspiracy of, at Geneva, 311;

imprisoned, ii. 326;

liberated, 331;

quit Geneva, 332

_Canterbury_, visitation of, v. 85, 86;

state of the monasteries, 86, 87

_Capito_, i. 361, 380; ii. 246; iii. 150, 153, 154, 244;

writes to Calvin, vi. 275;

at synod of Berne, 329;

agrees to Calvin's view of the sacrament, 332;

attends synod of Zürich, 421;

approves the course taken by Farel and Calvin, 424, 425;

his distress, 464;

dedicates a book to Henry VIII., viii. 147

_Cappel_, battle of, ii. 256, 442;

announced at Geneva, 444; iii. 166

_Caraccioli_, Galeazzo, iv. 464;

friendship with Caserta, 464;

converted, goes to Geneva, 464;

made cardinal, v. 64

_Caraffa_, Giovanni Pietro, Cardinal, iv. 476, 479, 482;

made cardinal, 487; viii. 149

_Cardinals_, college of, refuses consent to papal gift of

Geneva to Savoy, i. 52;

hats asked for by Charles V., Francis I., and Henry VIII., ii. 162

_Carlstadt_, invited by Christian II., goes to Denmark, vii. 133;

offends by his violent speech and is dismissed, 135, 136

_Carmentrant_, a creature of the Bastard of Savoy, i. 71, 72, 112