SCOPE AND INFLUENCE OF IRISH SCHOLARSHIP
In the preceding chapter we discussed at length the nature of the
curriculum of the Irish monastic schools. Our conclusions were based
on the evidence supplied by an examination of the writings and
other material remains which attest their Irish authorship. Here we
shall attempt to determine the extent as well as the limitations of
Irish scholarship, and briefly indicate the influence which that
scholarship may reasonably claim to have exerted on the history of
mediæval education. As illustrations of types of Irish scholars who
attained eminence in a special field and yet displayed considerable
versatility we have selected five: Virgilius, Dicuil, Dungal, Sedulius
and Eriugena. These may fairly be considered as representing Irish
scholarship of the period at its best.[477] All except Virgilius belong
to the ninth century.
Virgilius, bishop of Salzburg (766–7–784–5 A.D.) whose name is a
latinised form of the Irish name Fearghal, was one of the few men
who in the eighth century cultivated the profane sciences.[478]
Indeed the age in which he lived was equally unfavourable to the
pursuit of science or to the encouragement of speculative thought, as
Virgilius found from experience. On one occasion, Boniface, the Papal
Legate, denounced him for promulgating false doctrines inasmuch as he
maintained that the sun and moon passed under the earth, and that there
must be inhabitants on the other side.[479] Boniface had a previous
dispute with Virgilius over a theological question in which the Pope
decided in favour of Virgilius. Either from ignorance of Astronomy or,
as some think, through pique, Boniface appears to have misrepresented
the real views of Virgilius so as to convey the impression that he
taught that there was another world and another sun and moon and
consequently other men who were not redeemed by Our Lord.[480] The
versions of Virgilius’ teaching which we have given would appear to
represent his real views on the subject. At any rate he seems to have
explained his doctrine to the satisfaction of the Pope; for we find no
further mention of the controversy and he retained his see until his
death in 784–5 A.D.[481] His teachings show that he must have held that
the world was spherical, though he was wrong in his theory that the sun
and stars revolved round the earth. Even this semi-correct theory was a
decided advance on contemporary views on astronomical matters and shows
that Virgilius was an original thinker on scientific subjects, or else
it argues for his acquaintance with Greek literature in which he may
have become familiar with the doctrine of Eudoxus and Eratosthenes, as
to the sphericity of the earth.[482] As Virgilius was bishop of Aghaboe
in Ireland before he went to the Continent, it is most improbable that
he received his education any place other than in an Irish monastic
school. Unlike many of the Irish scholars who went abroad the name of
Virgilius is recorded in the Irish annals, a circumstance which would
lead us to suppose that he was already famous for his scholarship
before he went abroad. An additional reason for believing that he had
acquired a reputation as a scientist is the fact that he is called in
the annals Virgil or Fergal the “Geometer.”[483]
_Dicuil_ (d. 825 A.D.) is another instance of an Irish scholar who
was interested in secular studies. His chief claim to fame rests on
a Latin tract entitled _De Mensura Orbis Terrarum_.[484] As the name
would suggest, this was a work of geography in the sense that the term
is now used. The internal evidence leaves no doubt as to the Irish
birth and education of the author. He speaks of _nostri Scoti, nostra
insula Hibernia_, alludes to the Irish poet Sedulius whom he styles
_noster Sedulius_ and he shows an accurate knowledge of the islands
near Britain and Ireland.[485] He tells that a certain Suibneus (in
Irish Suibhne anglicised Sweeney) was his master to whom under God he
owed whatever knowledge he possessed. This Suibhne has been identified
with Suibhne, abbot of Clonmacnoise, who died 810 A.D.[486] This would
suggest that Dicuil was a pupil of the famous school of Clonmacnoise.
He derived his material from three sources:
1. He utilised the report of the Theodosian survey. He tells us that he
made it the basis of his work because though vitiated by false MSS. it
was less faulty than Pliny especially in its measurements.
2. He utilised the works of previous geographers.
3. He made several interesting additions to existing knowledge which he
derived from trustworthy accounts of Irish monks who were the greatest
travellers of the time.
The list of authors from whom he borrowed is very large, including
Pliny, Solinus, Isidore, Virgil, Crosius, Servius, Hectateus, Homer,
Herodotus and other Greek writers.[487]
Dicuil is the first writer to refer to Iceland, which he describes
under the name Thule from an account given to him by some Irish monks
who visited that island about thirty years previously (c. 795 A.D.) and
remained there from February to August.
He was also the first to give authentic information about the Faroe
Islands, which were visited by Irish hermits a hundred years before,
but were forsaken on account of the piratical incursions of the
Northmen.
The truth of these interesting accounts is proved in two ways: 1, the
tolerably exact statements as to the length and shortness of the days
could only be determined by a resident of the place; 2, from northern
and independent sources we learn that the first Norwegian settlers who
were of course pagans found Christians whom they called _Papar_. These
Papar left Irish books, croziers, bells and other things behind them
when they went away.[488]
When describing the Nile he introduces the narrative of a brother
Fidelis who with a party of priests and monks made a journey from
Ireland to the Holy Land.[489]
To be fair to Dicuil, we must judge his work not by modern scientific
standards but by the standards of the ninth century. We must at least
acknowledge that he made a genuine effort to obtain the most accurate
available information and that he was more than usually conscientious,
for when Pliny’s figures seemed to him to be inaccurate, he left a
blank space.[490]
In addition to the _Liber de Mensura Orbis Terrarum_, Dicuil is the
author of a short poem of twenty hexameters which he prefixed to a
copy of a short treatise by Priscian,[491] and of an astronomical
work in prose and verse which is still unpublished.[492] This latter
is dedicated to Louis the Pious and mentions Dicuil by name. We may
therefore infer that this geographer, astronomer and poet was one of
the versatile Irish scholars whose work must have contributed in no
small degree to the Carolingian revival of learning. This distinguished
scholar is believed to be identical with the Dicuil who was abbot of
Pahlacht in the ninth century.[493]
_Dungal_ is another of those ninth century scholars of whose life the
details are all too meagre. From a few fragmentary references and his
existing works we are led to the conclusion that he was a very capable
man distinguished not only as a theologian and poet but also as an
astronomer and schoolmaster.[494]
In the year 811 A.D. he wrote a letter to Charlemagne to explain the
double eclipse of the sun that was supposed to have occurred the
previous year. This letter is written in excellent Latin showing
familiarity with Virgil and Cicero.[495]
Moreover it shows an intimate acquaintance with the whole field of
astronomical literature of the time, but it is chiefly remarkable for
the expression of astronomical views that were considered advanced
because they seemed to call in question the truth of the Ptolemaic
system.[496]
In the year 825 A.D. the Emperor Lothair desiring to carry out the
enlightened educational policy of his ancestor Charlemagne issued
an Edict[497] complaining that through the extreme carelessness and
indolence of certain superiors true teaching was shaken to its very
foundations, and urging that persons engaged in teaching in all those
places hereinafter mentioned should throw all their zeal and energy
into securing the progress of their disciples and that they should
apply themselves to science as the necessity of the times demanded.
He laid out for this exercise certain places chosen in such a manner
that neither time nor distance nor poverty might any more serve as an
excuse to the people. He desired therefore at Pavia and _under the
superintendence of Dungal all students should assemble_ from Milan,
Brescia, Lodi, Bergamo, Novara, Vercelli, Tortona, Acqui, Genoa, Asti,
and Como.[498] Thus we see what a responsible position Dungal occupied
as head of the school of Pavia—the precursor of the famous university.
Dungal himself informs us that he was an Irishman in a poem in praise
of Charlemagne which commences with these words: “These verses the
Irish Exile (_exul Hibernicus_) sends to King Charles.” He composed
several other poems,[499] but that written to Charlemagne is his
longest and best effort. The shorter poems display considerable taste
but not much imagination.[500]
In 828 A.D. Dungal appeared in a controversy against Claudius, bishop
of Turin, who had written against the veneration of images. It will
be recalled that this Claudius was the learned and gifted Spaniard
who described the Council of Italian bishops as a “council of asses”
(_congregatio asinorum_). Against this formidable opponent Dungal was
called upon to undertake the defence of the veneration of images. As
Zimmer remarks, “these two learned adversaries, Claudius the Spaniard
and Dungal the Irishman, who met on the soil of Lombardy, were the
representatives of two countries—the only ones—which offered an asylum
to Graeco-Roman culture at the beginning of the seventh century when
it had declined in the West. Ireland was especially conspicuous in
introducing it anew in the form of Christianity, principally into
France, these efforts being made when civilization was at its lowest
ebb and the country in its most degraded condition.”[501]
We are not concerned here with the theological question at issue, but
it may be remarked that Dungal’s reply[502] shows that he was a man of
wide culture, “accomplished too in sacred literature, and at the same
time trained in grammatical laws and in the classical excellence of
style as will readily appear to anyone who reads his writings.”[503]
Alzog informs us that the sophistical reasoning of Claudius was refuted
by Jonas, bishop of Orleans, but much more ably by Dungal. He is styled
an excellent theologian (_theologus excellans_) by a contemporary
and Healy declares that Dungal’s is the first and best work that was
written on the subject.[504] The many quotations from Greek and Latin
poets which occur in his reply to Claudius as well as in his epistle
to Charlemagne prove that Dungal had a strong love for poetry and that
he was well read in classic literature.[505] Thus we see that Dungal’s
education was built on a broad foundation, for he was distinguished as
an astronomer and a theologian as well as a poet and a schoolmaster.
The last act of Dungal of which we have any record is his gift of books
to the library of Bobbio.[506] Dungal is greatly praised by Muratori,
Mabillon, Bellarmine and others for his learning and he was valued
both in Italy and France for his varied attainments. Muratori, who
published a catalogue[507] of the library of Bobbio, says that “Dungal
carried into Italy the Scotic love of learning.” Among the books which
Dungal presented to Bobbio is one which was catalogued as Psalterium
but named by Muratori as the _Antiphonary of Bangor_,[508] a book of
hymns compiled expressly for the use of the monastic community of
Bangor in Co. Down (Ireland). It is written in Latin, but it contains
the strongest internal evidence of its Irish origin. On the strength of
the evidence furnished by the fact that Dungal possessed this book many
believe that Dungal himself was a pupil of Bangor. If so, we have in
Dungal an excellent example of the type of education available in this
famous monastic school in the ninth century.
SEDULIUS:
Under the Emperor Lothair 840–855 there was at Liège a colony of Irish
teachers and writers of whom the best known is Sedulius, sometimes
called Sedulius the Younger to distinguish him from the author of the
_Carmen Paschale_. We have already referred to the fact that he was a
distinguished poet[509] and a learned grammarian.[510] He is no less
famous as a scribe[511] and as a writer on other subjects.
He wrote an important treatise on the theory of government entitled
_De Rectoribus Christianis_.[512] This work was written at Liège
probably about the year 855 A.D. It is in reality the first systematic
contribution of the Middle Ages to the theory of political government
and should rank in importance with St. Thomas’s _De Regimine
Principis_, with Colonna’s _De Regimine Principum_ and with Dante’s
_De Monarchia_.[513] As its latest editor Dr. Hellman has remarked,
if this work is not drawn from exclusively Irish sources, it is
drawn at least from sources which were held in high esteem by Irish
writers of the Carolingian Age. This Celtic conception of the duties
of a Christian ruler is of very special interest to the student of
mediæval political theories. Its sources are Christian and classical,
its immediate object was the direction of a Frankish ruler (probably
Lothair II.), the mind that conceived it was Celtic and here we have
at the beginning of mediæval speculation a combination of forces and
interests which went to make up the mediæval policy.[514]
Sedulius also wrote a commentary of Porphry’s _Isagoge_ (or
Introduction to the Logic of Aristotle) for which the basis may have
been the Greek text though the work was known to other Christian
logicians only in the Latin translation.[515]
JOHANNES SCOTUS ERIUGENA (d. 877 A.D.):
This was by far the greatest Irish scholar of the ninth century. Indeed
in many ways he was the most remarkable man of his age. Of his early
life we have no details. He was born between the years 800–815 A.D.
The general opinion of scholars is that he was born in Ireland as his
name would indicate.[516] His learning itself is sufficient proof
that he was educated in Ireland where alone he could get the benefit
of such an education as the continental schools could no longer have
furnished.[517]
About the middle of the ninth century he appeared at the court of
King Charles the Bald by whom he was placed at the head of the Palace
School. Though in some respects a worthless sovereign, Charles had
at least one redeeming quality inasmuch as he emulated the example
of his grandfather (Charlemagne) as a patron of letters. During his
reign Irish scholars flocked in great numbers to the Continent. The
monarch was fond of discussing knotty questions, and had a keen taste
for the subtle disputations to which Irish dialectitians were devoted.
Encouraged by his patronage the Irish monks emigrated in so great
numbers to France that hostelries were built for their exclusive
use.[518] The most eminent of these exiles[519] was Eriugena. No
sooner had he reached France (c. 845 A.D.) than he was recognised as a
remarkable linguist. Certain reputed works of Dionysius the Areopagite
had been sent by Pope Paul I. to Pepin-le-Bref, and a splendid MS. of
the mystical writings of the same author was subsequently presented
to Louis the Pious by the Byzantine Emperor Michael. The works were
of course in the Greek language and the greatest scholars of France
were unable to translate them or to interpret their meaning.[520] The
task was finally entrusted to Eriugena and he produced a satisfactory
version. The learned Anastasius, the papal librarian, on reading the
version of Eriugena, wrote to King Charles expressing his surprise that
“a barbarian who hailed from the extreme confines of the world and who
might have been deemed to be as ignorant of Greek as he was remote from
civilization could have proved capable of comprehending the mysteries
of the Greek tongue.”[521]
Great as was his fame as a linguist his reputation as a philosopher is
still greater. His philosophical speculations gave rise to discussions
and controversies which even to the present day occupy the attention of
the greatest thinkers. In his own day his views were nothing short of
sensational. In addition to his translation of the Pseudo-Dionysius
already referred to, Eriugena wrote a comprehensive philosophical work
_De Divisione Naturae_[522] and a treatise _De Egressu et Regressu
Animae ad Deum_ of which only a fragment has come down to us.[523] He
also contributed a treatise _De Predestinatione_ to a theological
controversy that was waged at that time. This work seems to have given
offence to both parties. His _expositiones_ or commentaries on the
Pseudo-Dionysius are helpful in determining his philosophical views. He
also wrote a commentary on the work of Martianus Capella, _De Nuptiis_.
It is as a philosopher, however, that Eriugena stands without an equal
during his own time. It has been remarked that Eriugena appears to
have been born subject to a strange fatality whereby men’s opinions
are always changing in regard to his philosophical views and the
position to be assigned to him among philosophers. In the criticisms
by Maurice Milman, Staudenmaier, St. Rene, Tailander, Christlieb,
Hauréau, and Huber the view of each writer differs in some important
respect from the views of the rest.[524] This is no less true of
the criticism of living philosophers as the following quotations
from two standard works on the _History of Philosophy_ go to show.
De Wülf writes: “In opposition to the majority of historians who
describe Eriugena as the first of scholastics, we have no hesitation
in calling him the first of anti-scholastics—and the most formidable
at the present epoch. For his teaching propounds principles which are
opposed to those of scholasticism and which form the starting-point
of opposition movements.”[525] Turner, on the other hand, says that
Eriugena illustrates the many sidedness of the scholastic movement and
proceeds as follows: “To classify as anti-scholastic whatever does not
agree with the synthetic systems of the great masters of scholasticism
is to break the line of continuous historical development which led
through failure and partial success of Eriugena, Abelard, and other
philosophers to the philosophy of the thirteenth century. Scholasticism
in its final form is the outcome of the forces of Christian
civilization which in different conditions and in less favourable
circumstances produced the imperfect scholasticism of the period of
beginning and the period of growth.”[526]
Whatever may be the difference of opinion as to his place in a
particular school or system of philosophy there can be but one as to
his abilities as a scholar and an original thinker. According to De
Wülf, “he must be regarded as one of the most striking personalities
in the world of culture and learning in the early Middle Ages. He
was far in advance of his time. While his contemporaries were only
lisping in philosophy and his successors for centuries did little more
than discuss a small number of disconnected philosophical questions,
Eriugena in the ninth century worked out a complete philosophical
synthesis.... He was at once a scholar and a man of genius. What was
altogether unique in the ninth century, he knew Greek, of which Alcuin
scarcely knew the alphabet.”[527] Turner while wishing to give a fair
estimate of his place in history, warns us “not to let his brilliant
qualities blind us to the enormity of his errors,”[528] but the same
writer acknowledges that “he was without doubt the most learned man
in his century, he was the first of the representatives of the new
learning to attempt a system of constructive thought and he brought
to his task a truly Celtic wealth of imagination and a spiritual
force which lifted him above the plane of his contemporaries—mere
epitomisers and commentators. His philosophy has all the charm which
pantheism always possesses for a certain class of minds. It is subtle,
vague, and poetic. When we come to examine its contents and method we
find it dominated with the spirit of Neo-Platonism. Through the works
of Pseudo-Dionysius and of Maximus, Eriugena made acquaintance with
the teaching of Plotinus and Proculus; and when he came to construct
his own system of thought he reproduced the essential traits of
Neo-Platonic philosophy—pantheism, the doctrine of intuition, and
universal redemption.”
The sentence enunciated by Eriugena in his work on Predestination[529]
as well as elsewhere that the true religion is also the true philosophy
and _vice versa_ is the theme of the entire scholastic philosophy. The
consequences that follow from this maxim as enunciated that every doubt
in regard to religious matters can be refuted by philosophy appeared
so preposterous that a meeting of French clergy declared it to be
insanity or blasphemy.[530] Religion is to Eriugena in its relations
to philosophy what authority is to reason. In respect to rank reason
precedes so also in respect to time, since what is taught by authority
of the Fathers was discovered by them with the help of reason. The
weak must naturally subject themselves to authority, but those who
are less weak should be content with this all the less because the
figurative nature of many expressions and further the undeniable
accommodation exercised by the Fathers toward the understanding of
the uneducated demand the use of reason as a corrective.[531] By
reason is to be understood, however, not mere subjective opinion but
the common thought which reveals itself in conversation when out of
two reasons both are made one, each of the speakers becoming as it
were the other.[532] While he maintains the priority of reason he is
far from being a rationalist. Indeed he is more inclined to take side
with the mystics—to belittle all reason unless it is illumined from
on high. “Instead of rationalising theology, he would theosophise
philosophy.”[533]
Thus we see how Eriugena’s philosophical speculations naturally became
the basis for innumerable controversies which are still far from being
definitely decided. Such controversies, however, have served a useful
purpose in the history of philosophy. Eriugena assigns to philosophy
the fourfold task: to divide, to define, to demonstrate, to analyse.
This may be described as Eriugena’s definition of the applicability of
dialectic to philosophy and theology—a notion which, like the union of
faith and science, is destined to develop in the subsequent growth of
philosophy.[534]
Eriugena’s knowledge of Greek, and fondness for Greek dogma and
Alexandrine philosophy, led to the report that he made several journeys
to Greece. But this conjecture has no foundation in fact.[535] Indeed
the evidence we have collected with reference to the course of studies
pursued in the Irish monastic schools would point to Ireland as the
most likely place where he laid the foundations of his classical
scholarship.
INFLUENCE OF IRISH SCHOLARSHIP:
The scope of Irish scholarship may in some measure be judged from the
existing works of the great and better-known scholars mentioned in
this and other chapters, but the precise influence of that scholarship
is more difficult to estimate. It is only in very recent years that
we have begun to realise how much native Irish literature and history
owes to the Irish monastic schools. In the wider field of European
scholarship there is still much room for investigation before we can
confidently assign to Irish monastic scholarship its proper place.
The superiority of Irish classical learning has been demonstrated
and is now acknowledged by practically all scholars who have made an
intensive study of the early Middle Ages.[536] But as a discerning
historian has remarked, “what is of greatest significance is the fact
that there reigned not only among the professed scholars but among
the plain missionaries (whose name was legion) a classical spirit, a
love of literature for its own sake and a keen delight in poetry. They
brought imagination, they brought spiritual force to a world well nigh
sunk in materialism.... Their lighter productions show but one side of
their Scottish nature. Their earnest single pursuit of learning in the
widest sense attainable, their solid hard work as scholars is no less
characteristic. Ireland was once the university not only of Northern
England, but of the Frankish realm and if that progress was arrested
after the fatal inroads of the Norsemen after 795 A.D. the seed which
the Scots had sown in other lands grew to a nobler maturity than
ever it reached on its own soil.... Wherever they went they founded
schools.”[537]
Many other tributes to Irish monastic scholarship might be quoted.
We have selected but two of these partly because of the weight of
authority rightly associated with the author’s name in each case and
partly because they summarise the detailed evidence we have presented
during the course of our study.
Turner says: “The Irish teachers left a lasting impression on their own
and succeeding generations. Not only were they the chief teachers of
grammar, poetry, astronomy, music, and geography when these branches
had no other, or scarcely any other, representative on the continent
of Europe, but they also profoundly influenced the course of mediæval
thought in matters of philosophy and theology. Their elucidation of the
Gospel of St. John and their commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul
formed a new school of exegesis.... They introduced the Neo-Platonic
point of view in metaphysical speculation and carried the art of
dialectic to a higher point than it ever before attained. It is no
exaggeration to say that they were the founders of scholasticism and
that Ireland is the Ionia of mediæval philosophy.”[538]
Zimmer too shows that the Irish missionaries were not merely the
representatives of Christianity: “they were instructors in every branch
of science and learning of the time, possessors and bearers of a higher
culture than was at that time to be found anywhere on the Continent,
and can surely claim to have been the pioneers,—to have laid the corner
stone of western culture on the Continent.”[539]
We have reached the end of our study. We have traced the rise, growth,
and influence of the Irish monastic schools during the sixth, seventh,
eighth, and ninth centuries. Their work and influence lasted for
several centuries after the ninth, but during the period which we have
investigated their influence was a dominant one in the history of
European education. In the later centuries other factors contributed
to the advancement of learning in Western Europe and while the Irish
contribution was by no means negligible it was less distinctive, less
significant, than during the period ending with the ninth century.
If, then, we would form a correct idea of the position that Irish
monastic schools occupy in the history of western culture, we have but
to contrast the actual state of contemporary learning in the rest of
Western Europe with that available in these schools; or to recall their
large number and wide distribution, noting the liberal nature of the
course of studies pursued therein and the generosity with which that
learning was extended to all irrespective of race or social position.
In either case we are driven to the conclusion that these schools were
indeed the greatest educational factor of early mediæval times, that
they were, in reality, the universities of the West, the lights that
illumined the (so-called) Dark Ages.
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] Hyde, Douglas, _Literary History of Ireland_, p. 122.
[2] Cited by George Coffey, _Bronze Age in Ireland_, pp. 2, 3.
[3] Coffey, George, _op. cit._ pp. 6–99.
[4] Joyce, Patrick W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., p. 556.
[5] Coffey, George, _op. cit._ p. 2.
[6] Coffey, George, _New Grange and other Incised Tumuli_, p. 62.
[7] Coffey, George, _The Bronze Age in Ireland_, pp. 2, 27.
[8] O’Donovan, John, _Annals of the Four Masters_, I., p. 132.
[9] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 14.
[10] Ginnell, Laurence, _Article on the Brehon Laws_, in the
_Encyclopædia Britannica_, IV., p. 488.
[11] Quoted by Douglas Hyde in _A Literary History of Ireland_, p. 134.
[12] _Liber Ardmachanus_ or _Book of Armagh_, edited by John Gwynn, p.
9.
[13] Stokes, Whitley, _Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, II., p. 284.
[14] Joyce, Patrick W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., p. 402.
[15] The Brehon Laws have been edited and translated and published in
five volumes with the title _The Ancient Laws of Ireland_.
[16] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 403, who cites Petrie’s _Tara_, p.
38.
[17] See Chapter IV. for a brief account of the Irish Lay Schools.
[18] See under _Prosody_, O’Donovan’s _Irish Grammar_.
[19] See Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., p. 316.
[20] _Cosmographia Aethici Istri_, edited by H. Wuttke, Leipsic, 1854.
Cited by Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 404.
Cited by Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland_, p. 11.
Cited by Wood-Martin, _Pagan Ireland_, p. 84.
[21] See Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., p. 397.
[22] For the geographical distribution of Ogam inscriptions see Coffey,
George, _Guide to Celtic Antiquities_, pp. 101–106.
[23] Perhaps the best division of the Irish language into periods is
that given by Eoin MacNeill in _Irisleabhar na Gaedhilge_, May, 1908.
Pre-Ogam, before 300 A.D. Ogam, c. 300(?)–700(?) A.D. The Old Irish of
the MSS. from 600(?)–1000(?) A.D. Middle Irish, 1000–1500 A.D. Modern
Irish, 1500–Present Day. During the present study we shall frequently
use the words Old Irish to connote the Period including the 7th, 8th,
and 9th centuries.
[24] Quiggin, E. C., _Article on Ogam_ in _Encyclopædia Britannica_,
vol. v., pp. 622–623.
[25] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 398–399.
[26] MacNeill, Eoin, Article _Irish Ogam Inscriptions_ in the
_Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, July, 1909.
[27] Bury, J. B., _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 10.
[28] Sigerson, George, _Bards of the Gael and Gall_, Introduction, p. 1.
[29] Meyer, Kuno, _Ancient Irish Poetry_, pp. 8, 9.
[30] De Jubainville, H. d’Arbois, _Literature Celtique_, I., p. 1.
[31] Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century_, p. 1.
[32] See Introduction to the _Book of Armagh_, ed. by John Gwynn; also
Hyde, Douglas, _Literary History of Ireland_, pp. 137–139.
[33] Zimmer, Heinrich, _Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland_, p. 31.
[34] Bury, J. B., _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 206.
[35] Stokes, Whitley, _Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, I., p. cxxxv.
[36] Bury, J. B., _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 206.
[37] Stokes, Whitley, _Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, I., 112, 138,
190–322, 326, 327, 328.
[38] Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., p. 439. See
illustration.
[39] _Würzburg Codex_, 33 c. 13.
[40] Stokes, Whitley, _op. cit._ I., p. xviii.
[41] Roger, M., _L’Enseignement des Lettres Classiques_, p. 222.
[42] Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland, in the Fifth Century_, p. 1.
[43] Meyer, Kuno, _op. cit._ p. 5.
[44] De Jubainville H. d’Arbois, _Cours de littérature celtique_, I.,
p. 369.
[45] Meyer, Kuno, _op. cit._ pp. 5, 6.
[46] Gwynn, John, _Book of Armagh_, f. 22 b. 2; also Stokes, Whitley,
_Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, II., pp. 357–380.
[47] Translated from Latin of _Tripartite Life_, II., pp. 360–361.
[48] Zimmer, H., _Sitzungsberichte der köngl. preuss. Akademie_, 1909,
p. 562, cited by Meyer, Kuno, _op. cit._ p. 5.
[49] Meyer, Kuno, _ibid._
[50] Colganus, _Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae_, XI., p. 375, cited by
Hauréau, B., _Singularités Historiques et Littéraires_, pp. 2, 3.
[51] Power, Patrick, _Lives of SS. Declan and Mochuda_, p. xix.
[52] Tacitus, _Agricola_, Chapter XXIV.
[53] _Ibid._
[54] See Coffey, George, _Archæological Evidence for the Intercourse
of Gaul with Ireland before the First Century_ in _Proceedings of the
Royal Irish Academy_, 1910, pp. 96–106; Greene, Alice S., _Trade Routes
of Ireland_ in her _Old Irish World_, pp. 63–99.
[55] Meyer, Kuno, Article, _Gauls in Ireland_ in _Eriu_, IV., p. 208.
[56] Warren, J. B., _Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church_, p. 35.
[57] Healy, John, _Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars_, pp. 29–39;
Warren, J. B., _op. cit._ p. 35.
[58] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 32.
[59] Sigerson, George, _Bards of the Gael and Gall_, p. 45.
[60] Sigerson, George, _op. cit._ pp. 45–48.
[61] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 39, where St. Jerome is cited.
[62] Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland_, p. 8.
[63] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 40.
[64] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 41.
[65] Meyer, Kuno, _op. cit._; also Warren, F. E., _Liturgy and Ritual
of the Celtic Church_, p. 35.
[66] Article, _Ireland_ in the _Catholic Encyclopædia_, VIII., p. 117.
[67] _Op. cit._ VIII., p. 116.
[68] MacCaffrey, James, Article, _Rome and Ireland: Pre-Patrician
Christianity_, in _Irish Theological Quarterly_, I., p. 53.
[69] Beada, _Historia Ecclesiasticae Gentis Anglorum_, Liber I., Cap.
13.
[70] For a discussion of the ancient use of the words _Scotia_ and
_Scot_ see Skene’s _Celtic Scotland_, I., Introduction, p. 9.
[71] Bury, J. B., _Life of St. Patrick_, pp. 212–213.
[72] Bury, J. B., _op. cit._ p. 217.
[73] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 323.
[74] Hyde, Douglas, _Literary History of Ireland_, pp. 243–251.
[75] Plummer, Carolus, _Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae_, I., Intro., 129–188.
[76] Hyde, Douglas, _op. cit._ pp. 134–135.
[77] De Jubainville, H. d’Arbois, _Littérature Celtique_, I., 137.
[78] Todd, W. H., _Life of St. Patrick_, pp. 88, 89, contains a copy of
_Catalogus SS. Hiberniae Secundum Diversa Tempora_.
[79] Article on _Monasticism_ signed E. C. B. (E. C. Butler) in the
_Encyclopædia Britannica_, XVIII., p. 687.
[80] _Ibid._
[81] Healy, John, _Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars_, p. 93.
[82] Bund, Willis, _Celtic Church in Wales_, 1897, cited by G.
P. Huddleston in Article on _Irish Monasticism_ in the _Catholic
Encylopædia_, X., p. 473.
[83] See Bibliography, _Sources—Rules_.
[84] See Bibliography, _Lives of Irish Saints_.
[85] Warren, F. E., _The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church_, pp.
54–55.
[86] _Catholic Encyclopædia_, _op. cit._
[87] _Catalogus SS. Hiberniae Secundum Diversa Tempora_, published in
Todd, W. H., _Life of St. Patrick_, pp. 88–89.
[88] Bury, J. B., _op. cit._ p. 39 _seq._ Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 93.
[89] Plummer, Charles, _Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae_, p. cxxiv.
[90] Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ p. cxxv.
[91] _Ibid._
[92] Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ I., p. cxxvi.
[93] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 199.
[94] Joyce, _Social History of Ireland_, I., 322.
[95] Todd, W. H., _op. cit._ p. 99; Healy, J. _op. cit._ pp. 107–108.
[96] Stokes, Whitley, _Felire of Aengus_, p. 118.
[97] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 323.
[98] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan’s Life of St. Columba_, pp. 276–298.
[99] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 61.
[100] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 321.
[101] _Op. cit._ I., 323.
[102] Nolan, Thomas, _Irish Universities and Culture_, p. 11.
[103] Conyngham, D. P., _Lives of Irish Saints and Martyrs_, pp.
537–544.
[104] Murray, Rev. L. P., Article in _Louth Archæological Journal_, I.,
pp. 22–36.
[105] In _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, VI., p. 106 _seq._
cited by Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 16.
[106] White, _Apologia_, p. 24 cited by Nolan, P., _op. cit._ p. 18.
[107] Stokes, Margaret, _Three Months in the Forests of France_, p.
254–5.
[108] Green, J. R., _The Making of England_, pp. 277–8.
[109] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, pp. 290–303.
[110] Todd, W. H., _Wars of the Gael and Gall_, Rolls Series, p. 39.
[111] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p. 49.
[112] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan’s Life of St. Columba_, pp. 276–298.
[113] Moran, Patrick, _Irish Saints in Great Britain_, 77 _seq._
[114] Edmonds, Columba, Article in _Glories of Ireland_, p. 21.
[115] Especially Skene, W., _Historians of Scotland_, VI., p. xlix.
Also in _Celtic Scotland_, III.
[116] Warren, F. E., _Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church_, p. 14.
[117] See, however, Green, J. R., _The Making of England_, p. 276
_seq._; Brooke, Stopford, _History of English Literature from the
Beginning to the Norman Conquest_, Chap. I., II., III.; also _Cambridge
History of English Literature_, I., Chap. II., pp. 13, 14, 15, 16.
[118] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 16.
[119] Warren, F. E., _ibid._; Sandys, _History of Classical
Scholarship_, I., p. 442; Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland_, p. 12.
[120] Warren, F. E., _ibid._; Roger, _op. cit._ 400; also Hauck,
Albert, _Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands_, I., pp. 282 _seq._
[121] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 16; Stokes, Margaret, _Six Months in
Apennines_, pp. 96–97.
[122] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 3.
[123] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ pp. 63–64; also Haddan and Stubbs’
_Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents of Great Britain and Ireland_,
I., p. 152.
[124] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 3.
[125] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 350.
[126] Bede, _Ecclesiastical History of England_, Bohn’s Edition, pp.
371–2.
[127] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 350.
[128] Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ I., p. cxxiii.
[129] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 236–237.
[130] _Catholic Encyclopædia_, III., p. 404.
[131] Bede, _Ecclesiastical History of England_, Book III., Bohn’s Ed.;
Bede, _op. cit._ Book III., 26–28, Book IV., 12, 21, 23; Plummer’s
Edition cited by Roger, _op. cit._ 823–4.
[132] Roger, _ibid._
[133] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 236, 237.
[134] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 460.
[135] Green, J. R., _The Making of England_, p. 276.
[136] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 342.
[137] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ See table opposite p. 342.
[138] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, pp. 342, 343; Skene, W., _Celtic
Scotland_, II., pp. 61, 62. The monastic organization here described
applies especially to Iona, but may be considered as typical not only
of Columban monasteries but of Irish monasteries in general.
[139] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 365; Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 98.
[140] Skene, Wm., _Celtic Scotland_, II., p. 44.
[141] Skene, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 42.
[142] See _Annals of the Four Masters_, I., pp. 399, 410, 420, 442,
458, 470.
[143] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 389.
[144] _Ancient Laws of Ireland_, V., p. 123.
[145] Todd, W. H., _Life of St. Patrick_, p. 16.
[146] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 381.
[147] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 104.
[148] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 381.
[149] Todd, W. H., _op. cit._ p. 160.
[150] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 104, 105.
[151] Healy, John, _ibid._; Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ I., p. cxiv.
[152] _Ancient Laws of Ireland_, III., 13, 15, 29.
[153] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 318, 382.
[154] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 378, 379, 380.
[155] _Ancient Laws of Ireland_, III., pp. 33, 39.
[156] The relation between the Irish Church and the State is very ably
yet concisely treated in a pamphlet by Rev. James F. Cassidy, St.
Paul, Minnesota, entitled “_The Irish Church as an Element in Irish
Nationality_” whose thesis is cited here.
[157] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 382.
[158] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 94; Stokes, Whitley, _Tripartite Life
of St. Patrick_, I., p. 236.
[159] Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ I., p. xcviii.
[160] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 365.
[161] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, pp. 24, 143.
[162] Concannon, Helen, _The Life of St. Columban_, p. 145.
[163] Stokes, W., _op. cit._ p. 236; Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ pp.
357–361.
[164] Reeves, Wm., _ibid._; Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 94–96.
[165] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 17.
[166] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 17; Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I. l.
409.
[167] See Bibliography, _Rules_.
[168] _Op. cit. Lives of Saints_.
[169] Columbanus, _Regula Monachorum_, C. III., cited by Concannon,
Helen, _Life of St. Columban_, p. 68.
[170] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan’s Vita Sancti Columbae_, p. 348.
[171] Concannon, Helen, _op. cit._ p. 69.
[172] _Ibid._
[173] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 355.
[174] Concannon, Helen, _ibid._
[175] _Ibid._
[176] McAlister, R. S., _Muiredach, Abbot of Monasterboice_, p. 63.
[177] The number of Canonical Hours vary in different Rules; some give
_six_, others _seven_; the Bangor usage was _eight_. See notes by R. I.
Best on _Tractate on the Canonical Hours_ edited from the _Lebor Brecc_
in _Miscellany to Kuno Meyer_.
[178] See Concannon, Helen, _op. cit._ pp. 58, 67; Plummer, I., cxvii.
[179] MacAlister, R. S., _Muiredach, Abbot of Clonmacnoise_, p. 63.
[180] See above _Means of Support_.
[181] Concannon, Helen, _op. cit._ p. 75.
[182] Healy, J., _op. cit._ p. 104.
[183] Published in Skene’s _Celtic Scotland_, II., p. 509.
[184] Adamnan, _Vita S. Columbae_, Reeves Edition, p. 9.
[185] Stokes and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, I., pp. 3–483
for _Glosses on Psalms_; O’Hanlon, John, _Lives of Irish Saints_, VI.,
p. 286 for story of St. Columba.
[186] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan’s Life of St. Columba_, pp. 20, 22, 36, 43,
49.
[187] Reeves, W., _op. cit._ pp. 343, 344.
[188] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 103.
[189] Concannon, Helen, _op. cit._ pp. 186–191.
[190] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ pp. 343, 344.
[191] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 29, 25, 330, 332; II., 166, 167,
168, 483.
[192] Reeves, Wm., _op. cit._ pp. 343, 344.
[193] For translations of Early Irish Nature Poetry see Sigerson, G.,
_Bards of the Gael and Gall_; Meyer, Kuno, _Old Irish Poetry_; Hull,
Eleanor, _Poem Book of the Gael_.
[194] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 102, 103.
[195] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p. 102.
[196] Johnson, Samuel (Dr.), in a letter to Charles O’Connor published
in O’Reilly’s _Irish Writers_, pp. i., ii. Also cited in Article _Dr.
Johnson and Ireland_ in _Irish Monthly_, XLVI., 538, p. 211.
[197] Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., 408.
[198] Hyde, Douglas, _Literary History of Ireland_, p. 241.
[199] Hull, Eleanor, _Text Book of Irish Literature_, I., 189.
[200] Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., pp. 418, 419.
[201] O’Curry, Eugene, _Manners and Customs_, I., p. 78.
[202] O’Donovan, John, _Tribes and Customs of Hy Many_, pp. 79, 167.
[203] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 417.
[204] See also _Catalogue of Irish MSS. in Trinity College, Dublin_,
pp. 285–402, 530–535; _The Bibliography of Irish Philology and Irish
Printed Literature_, edited by R. I. Best, pp. 1–307.
[205] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, pp. 103, 107.
[206] _Op. cit._, pp. 79–80.
[207] Meyer, Kuno, _Old Irish Poetry_. See several examples; also
_Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, II., pp. 290, 293, 294, 296.
[208] De Jubainville, H. d’Arbois, _Littérature Celtique_, I., 384.
[209] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 418, 419; Hull, E., _op. cit._
I., 189.
[210] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 417.
[211] O’Curry, Eugene, _Manners and Customs_, I., 92. _MS. Materials_,
p. 50.
[212] The Irish word _fithcheal_ is usually translated _chess_.
[213] _Ancient Laws of Ireland_, II., 349. Also pp. 153, 1616.
[214] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 418, 426. For _Fosterage_, see
II., p. 14.
[215] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 418, 426.
[216] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 132.
[217] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 211.
[218] Stokes, Whitley, _Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lismore_.
[219] Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I., p. cxv.; Joyce, _op. cit._ I., 440,
p. 251.
[220] Concannon, Helen, _op. cit._ p. 10.
[221] _Op. cit._ pp. 24, 25.
[222] De Jubainville, H. d’Arbois, _La Civilization des Celtes_, p. 109.
[223] Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p. 14; Moran, Patrick, _Irish Saints
in Great Britain_, pp. 248, 240. Montalambert, Conte de, _Les Moines
d’Occident_, IV., p. 62.
[224] For the influence of the Irish monks on early English poetry, see
Brooke, Stopford, _History of English Literature from the Beginning to
the Norman Conquest_, Chapters i., ii., iii. Also _Cambridge History of
English Literature_, I., pp. 13–16.
[225] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 410.
[226] _Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, II., p. 137.
[227] Stokes, Whitley, _Lives of the Saints_, line 4128.
[228] Plummer, C., _Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae_, I., p. cxv.
[229] Todd, J. H., _Life of St. Patrick_. See _Catalogus Sanctorum
Hiberniae Secundum Diversa Tempora_, printed on pp. 88, 89.
[230] _Book of Leinster_, p. 373; _Lebor Brec_, p. 23 b; edited Stokes,
Whitley, _Royal Irish Academy MSS. Series_, 1880.
[231] Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland_, p. 24.
[232] Petrie, George, _Christian Inscriptions_, II., p. xiv.
[233] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 413.
[234] Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I., xiv.
[235] _Epistolas_ in _Monumenta Germaniae Historiae_, Epistola III.;
_Epistolas Merovingi et Carolingi Aevi_, I., p. 231.
[236] Bede, _Ecclesiastical History of England_, Bk. III., Chap.
xxvii., Bohn’s English Translation.
[237] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 530–532.
[238] Petrie, George, _Round Towers_, p. 355. O’Curry, E., _Manners &
C._, p. 38.
[239] Moran, Patrick, _Irish Saints in Great Britain_, pp. 219–223.
[240] Published in _Eriu_, VIII. text, p. 67, translation p. 74.
[241] Hyde, Douglas, _op. cit._ p. 221.
[242] Roger, M. L., _Enseignement des lettres classiques_, p. 410.
[243] Moran, Patrick, _op. cit._ p. 253.
[244] Quoted from Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p.
32.
[245] Bede, _op. cit._ Book V., Chap. IX., X.
[246] Bede, _op. cit._ III., vii.
[247] Bede, _op. cit._ IV., ii.
[248] See Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, Tomus 89, col. 3.
[249] Zimmer, _op. cit._ p. 42.
[250] Meyer, _Learning in Ireland_, p. 13.
[251] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 412.
[252] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 272, 273.
[253] Turner, Wm., _Catholic University Bulletin_, XIII., p. 388, 1907.
[254] Roger, M., _op. cit._ p. 314.
[255] Published in Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, Tomus, 142; _Alcuini
Epistola_, 3; Ussher, _Sylloge_: _Epistola 18_.
[256] _Dictionary of National Biography_, Article on _Colchu_ by T. O.
(Thomas Orpen), XI., pp. 259, 260.
[257] _Dictionary of National Biography_, XI., _loc. cit._ pp. 259, 260.
[258] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 272–273.
[259] Plummer, Charles, _Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae_, I., p. cxv.;
Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., p. 440.
[260] Stokes, Whitley, _Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lismore_,
p. 173.
[261] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 437.
[262] O’Curry, Eugene, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, I.,
p. 149; Healy, John, _Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars_, p. 435.
[263] Bede, _Ecclesiastical History of England_, Chapter xxvii., Bohn’s
Ed.
[264] Stokes, Whitley, _op. cit._ p. 172.
[265] See Joyce. P. W., _op. cit._ I., 439 for illustration of alphabet
engraved on a large stone in Kilmakedar in Co. Kerry.
[266] Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ I., p. cxv.
[267] See Stokes and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, I., pp.
3–481.
[268] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 482–484.
[269] Coffey, George, _Guide to Celtic Antiquities of the Christian
Period_, see illustration, p. 99.
[270] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 438.
[271] Stokes and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, I., p. 567;
Zimmer, H., _Glossae Hiberniae_, p. 69, Note 7.
[272] Stokes and Strachan, _op. cit._ I., p. 516.
[273] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ p. 440.
[274] _Book of Leinster_, p. 135; _Rawlinson_ MS. B. 502, p. 77,
edited by Kuno Meyer; _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, 1883,
pp. 219–252, edited and translated by Thomas Olden; cited by _Revue
Celtique_, V., p. 192.
[275] Macalister, R. A. S., _Muiredach, Abbot of Clonmacnoise_. See Map
on Plate I., opposite p. 12.
[276] Traube, Ludwig, _O Roma Nobilis_, p. 58.
[277] Concannon, Helen, _Life of St. Columban_, pp. 41–42.
[278] Stokes and Strachan, _op. cit._ II., p. xix., and for Glosses see
_op. cit._ II., pp. 49–232.
[279] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 430–431.
[280] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 432.
[281] See Macalister, R. A. S., _Muiredach_, p. 65, for a collection of
these fragmentary marginalia.
[282] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 483.
[283] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, Preface, lviii.
[284] _Ancient Laws of Ireland_, III., p. 89.
[285] Sullivan, Sir Edward, _The Book of Kells_, p. 24.
[286] Sullivan, Sir Edward, _op. cit._ p. 25.
[287] Or the juice of “green skinned holly,” Meyer, Kuno, _Ancient
Irish Poetry_, p. 87.
[288] Keller, Ferdinand, _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, Old Series,
VIII., p. 222.
[289] Stokes, Margaret, _Early Christian Ireland_, Article ix.
[290] See Abbot’s _Reproduction of the Book of Kells_, Plate xxxiv.;
also reproduced in Sir Arthur Sullivan’s _The Book of Kells_.
[291] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 480, illustration i., 481.
[292] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 477–478.
[293] See Chapter III.; also _Four Masters_, I., passim.
[294] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, Preface, pp. xxi.–xxii.
[295] Sandys, J. E., _Companion of Latin Studies_, Article on
_Palaeography_ by Sir Edward Maude Thompson, pp. 780–781.
[296] Keller, F., _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, O.S. VIII., p. 223.
[297] Keller, F., _Bilder und Schriftzuge_, Zurich, 1851, English
translation _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, VIII., pp. 210–291.
[298] Lindsey, W. M., _Early Irish Minuscule Script_, Oxford, 1910.
[299] Sandys, J. E., _Companion of Latin Studies_, p. 281.
[300] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, pp. 121–124.
[301] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 120.
[302] Hull, Eleanor, _Early Christian Ireland_, p. 270.
[303] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 488.
[304] Coffey, George, _Guide to the Antiquities of Christian Ireland_.
See illustration, p. 50.
[305] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 489.
[306] Hull, Eleanor, _Early Christian Ireland_, p. 271.
[307] Hull, E., _ibid._ Sandys in his _History of Classical
Scholarship_, I., p. 453 gives 666 as the number of volumes.
[308] See Muratori, _Antiquitates Italiae_, fol. ed. I., _Dissert._ 43,
pp. 493.
[309] Stokes, Margaret, _Six Months in the Appenines_, pp. 296–7.
[310] Sandys, J. E., _op. cit._ I., p. 453; Hull, Eleanor, _op. cit._
p. 272.
[311] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p. 116.
[312] Sandys, J. E., _op. cit._ I., p. 454.
[313] Sandys, J. E., _ibid._
[314] _Ibid._
[315] Jonas, _Vita Columbani_, p. 26, cited Sandys, _op. cit._ I., p.
456.
[316] Sandys, J. E., _ibid._
[317] Hull, Eleanor, _Early Christian Ireland_, p. 274.
[318] Hull, Eleanor, _op. cit._ p. 276.
[319] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 116.
[320] Sandys, J. E., _History of Classical Scholarship_, I., p. 455;
Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p. 116; Hull, Eleanor,
_Early Christian Ireland_, p. 276.
[321] See Stokes and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, I., pp.
xiii.–xxiv., II., pp. ix.–xxv.
[322] Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_, I., pp. 430–436.
[323] Rashdall, _Universities of Europe_, I., p. 36.
[324] Leach, A. F., _The Schools of Mediæval England_, p. 48.
[325] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 202–204; Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I.,
p. 432.
[326] Sigerson, George, _Bards of the Gael and Gall_, p. 45.
[327] See above Chapter III.
[328] Healy, John, _op. cit._ 120–123.
[329] Stokes and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, I., pp. 1–482.
[330] Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, Tomus 80, p. 328.
[331] Bede, _Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum_, Liber III., Ch. 7.
[332] Roger, _L’Enseignement des Lettres Classiques_, p. 275.
[333] Bede, _op. cit._ III., 4.
[334] Roger, _op. cit._ p. 228.
[335] Roger, _ibid._
[336] See _Note 41 above_.
[337] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 207.
[338] Migne, _Pat. Lat._, Tomus 87.
[339] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 236–239; Stokes, G., _R.I.A._; May,
1892, p. 125.
[340] Ed. Stokes, Whitley, in _Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy,
MSS. Series_, Vol. L., p. 139.
[341] _Revue Celtique_, XIV., p. 226. For examples of glosses belonging
to the seventh, eighth and ninth centuries see Stokes and Strachan’s
_Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, 2 vol.
[342] Stokes and Strachan, _op. cit._ II., pp. xxiii., 415.
[343] Thurneysen, _Revue Celtique_, VI., pp. 336–347.
[344] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 62, cf. Dümmler in _Neues Archiv_, VI.,
258. _Cruindmeli sive Fulcharii Ars Metrica._, Vienna, 1883.
[345] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 63.
[346] _Op. cit._ p. 50.
[347] Published, Keil. _Grammatici Latini_, Leipsig, 1857, I., p. xix.
[348] _Ibid._ Turner, Wm., _Catholic University Bulletin_, XIII., p.
392.
[349] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p. 60.
[350] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 61. Turner, Wm., _Catholic University
Bulletin_, XIII., p. 149. See also Chapter VII.
[351] _Poetae Aevi Caroli_, III., p. 691. Ozanam, F., _Documents
Inedits_.
[352] Roger, M., _L’Enseignement des Lettres Classiques_, p. 229.
[353] Roger, M., _op. cit._ p. 262; Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 237.
[354] Stokes and Strachan, _op. cit._ I., p. xxiii., II., p. xvii., pp.
46–48; Thurneysen, _Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, III., p. 52,
_seq._
[355] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, pp. 14, 140, 192, 229.
[356] Roger, M., _op. cit._ p. 262.
[357] Roger, M., _op. cit._ pp. 262–3, footnotes.
[358] Stokes and Strachan, _op. cit._ II., p. xiv.; Stokes, Whitley,
_Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, II., p. 269; Roger, M., _l.c._ p. 266.
[359] Chap. III.
[360] _Studies_ (Dublin), September, 1918, for an article by Aubrey
Gwynn arguing that St. Columban was thirty years old when he left
Bangor. We, however, have accepted the (tentative) chronology of Helen
Concannon whose _Life of St. Columban_ is the best that has been
published.
[361] De Jubainville, H. d’Arbois, _Littérature Celtique_, I., p. 373.
[362] De Jubainville, _op. cit._ I., pp. 373–375; Sigerson, _op. cit._
p. 407.
[363] Gundlach, _Mon. Ger. Epistolae_, III., Notes on _Epistolae
Columbani_.
[364] Esposito, Mario, Articles _Hiberno-Latin MSS. in Belgian
Libraries_, Art. in _Archivium Hibernicum_, III., p. 2; _The Latin
Writers of Mediæval Ireland_, Art. in Hermathena, XIV., No. 33, pp.
519–529; Art. in _Irish Theological Quarterly_, IV., pp. 181–185.
[365] Published under the title _Peronna Scottorum_ in
_Sitzungsberichte of the Academy of Munich_, 1900, p. 490.
[366] Migne, _Pat. Lat._, Tomus, 89, col. 96; _Epistolae Mer. et Karl
Aevi_.
[367] Roger, M., _op. cit._ p. 260.
[368] Nolan, Thomas P., _Irish Universities and Culture_, p. 13.
[369] Ker, W. P., _The Dark Ages_, p. 319.
[370] Jonas, _Vita Columbani_ in Krusch _Script. rer. Merov._, IV., p.
71; cited by Roger, _op. cit._ p. 411.
[371] Roger, M., _op. cit._ p. 412.
[372] Turner, Wm., Article _Irish Teachers in the Carolingian Revival_
in _Catholic University Bulletin_, XIII., p. 387.
[373] Turner, Wm., _op. cit._ XIII., p. 389. This article by Turner
in the _Catholic University Bulletin_, XIII., pp. 283 _seq._ and 567
_seq._ is by far the most helpful contribution to the study of the
Carolingian Revival. A valuable array of facts is given and the sources
for further inquiry are pointed out.
[374] Manitius, Max, _Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des
Mittelalters_, Teil I., München, 1911; Roger, M., _op. cit._ 1905;
Esposito, Mario, _Knowledge of Greek in Ireland during the Middle
Ages_, Article in _Studies_, Dublin, 1912.
[375] Quoted by Traube in _O Roma Nobilis_, p. 58; see Migne, _Pat.
Lat._, Tomus, 124, col. 1133d; De Jubainville, _op. cit._ I., p. 379.
[376] Roger takes this view _op. cit._ p. 229; cf. Gougaud, Dom. _Les
Chrétientés Celtiques_, p. 251.
[377] _Amra Coluim Cille_ in the _Irish Liber Hymnorum_, edited by
Bernard and Atkinson, I., 162–183, II., 50–80, 223–35.
[378] Meyer, Kuno, _Learning in Ireland_, p. 26.
[379] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, p. 158.
[380] Reeves, Wm., _ibid._
[381] _Sitzungsberichte_ of the Royal Academy of Berlin, 1909, p. 561.
[382] Meyer, Kuno, _op. cit._ p. 27.
[383] Note in a Würzburg MS. of eighth century quoted by Zimmer in
_Pelagius in Ireland_, p. 5.
[384] Keller, F., _Bilder und Schriftzugein den irischen Manuscripten
in Mitteilungen des antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zurich_, II., 61.
[385] Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, pp. xiv., xv., xxi. and Plates I., II.,
III.
[386] Stokes and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, II., p. xiv.
[387] Stokes and Strachan, _op. cit._ II., pp. 159, 158, 169.
[388] See Giles, _Aldhelmi Opera_, p. 94.
[389] Bede, _op. cit._ Liber IV., Ch. I.
[390] Ed. Stokes, Whitley, _Three Irish Glosses_, London, 1862.
[391] In _Duil Dromma Ceta_ (Egerton MS. 1782 15a ff; h. 3, 1863, ff
T.C.D., 1317).
[392] Hyde, Douglas, _Literary History of Ireland_, p. 420.
[393] The celebrated _Vocabularius S. Galli_ written in 780 A.D. in
the Irish style of writing containing some of the earliest examples
of German and French is believed to be the work of an Irish monk. See
Zimmer, H., _Irish Element_, p. 71.
[394] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 68.
[395] Sandys, J. E., _History of Classical Scholarship_, I., p. 463.
[396] Meyer, Kuno, _Triads of Ireland_, p. xiv.
[397] _Monumenta Germaniae Historiae_, Epistolae, III., p. 318.
[398] Flood, J. M., _Ireland: Its Saints and Scholars_, p. 92.
[399] Traube, L., _O Roma Nobilis_, p. 61.+
[400] _Ibid._
[401] Zimmer, _op. cit._ p. 126.
[402] For further details see Traube, L., _O Roma Nobilis_, p. 61. Also
Norden, _Die Antike Kunstprosa_, p. 666, Note 1.
[403] De Jubainville, H. d’Arbois, _op. cit._ I., p. 397.
[404] Traube, L., _O Roma Nobilis_, p. 287.
[405] Of the non-Irish of the time only Eric of Auxerre, Christian of
Stavelot, and Walafrid knew Greek, Traube, _op. cit._ p. 65.
[406] Concannon, Helen, _Life of St. Columban_, p. 287.
[407] Michelet, _Histoire de France_, I., p. 121.
[408] Healy, John, Art. in _Irish Ecclesiastical Record_, 1880, p. 16.
[409] Mullinger, H. B., _The Schools of Charles the Great_, p. 118.
[410] Newman, John H., _Idea of a University_, p. 485.
[411] Renan, E., in _Sur l’Étude de la langue grecque au Moyen Age_,
cited by Flood, J. M. in _Ireland: its Saints and Scholars_, p. 7.
[412] Baluze, _Miscellanea_, V., p. 54, cited by Mullinger, _op. cit._
p. 119.
[413] Mullinger, _op. cit._ p. 119.
[414] Mullinger, _ibid._
[415] Flood, W. H. Grattan, _History of Irish Music_, p. 4.
[416] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 571.
[417] O’Curry, Eugene, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_.
[418] Joyce, P. W., _Social History of Ireland_.
[419] Flood, W. H. Grattan, _History of Irish Music_.
[420] Flood, W. H. Grattan, _op. cit._ p. 20.
[421] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I.; Flood, W. H., _op. cit._ p. 10.
[422] Quoted in _Irish Ecclesiastical Record_, 1883, p. 510.
[423] Keller, F., _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, VIII., p. 218.
[424] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 572.
[425] Wood-Martin, W. G., _Pagan Ireland_, illustrations; Joyce, _op.
cit._ I., 675, 582.
[426] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 576, 582.
[427] Bollandists, _Acta Sanctorum_, p. 595; Lanigan, _Ecclesiastical
History of Ireland_, II., p. 464; Joyce, _op. cit._ I., p. 572.
[428] Flood, W. H. G., _op. cit._ pp. 7, 8.
[429] Flood, W. H. G., _op. cit._ p. 12.
[430] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 73.
[431] Zimmer, H., _ibid._
[432] Matthew, _History of Music_, cited by Flood, _op. cit._ p. 15.
[433] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 76.
[434] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 77.
[435] Flood, W. H. G., _op. cit._ p. 15.
[436] Flood, W. H. G., Article _Irish Music in Glories of Ireland_, p.
71.
[437] Schubiger, _Die Sängerschule St. Gallen_, p. 33; Flood, W. H. G.,
_History of Irish Music_, pp. 16–19; Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 573.
[438] Flood, W. H. G., Article _Irish Music_ in _Glories of Ireland_,
p. 771.
[439] See _Liber Hymnorum_, ed. by Atkinson and Bernard; also Stokes
and Strachan, _Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_, I., 298 _seq._
[440] Flood, W. H. G., Art. in _Glories of Ireland_, p. 72.
[441] Turner, Wm., _History of Philosophy_, p. 247. (Query: Is this the
same or a different commentary from that referred to by and attributed
to Bishop Donnchadh, by Flood?)
[442] Flood, W. H. G., _History of Irish Music_, pp. 19, 20.
[443] See Coffey, George, _Bronze Age in Ireland_, Plates II., V.,
VII., VIII., IX., X. and pp. 48, 49, 50.
[444] McKenna, James E. (Right Rev.), _Irish Art_, p. 7.
[445] McKenna, James E., _op. cit._ pp. 8, 9.
[446] Sullivan, Sir Edward, _The Book of Kells_, Introduction, p. 1.
[447] Westwood, John, _Palaeographia Sacra Pictoria_, quoted by
McKenna, James E., _op. cit._ pp. 20–21.
[448] Coffey, George, _Guide to the Celtic Antiquities of Christian
Ireland_, pp. 9, 10.
[449] Quoted by McKenna, James F., _op. cit._ p. 20, 21.
[450] Hartley, _Proceedings of the Royal Dublin Society_, N.S., IV.,
1885.
[451] See _Ireland: Industrial and Agricultural_, pp. 19, 20 for the
places where these materials are obtainable in Ireland.
[452] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., 561; Coffey, G., _Bronze Age_.
Illustration.
[453] Stokes, Wm., _Life of Petrie_, Chap. vii.
[454] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 561.
[455] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., pp. 560–563.
[456] Coffey, G., _Guide to Antiquities of Christian Ireland_.
Illustration.
[457] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 560.
[458] Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ I., p. 567.
[459] MacAlister, R. A. S., _Muiredach, Abbot of Monasterboice_
(890–923 A.D.). This work gives a detailed account of one of these
crosses at Monasterboice.
[460] Abelson, Paul, _The Seven Liberal Arts_, p. 64.
[461] Text in Migne, _Latin Patrology_, Vol. 90, Col. 294–578.
[462] Text in Migne, _Latin Patrology_, Vol. 107, Col. 669–727.
[463] See Abelson, Paul, _op. cit._ p. 90.
[464] Abelson, Paul, _op. cit._ p. 100; Turner, Wm., _Hist. of Phil._,
p. 257.
[465] Abelson, Paul, _op. cit._ p. 104.
[466] Abelson, Paul, _op. cit._ pp. 103–104.
[467] Abelson, Paul, _op. cit._ pp. 113–114.
[468] _De Nuptiis_, etc., Eyssenhardt ed. pp. 194–254.
[469] Text in Migne, Vol. 70, c. 1212–1216.
[470] Text in Migne, Vol. 82, c. 161–163.
[471] _Dictionary of National Biography_, Vol. I., p. 93.
[472] Maguire, Eugene, _Life of Adamnan_, p. 95.
[473] Chap. V., p. 69, Text and translation in _Proceedings of the
Royal Irish Academy_, 1883, pp. 219–252.
[474] See MacAlister, R. A. S., _Muiredach, Abbot of Clonmacnoise_,
where a copy of this map will be found.
[475] See Mullinger, J. B., _The Schools of Charles the Great_, p. 120,
for Alcuin’s silly explanations of astronomical phenomena.
[476] The Vernacular Studies would naturally be confined chiefly to the
schools situated in Ireland. It is possible that they were taught in
some of the schools in Scotland and in those schools on the Continent
which had Irish pupils. It might be remarked that some writers
attribute the early literary development of vernacular poetry in
Northern England to the example set by the Irish monks in using their
native tongue for poetry.
[477] Perhaps Clement, the successor of Alcuin at the Palace School,
should also be ranked as one of the greatest Irish scholars. It is
well known that he was a famous Greek scholar and is believed by many
to have been a much greater scholar than Alcuin, his rival in royal
favour. We have not yet succeeded in collecting sufficient evidence to
warrant his inclusion in the present connection.
[478] Lecky, _Rationalism in Europe_, III., p. 5.
[479] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element_, p. 62; Healy, John, _op. cit._ p.
369.
[480] Healy, John, _op. cit._ pp. 569–571.
[481] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 571.
[482] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element_, pp. 62–63.
[483] _Annals of the Four Masters_, I., sub anno 784 A.D.
[484] Published by Walckenaer, Paris, 1807; by Letronne in a more
critical edition, Paris, 1814; by Gustav Parthey, Berlin, 1870.
[485] _Dictionary of National Biography_, XV., pp. 48–49.
[486] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 283.
[487] _Dictionary of National Biography_, Vol. XV., pp. 49–50.
[488] Zimmer, H., _Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, pp. 55–56.
[489] Turner, Wm., _Catholic University Bulletin_, Vol. XIII., p. 396.
[490] Turner, Wm. _op. cit._ p. 396.
[491] _Poetae Aevi Carolini_, III., p. 691.
[492] In the _Valenciennes Codex_, 386, pp. 73–76, cited by Turner,
_ibid._
[493] Turner, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 395.
[494] Migne, _Pat. Lat._, Tom. 105, p. 477.
[495] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 383.
[496] Turner, W., _op. cit._ p. 392.
[497] Pertz, _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_, Leg. I., p. 249. Stokes,
Margaret, _Six Months in the Appenines_, App. VIII., p. 205. Muratori,
_Antiquitates Italicae_, Tom. III., Dissertatio, 43.
[498] Stokes, Margaret, _ibid._
[499] _Poetae Caroli_, I., pp. 396, 408, 411, 413, 429, 430, 511.
[500] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 392.
[501] Zimmer, H., _op. cit._ p. 11.
[502] Entitled _Dungali Responsa contra Perversae Claudii Taurinensis
Episcopi Sententias_.
[503] Cited by Lanigan in _Ecclesiastical History of Ireland_, III.,
Chap. XX.
[504] Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 391.
[505] Stokes, Margaret, _Six Months in the Appenines_, p. 213.
[506] For list see Miss Stokes, _op. cit._ pp. 296–297.
[507] Muratori, _Antiquitates Italicae_, Dissert. Tom. iii., col. 821.
[508] See Stokes, Margaret, _op. cit._ p. 216 for contents.
[509] About 90 of his poems are published by Traube, _Poetae Aev. Carl._
[510] See his tract _Artem Euticii Grammatici_ in Traube’s _O Roma
Nobilis_, p. 61, which shows a knowledge of Greek. Traube thinks it was
composed in Ireland.
[511] Montfaucon, _Pal. Graeca_, p. 235, describes the Greek Psalter
transcribed by Sedulius now No. 8047 in the Library at the Arsenale at
Paris.
[512] First published by Cardinal Mai in _Specilegium Romanus_; also by
Traube in _Quellen u. Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des
Mittelalters_; Teil I., Erstes Heft von S. Hellman, München, 1906, pp.
203, Zweites Heft Johannes Scottus von Edward Kennard Rand, München,
1906, p. 106.
[513] Turner, Book Review in _Cath. Univ. Bulletin_, xiii., p. 149.
[514] _Ibid._
[515] Traube, _O Roma Nobilis_; Turner, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 397.
[516] Baemker in _Jahrbuch für Philosophie und Spekulative Theologie_,
Band VII., p. 346, Bd. VIII., p. 222; Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 578.
[517] De Wülf, M., _History of Mediæval Philosophy_, p. 246.
[518] The Council of Eperny (846 A.D.) speaks of _Hospitalia
Scottorum_, “quae sancti homines illius gentis in hoc regno
construxerunt”; _Mon. Ger. Leg._ I., 390; Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ p.
15.
[519] Many believe that Eriugena was a layman.
[520] Flood, F. M., _Ireland: its Schools and Scholars_, pp. 94–95.
[521] Flood, F. M., _op. cit._ p. 95, where the above is quoted.
[522] Text of Eriugena’s works in Migne, _Pat. Lat._, Tom. 122, with
Preface by Gale and Schulter.
[523] In the Library of the British Museum, Harleian, 2506; Turner,
Wm., Art. _Irish Teachers in the Carolingian Revival_, _op. cit._
XIII., 256.
[524] Mullinger, J. B., _op. cit._ p. 171.
[525] De Wülf, Maurice, _History of Mediæval Philosophy_, English
translation by Dr. P. Coffey, p. 167.
[526] Turner, Wm., _History of Philosophy_, p. 257.
[527] De Wülf, M., _op. cit._ pp. 167–168.
[528] Turner, Wm., _op. cit._ p. 256.
[529] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ Tom. 122, _De Predestinatione_, I., 1.
[530] Erdman, _History of Philosophy_, English translation by Williston
S. Hough, Vol. I., p. 292.
[531] _De Divisione Naturae_, I., p. 69.
[532] _Ibid._, IV., p. 9.
[533] Turner, Wm., _loc. cit._ p. 249.
[534] _Ibid._
[535] Poole, Reginald Lane, _Illustration in the History of Mediæval
Thought_. See _Excurus on Visit to Greece_, Legend Examined, pp.
311–313.
[536] For numerous complimentary tributes see T. P. Nolan’s booklet
_Irish University and Culture_ in the Catholic Truth Society Series.
[537] Poole, Reginald Lane, _op. cit._ p. 14.
[538] Turner, Wm., Article _Irish Teachers in the Carolingian Revival_
in _Catholic University Bulletin_, Vol. XIII., pp. 579–580.
[539] Zimmer H., _The Irish Element in Mediæval Culture_, p. 130.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Early Irish Monastic Schools, by Hugh Graham