CHAPTER X

AN APPEAL TO BELGIUM TO SUPPRESS THE SLAVE TRADE

Slavery is as ancient as war, and war as old as human nature. Upon

this premise Voltaire philosophised when his thought reverted to

the early inequity of human life. Christian nations were deep in

the slave trade in the sixteenth century. A black cloud of human

flesh, aggregating sixteen million souls, was imported into America

upon Western slave dhows in three centuries, exclusive of the

twenty-odd million Negroes who perished in transit. More atrocious

than the pestilential slave dhow was the slaughter of blacks by the

slave-raider, that fiend incarnate who until a few years ago carried

on his inhuman traffic under the very gaze of Christian Europe.

Indeed, Europe herself was a slave-dealer for centuries. Some of her

Governments sanctioned it in terms unspeakably callous. There was

little pity and less mercy in officially lading “tons of niggers” for

American ports.

[Illustration: Bridge Made of Cement, Boma.]

Late in the eighteenth century, Great Britain had championed the

cause of humanity and sought a remedy for the horrible conditions

which slavery entailed. The movement which, assuming definite

shape about the time of the Declaration of Independence, had found

able and eloquent advocacy in such men as Granville Sharpe, Clarkson,

Wilberforce, and William Pitt. These staunch humanitarians, after

what seemed the hopeless labour of many years, finally triumphed so

far as to impel the Vienna Congress of 1815 and the Verona Congress

of 1822 to forbid any civilised nation to carry on the slave trade.

The next steps, also furthered by the British Government, sought to

abolish the legal status of slavery and to suppress slave markets

and slave dhows. The Western world began to awaken to a sense of

duty. In all directions the noble initiative taken by Great Britain

found earnest agency. The Christian nations, now thoroughly aroused

to the iniquity of the slave trade, exchanged treaties in 1841,

the operation of which was designed to clear the ocean of slave

transports. When shut out of the American market, it was believed

that the infamous slave traffic would subside. But the scourge

continued almost unabated. Driven out of the West, it flourished

the more in the East, where large markets still remained open.

The northern and eastern coasts of Africa continued to supply the

Oriental markets, the Soudan, Upper Nile, and Congo Basin being the

slave-hunter’s Elysium. The Sultans of the Soudan, whose avarice

knew no limit, strove in the cruellest manner to increase their

spoil in this man-hunting chase. Khartoum slavers pressed into the

Bhar-el-Ghazal, while the Arabs from Zanzibar devastated the Manyema

and Tanganyika regions. West-coast raiders had even penetrated as

far inland as the Upper Kassai, and created that wretched condition

of native life in the interior of the Congo Basin which impressed

Livingstone, Stanley, Kirk, Bartle Frere, Nachtigal, Wissmann, Serpa

Pinto, Massaia, and that great exemplar of Christianising work,

Cardinal Lavigerie.

In 1876, nearly ten years before the Berlin Conference, the King of

the Belgians called upon Europe to join in a concerted movement to

suppress the slave traffic in Central Africa. In the same year the

British Government published its _Report of the Royal Commission

on Fugitive Slaves_. The words of Prince Bismarck at the Berlin

Conference of 1885 were an intimation of the legislation which was

thereafter effected by clauses 6 and 9 of the General Act. By clause

6, the Powers agreed “to watch over the preservation of the native

tribes and to care for the improvement of the conditions of their

moral and material well-being, and to help in suppressing slavery and

especially the slave trade.” Baron Lambermont stated the distinction

between slavery and the slave trade: “The slave trade,” said the

Baron, “has another character; it is the very denial of every law,

of all social order. Man-hunting constitutes a crime of high treason

against humanity. It ought to be repressed wherever it can be

reached, on land as well as by sea.”

It was with characteristic activity that the Sovereign of the Congo

Free State had taken the initiative in making the suppression of the

slave traffic an essential aim in the civilisation of an African

State which had not only been the source of slave supply for many

markets, but whose territory touched closely upon a number of

slave-dealing countries. In the eighteenth century, the nations of

Europe had partitioned the coast of Africa to the French between

Senegal and Gambia, to the British on the Gold and Ivory coasts, and

to the Portuguese in the Angola and Benguela regions. The object of

this territorial apportionment was to facilitate the slave trade and

render it more profitable! Now, in the nineteenth century, these same

Governments were dividing African territory with the much loftier

purpose of extirpating the slave trade. The march of a hundred years

had raised European morality and justified the Christian influence of

the age.

Undaunted by the material difficulty of realising the excellent

theories which European nations were now offering to carry out in

the very nest of the slave trade, the Congo Free State formally

tackled the problem by promulgating three decrees in November,

1888. The first provided practical means for suppressing the slave

trade, amongst which were measures prohibiting trade in firearms,

gunpowder, and explosives; the second, seeking to protect and

improve the natives, dealt with contracts of service between natives

and foreigners, and enacted laws which guaranteed the former from

imposition. The third decree established a body of volunteer police

to suppress crimes and offences against public order and individual

liberty. Then followed the organisation of the Belgian Anti-Slavery

Society which, creating a special volunteer corps, operated against

the slave-raiders in the Tanganyika district. Reference has elsewhere

been made to the vigorous manner in which these and similar decrees

were enforced, and how the slave-raider was driven from one lair to

another, until, almost unaided and alone, the indomitable energy of

Belgian officers succeeded in uprooting the institution of slave

traffic and opening an immense river basin to the pursuits of

civilisation.

A great wave of sympathy for all enslaved races had spread throughout

the civilised world. Nations heretofore indifferent to the weal of

the black man in the brutal toils of the slave-raider, were actuated

by a desire to co-operate with the practical forces already at work

for emancipating the Dark Continent. All religions combined in

the motherhood of the human race and, now thoroughly alive to the

principle of human liberty, lent their support to the great cause of

African civilisation. The movement, now become general throughout

Europe, gained impetus in 1888 by the abolition of slavery in Brazil.

In that year, Pope Leo XIII. reiterated the appeal made by Leopold

II. in 1876, and besought all nations to unite in purging the page of

history of a further record of the abominable crime of slave-hunting.

In addressing that wonderful engine of missionary work, Cardinal

Lavigerie, His Holiness pointed out the misery of “that disinherited

land,” and urged all who are moved by human impulse to devote their

lives to “this sublime work of redemption.”

[Illustration: Types of Turumbus (Stanley Falls).]

The self-sacrificing work which Cardinal Lavigerie has done for the

salvation of Africa will for ever be a white monument in a black

wilderness. It was his appeal to the peoples of the Christian world

which witnessed the first organised work of Leopold II., and it is

this prelate’s indefatigable industry, and his love for these savage

souls of Africa, which has largely carried that work to its present

fruition.

The world-wide adhesion to the cause of Christianising the Dark

Continent took diplomatic shape soon after a meeting held in London

on July 31, 1888, at which Lord Granville presided. On motion of

Cardinal Manning, the following resolution was adopted:

The time has now fully arrived when the several nations of

Europe who, at the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, and again at the

Conference of Verona, in 1822, issued a series of resolutions

strongly denouncing the slave trade, should take the needful steps

for giving them a full and practical effect. And, inasmuch as the

Arab marauders (whose murderous devastations are now depopulating

Africa) are subject to no law, and under no responsible rule,

it devolves on the Powers of Europe to secure their suppression

throughout all territories over which they have any control. This

meeting would, therefore, urge upon Her Majesty’s Government,

in concert with those Powers who now claim either territorial

possession or territorial influence in Africa, to adopt such

measures as shall secure the extinction of the devastating slave

trade which is now carried on by those enemies of the human

race.[12]

On October 27th, an anti-slavery convention was held at Cologne, at

which the following resolutions were passed and sent to the Reichstag:

1—The suppression of slave-hunting with its attendant horrors,

devolves upon Christian States and constitutes the primary

condition of the abolition of the slave trade. 2—While the

Congo Conference obliges all the Signatory Powers to help in the

suppression of slavery and the improvement of the lot of the

natives, at the same time the Congo State, Portugal, Great Britain,

and Germany, as being directly threatened by Arab slave-traders,

are expected to take the initiative in, and to bring to a

successful issue, the struggle against the slave trade.

3—The meeting expresses the conviction that the honour of the

German flag and German interests, which have been violated by Arab

slave-traders in East Africa, will be avenged by the Imperial

Government.

4—It also expresses the hope that the Reichstag will support these

resolutions, as a proof of the perfect agreement of the German

nation without distinction of party or creed.

On November 13, the Cabinets of Berlin, London and Lisbon had agreed

upon coercive measures against slave-traders on the East Coast of

Africa. Meantime, on September 17, 1888, the British Government had

appealed, through the Belgian Foreign Office, to King Leopold to take

the initiative in assembling a Conference at Brussels to consider the

subject. In conveying this invitation to the King of the Belgians,

the British Minister to the Belgian Court stated that:

The change which has occurred in the political condition of the

African Coast to-day calls for common action on the part of the

Powers responsible for the control of that Coast. That action

should tend to close all foreign slave-markets, and should also

result in putting down slave-hunting in the interior.

[Illustration: Government Waggons.]

The great work undertaken by the King of the Belgians, in the

constitution of the Congo State, and the lively interest taken by

His Majesty in all questions affecting the welfare of the African

races, lead Her Majesty’s Government to hope that Belgium will

be disposed to take the initiative in inviting the Powers to meet

in Conference at Brussels, in order to consider the best means

of attaining the gradual suppression of the slave trade on the

Continent of Africa and the immediate closing of all the outside

markets which the slave trade daily continues to supply.

On August 24, 1889, King Leopold deferred to this wish and called a

Conference of the Powers for November 18, 1889, to determine upon

a course of action for the _gradual_ suppression of slave-hunting

on the African Continent and the _immediate_ closing of all markets

supplied from that source, and “to put an end to the crimes and

devastation wrought by the slave trade, and effectively to protect

the native populations in Africa.”

Thus, after thirteen years of arduous labour, and the vicissitudes

which attend the progressive pioneer in savage lands, where the

mission and the plough follow the white man’s trail, the Belgians

were again called upon to lead in a war against the most degrading of

human conditions.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] _Times_, London, August 1, 1888.

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