COURSE OF STUDIES
Perhaps the question of greatest interest to the student of the
history of Education of the Early Middle Ages is the character of
curriculum taught in the Irish Monastic Schools during the period
under investigation. Most writers have conveniently avoided all
reference to this question or they have contented themselves with
vague generalizations which may mean much or little in proportion to
the reader’s own familiarity with the history of the period. We are
told, for example, that the Irish monks were possessors of a higher
culture than was found elsewhere in Europe and that they taught all
the knowledge of their time. Such statements are not particularly
helpful. Dr. Joyce, however, has tried to be more explicit. Utilising
the materials brought to light through the publication of the Brehon
Laws and availing himself of the researches of O’Curry and other Irish
scholars, he has compiled[322] two Tables of Degrees and Subjects
of Study. In the first he gives the courses of study for Monastic
and Bardic Schools in parallel columns. This course appears to have
been carefully graded and extends over a period of twelve years. The
second table is quite different from the first. It is designated the
“Seven Grades or Orders of Wisdom.” The former scheme would seem to
have the students in view while the latter has reference mainly to the
professors or teachers of whom three of the lower grades, or orders,
were themselves learners. This shows that in the Irish schools the
functions of teaching and learning were closely related, and it often
happened that the same person was at one time under instruction of
the professors in the grades above him while at another time he was
employed in teaching junior scholars.
From an examination of these two schemes we feel justified in drawing
the following conclusions:
1. That the scheme of education was carefully graduated and extended
over a period of several years, probably from 7 to 26 years in the case
of monastic students and from 7 to 30 years for lay students.
2. The lay or bardic studies were limited originally to native secular
learning.
3. That the monastic course included both secular and religious
studies, that both Latin and the vernacular were used as a medium of
instruction, and that the study of native literature was not neglected.
4. That in the monastic school special attention was given to the study
of the Sacred Scriptures—both the Old and the New Testament.
5. That there would appear to have been more rote memory work in the
Bardic than in the Monastic school.
6. That there was frequent questioning and explanation in the Monastic
school.
7. That the degree of Ollamh or Doctor was reserved for those whose
learning was profound. That this great scholar was entitled to the
highest honour: when he visited the palace he had the privilege of
sitting in the banqueting-house with the king.
While we believe the above conclusions fully warranted, we confess
that many of the terms used in both schemes are either so vague or so
obscure that we do not feel satisfied that an adequate idea of the
course of study in the Irish monastic schools can be derived from
this source. We propose to supplement Dr. Joyce’s helpful but rather
meagre account by many additional facts which have been gleaned from an
examination of the acknowledged works of Irish writers of this period
and such references as are met with in the works of other writers.
We hope to show that the curriculum was a comparatively broad one,
including not only the study of the Sacred Scriptures with the
commentaries of the Greek and Latin Fathers, but also the study of
the pagan authors of Greece and Rome. Nor was the study of the Irish
language and literature neglected. Science in the modern sense of the
word was unknown, but as regards Geography, Computation, and Astronomy
the Irish Monastic Schools were quite as far advanced as any in Europe
and certainly far ahead of their neighbours. At least in the ninth
century philosophy and dialectic were eagerly studied. We shall have a
word to say about the Irish school of church music. Art too flourished,
especially the illumination of manuscripts, various ornamental forms of
metal work and stone-carving.
No doubt the primary aim of the Irish monastic school was the teaching
and study of Christian theology, but just as Christianity itself did
not mean the abolition but rather the fulfilment of Hebrew ideals and
traditions, so when Christianity was introduced into Ireland where an
ancient native culture was flourishing the new culture did not displace
the old but rather combined with it to form a new type of culture
which in course of time became at once both Irish and Christian.
In the schools everything that was not absolutely opposed to the
ideals of Christianity was utilised to enrich the course of study.
Thus the native laws, literature, music and art became the handmaid
of Christianity. The same liberal and enlightened conception of
education would explain the success with which the Irish monks pursued
the study of the pagan classics. The literary taste already acquired
through a study of native literature was entirely favourable to the
appreciation and enjoyment of the great authors of antiquity. Besides
the Christianity of the Irish monk was sufficiently robust to prevent
any of those scruples of conscience which were said to have haunted the
continental monk who loved his Virgil.[323] Indeed the stories in the
classics about gods and goddesses would be regarded by the Irish purely
from a literary and artistic standpoint and could have little religious
significance for them since there was little in common between the
paganism of Greece and Rome and such remnants of paganism as still
survived in Ireland. On the Continent the case was different, hence
the suspicion with which continental ecclesiastics regarded the study
of writings other than those of the Fathers and as they were ignorant
of Greek they had to confine themselves solely to the Latin Fathers.
Not so the Irish monks as we shall see later. Moreover, the anxiety
to obtain more perfect copies of the Scriptures was an additional
and perhaps more powerful incentive to the Irish monk to make himself
familiar with the classical forms of Greek and Latin.
If this is a correct interpretation of the educational situation
confronting the Irish monastic schools—and the evidence we shall
produce is overwhelming—then we shall see how unwarranted is the
statement of a recent writer[324] that the learning of the Irish
was wholly psalm-singing and theology—not the classics; and that
the _maiora studia_ referred to by Bede meant the Scriptures,—not
philosophy and literature.
STUDY OF THE SCRIPTURES:
We admit that the Scriptures were the great, but by no means the only,
subject of study.[325] As early as the fifth century the Irish poet
Sedulius wrote his _Carmen Pascale_ in which he recounts the chief
events of the Old and New Testament giving us “the first Christian epic
worthy of the name.”[326] The Psalms were learned by rote.[327] The
_Book of Armagh_ written by an Irish scribe and finished in 807 A.D.
contains the only complete copy of the New Testament which has come
down from the days of the Celtic Church.[328] The Old Testament must
have been well known judging from the many existing fragments with
glosses and scholia thereon in the handwriting of Irish scribes,[329]
not to speak of commentaries like that of Aileran The Wise (d. 665
A.D.)[330] and innumerable Scriptural references in the religious
literature of Ireland which is written both in the Gaelic and Latin
languages. Indeed so famous were the Irish monastic schools for
Scriptural studies that one of the causes which drew foreigners to the
Irish schools was the prospect of reading the Sacred Writings in the
MSS. so abundantly furnished through the untiring industry of the Irish
scribes. Among the more noteworthy visitors who came for this purpose
was Agilbert, a native of Gaul, who came in 650 A.D. to Ireland where
“he sojourned some time and read the Scriptures.”[331] On his return he
became bishop of the West Saxons, and later occupied the episcopal see
of Paris.[332] The Angle Egbert also spent some time in Ireland “as an
exile for Christ that he might study the Scriptures.”[333]
The religious education of the Irish monastery was not confined to the
singing of hymns and the recitation of psalms as has been asserted.
Indeed such exercises formed but a minor part in the monastic scheme.
The monks had advanced beyond this elementary stage long before they
came to the larger schools.[334] The sacred reading consisted in the
study and interpretation of the Bible.[335] Their aim was to search
for the spiritual sense and message of the great Book. The higher
criticism of these days was then unknown. The investigation of the
question of more or less enlightening dates, the details regarding
natural life and environment, as well as questions of authorship, the
history of particular books, as also all discussion of linguistic and
literary form were matters that were wisely left to later times. In
the _Interpretatio mystica progenitorum Christi_[336] of Aileran we
have an interesting example of a style of commentary which must have
been usual in the Irish schools of the seventh century. Aileran quotes
not only St. Jerome and St. Augustine but what is more remarkable he
cites Origen, the great genius of the Alexandrine school as well as
Philo, the Alexandrine Jew.[337] Aileran was not the only Irish monk
of the seventh century who showed ability and diligence in research.
We have a still more striking example in the case of Cummian Fada (d.
661). Cummian flourished during the years of the Paschal controversy.
About the year 630 A.D. a National Synod was held to discuss the
advisability of adopting the Roman method of calculating Easter.
There was a sharp difference of opinion and owing to insufficiency of
information it was necessary to suspend judgment. Cummian was requested
to investigate the matter. He tells us how he retired for a whole year
into the sanctuary of sacred study to examine as best he could the
testimonies of the Scriptures, the facts of history, and the nature of
the various cycles in use. The results of his year’s study he sums up
in his Epistle.[338] He quotes St. Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Cyprian
and St. Gregory on the unity of the Church. He then refers to the
cycles of Anatolius, Theophilus, Dionysius, Cyril, Morinus, Augustine,
Victorius, and Pachomius.[339] In other words his researches showed a
wonderful familiarity with the whole subject. In other fields, too, an
astonishing range of reading is noticeable; for example, Aengus in his
Felire[340] written about 800 A.D. cites Jerome, Ambrose and Eusebius
as well as “the countless hosts of the illuminated books of Erin.”
These examples would at least go to show that the Irish monks had an
intimate acquaintance with the writings of the Latin and Greek Fathers
but it still remains to be shown that the pagan classical authors were
studied.
STUDY OF THE LATIN CLASSICAL AUTHORS:
We have three sources of evidence that the writings of the great
classical writers were not neglected as has sometimes been asserted.
These sources are: 1, the numerous works of classical authors which
have been copied and preserved in the Irish monastic libraries
especially those of St. Gall in Switzerland and Bobbio in Italy; 2, the
marginal and interlinear glosses on various MSS. earlier than the tenth
century; 3, the quotations and imitations of classical writers which
are revealed by study of the actual writing of early Irish mediæval
writers.
In the section of Chapter V dealing with Irish libraries we discussed
fully the first source of evidence and pointed out the influence of
these libraries in late mediæval times. In more than one instance
we had occasion to refer to the glosses as exemplifying different
phases of intellectual activity in the Irish monastic school. Here
we would emphasise the fact that these glosses furnish another
objective proof that the Irish monks studied and taught the classics
as well as the writings of the Fathers. There is considerable variety
in the glosses. Generally they are in the nature of explanations
written usually in Irish or Latin but occasionally in Greek. They
consist mainly of explanations of obscure passages. They give various
historical, mythological, and archæological details. They contain
definitions, translations of individual words, free translations of
idiomatic expressions, illustrations of the correct use of certain
words, a summary of the observations of previous commentators and an
elucidation of obscure allusions. In short they contain all that varied
and supplementary matter which is essential when making an intensive
study of a difficult book. These notes were at once grammatical and
encyclopædic.[341]
A good example of this kind of work occurs in the _Codex Sangallensis_
containing one of the many copies of Priscian’s Grammar which were
written by Irish scribes. Traube has shown that it was written by
some of the friends of Sedulius (of Liège) and supposes that it was
copied in some Irish monastery and brought by wandering Irishmen to
the Continent. The text is in different hands. The glosses too are
in different hands from those which wrote the Latin text. At least
three different hands are distinguished. The authorities relied upon
by the glossators are: Origen, Isidore, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory,
Hilary, Primascius, Virgilius, Ambrosius, Boethius, Cassianus,
Dionysius, Thrax, Gaudentius, Baeda, Orascius, Cicero (not the orator,
but an obscure grammarian), Hieronymus, Lactantius, Maximianus,
Papirinus, Polibius, Medicus, and Probus.[342] The very fact of
being familiar with such an array of grammarians and authors is
enough to justify Sedulius (at Liège 840–860 A.D.) in describing
himself and his fellow-countrymen as _docti grammatici_.[343] One
of them wrote a treatise on the Art of Versification, _Tractus de
Metrica Ratione_,[344] which Zimmer styles a grammatical treatise
of importance.[345] Clement (d. 826 A.D.) who succeeded Alcuin as
Instructor to the Imperial Court of Charles the Great,[346] _magister
palatinus_ as he was called, wrote a grammatical work[347] which is
famous for its erudition and for the wide range of reading which it
shows, especially interesting is his reference to the Greeks “who are
our masters in all branches of learning.”[348]
These grammatical treatises were much more than books on formal
grammar. They dealt with the principles of rhetoric and the art of
versification and when enriched by commentaries they must have occupied
a prominent place in the educational literature of their own as well
as of the succeeding centuries; for we should remember that in those
days scholars were inclined to supplement existing works by adding
commentaries rather than to attempt anything along original lines.
However, many of the Irish monks were accomplished scholars and authors
as well as commentators. In this connection many names might be cited,
one of the most versatile being Sedulius who taught at Liège from
840 to 860 A.D.[349] Besides writing commentaries on the Scriptures,
a grammatical treatise, and a work on the theory of government, he
composed numerous poems of much merit.[350] With Sedulius we might
rank Donatus (824–874 A.D.), bishop of Fiesole, who was also a poet.
Among his poems there is one in which he gives a beautiful description
of Ireland and shows that he has a high ideal of the mission of his
race. He describes himself as _Scottorum sangine creatus_ and tells
how he united the duties of bishop to those of teacher of grammar and
poetry.[351]
Such varied activities as copying and glossing the writings of
classical authors, teaching poetry, and writing treatises on grammar
are sufficient to suggest that the literary interests of the Irish
monks extended beyond psalm-singing and a study of the writings of
the Fathers. Even if their primary interest was the study of the
Scriptures this very interest created a need for an abundance of
correct texts. This naturally led to a careful study of orthography
and the production of treatises on grammar in the broad sense in which
we have defined the term. Possibly at first the rudiments of grammar
were all that was necessary, but as Mr. Roger so aptly remarks,[352]
“l’émulation créée par l’expansion du monachisme, la hardiesse et la
curiosité naturelles des Irlandais, le désir d’approcher de plus en
plus la pensée divine en pénétrant le sens d’Écriture, le goût pour
l’étude qui n’était pas une nouveauté en Irlande, les entraînent au
delà de ces éléments.” Thus having surmounted preliminary difficulties
it was but natural that they whose literary taste had been developed by
the study of their vernacular literature should not hesitate to study
the classical authors. There was no fear of the return of paganism;
to the Irish the Greek and Latin deities made no appeal. As they were
not likely to sacrifice their faith to pagan rhetoric there was no
necessity to confine themselves to rustic Latin as was the custom with
the early Christians on the Continent who were daily drawing farther
and farther away from correct classical forms. Hence _a priori_ there
are many reasons why we should expect to find traces of the classics in
the writings of the Irish monks. This view is confirmed by an actual
analysis of the existing works of writers of this period.
In the case of the prose works which we have mentioned the more or
less technical nature of the subject did not afford scope for the
cultivation of a classical style. What was essential was a lucid
exposition of the thought-content expressed in clear, correct,
intelligible language and this they undoubtedly possessed.[353]
With poetry, however, the case was different. Here naturally enough
we find clear traces of the influence of the classical poets, and
even in the prose of Irish scholars this same influence is often
noticeable. Virgil in particular would appear to have been a special
favourite. In this connection it is significant to find Old Irish
seventh century glosses on the scholia of Iunius Philargyrius on the
Bucolics.[354] Adamnan (624–704 A.D.) knew Virgil well. In his _Vita
Sancti Columbae_, as Reeves has pointed out, there is clear evidence
that he was familiar with the Georgics.[355] Roger has found traces
of both the Georgics and the Aeneid as well as allusions to the
authors Plautus and Suetonius.[356] Indeed it has been rigorously
established that the extracts from Philargyrius already referred to
are the work of no other than Adamnan himself.[357] Muirchu who
wrote the _Memoirs of St. Patrick_, in obedience to the command of
Bishop Aed of Sletty (d. 698 A.D.) was inspired by Virgil and perhaps
by Apollonius of Rhodes.[358] Columbanus (540–615 A.D.) was in many
ways the most striking figure of his time. We have referred to the
success of his missionary work.[359] As a classical scholar he was
no less remarkable. He did not arrive on the Continent until he was
fifty[360] years old and as his life there was filled with missionary
work his scholarship must be considered as representative of the
Bangor school where he spent so many years of his life as a student
and a teacher. Columbanus arrived in Gaul about twenty years before
the death of Gregory of Tours. But, as a distinguished French author
remarks, it is sufficient to glance at the writings of Columbanus
to recognise immediately their marvellous superiority over those of
Gregory, or of the Gallo-Romans of his time.[361] He wrote an ode in
Adonic verse which abounds in apt classical allusions.[362] In his
poetry he imitated or cited Horace and Virgil and he has at least one
quotation from the satires of Juvenal. Gundlach who submitted both the
prose writings and the poetical Epistolae of Columbanus to a careful
investigation, discovered in them quotations from, or reminiscences
of, Persius, Virgil, Horace, Sallust, Ovid, Juvenal, as well as of the
Christian poets Juvencus, Prudentius and Ausonius.[363] The familiarity
with the writings of the classical authors so noticeable in the case of
Columbanus is by no means an isolated phenomenon. A period spent in a
continental library in exploring the collection of mediæval MSS. seldom
fails to be rewarded by the discovery of additional writings of Irish
scholars.[364] Thus in recent years Traube found in a MS. in Florence
verses[365] composed by an abbot named Cellanus who has been identified
with Cellach or Cellanus, the abbot of Peronne who succeeded Ultan, the
brother of St. Fursey. Cellanus (d. 706 A.D.) is supposed to be the
anonymous monk who wrote a letter to Aldhelm in which the educational
influence of Irish scholars in England is referred to.[366] Cellanus,
like his contemporary Adamnan, is familiar with Virgil;[367] while
Cadoc, a student of Lismore, is said to have known Virgil by rote.[368]
We might give many more instances showing the continuity of Irish
classical scholarship during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries,
but enough have been given to appreciate the tribute of Kerr when he
says:[369] “The Latin education in Ireland began earlier and was better
maintained than in other countries. The English and Teutonic nations
received instruction from the Irish, and that not only at the beginning
of their studies: Irish learning did not exhaust itself in missionary
work and was not merged in the progress of its German pupils; it kept
its vivifying power through many generations, and repeated in the ninth
century the good works of the fifth, again contributing fresh material
and a still rarer spirit of inquiry to the common erudition of the
Continent.”
That the classical learning carried back into Gaul by the Irish monks
did not immediately produce any very encouraging results can be largely
accounted for by the disturbed social conditions. The rivalries and
weakness of the Merovingian kings prolonged the period of disorder
and violence. Besides, according to Jonas,[370] the negligence of the
bishops consequent on the troubled situation was as culpable as the
frequency of wars for the decay of religion. Hence the activities of
the Irish monks were naturally directed partly at least into other
channels in trying to bring about a reform in the morals of the people.
To quote Roger:[371] “Tandis que saint Benoît trace, avec sérénité, un
plan complet de la vie monastique, saint Columban oppose a la violence
des vices, dans une société corrompue, la violence dans la penitence;
il trace un plan d’attaque où il met toute la fouge de son caractère.
La vertu de la religion était presque abolie; il s’efforce de la
ranimer et de rendre à la foi l’efficacité qu’elle avait perdue.”
Under the enlightened policy of Charlemagne there was a distinct
improvement in the social condition of the people, but the part
played by the Irish monks during the seventh and eighth centuries in
helping to bring about the moral regeneration of the people must not
be overlooked; for even though this aspect of their work lies outside
our present study, we cannot completely ignore those social factors
which delayed the realization of a literary renaissance until the
ninth century. Whether or not the efforts of Charlemagne “resulted
in a revival of learning far more important in its consequences than
that which is known as _the_ Renaissance”[372] it can no longer be
questioned that “during the reign of Charlemagne and his immediate
successors the chief share of the literary revival which belongs to
that period and is known as the Carolingian Renaissance fell to the
Irish teachers in Frankland, and if we except Alcuin, Rhabanus and
Fredegis, the men who founded that educational system to which the
latter Middle Ages owe everything and the modern world more than it
generally acknowledges were Irishmen.”[373]
STUDY OF GREEK IN EARLY MEDIÆVAL IRELAND:
Having shown that there was an unbroken tradition of classical Latin
learning in early mediæval Ireland, having examined the scope and
character of that learning and noted its influence in the history of
European education, we may fittingly examine the position which Greek
occupied in the curriculum of Irish monastic schools. The traditional
belief that the study of Greek was pursued in these schools cannot
be accepted without investigation in view of the doubts raised by
such scholars as Manitius, Roger, and Esposito in recent years.[374]
The most important objection raised by these writers is that the
evidence is insufficient to justify the claim that the Irish schools
possessed a knowledge of Greek prior to the ninth century. Even in
the ninth century Esposito will allow the Irish schools no credit
for Greek scholarship. According to this writer men like Johannes
Scottus Eriugena learned Greek from the books which they found on the
Continent, especially in Gaul. We might retort that these assertions
require more proof than has been advanced on their behalf, that these
conclusions derive no support from the authorities adduced by Esposito
as evidence, and that the views expressed by him are contradicted by
the contemporary evidence contained in the well-known passage from Eric
the Auxerre.[375]
We believe, however, that the knowledge of Greek for which the Irish
schools have been given credit can be established to the satisfaction
of the unbiased, just as we have demonstrated the fact that classical
Latin was cultivated. In attempting to prove that Greek studies were
pursued we are confronted with a difficulty which we did not encounter
in our investigation of the question of classical Latin. An examination
of the actual writings of Irish scholars who flourished during the
sixth, seventh and eighth centuries revealed numerous quotations from,
and reminiscences of classical Latin authors, thus we had incontestable
evidence of an intimate acquaintance with classical Latin. In studying
Greek the aim was not, as in case of Latin, to acquire a new medium
of expression, consequently its study would be conducted on different
lines. The necessity for such a knowledge existed nevertheless. The
great object of study being the Scriptures,[376] the aim of the whole
course of study was to prepare men’s minds for the “Lectio Divina,”
their one great science to which all the other “disciplinae” were but
auxiliaries. It is therefore but reasonable to suppose that the Irish
monks were impelled towards a study of Greek, a knowledge of which was
so necessary in studying the Scriptures. This view is corroborated
by an examination of native Irish sources. Thus Dallan Forgal in his
eulogy of Colmcille (composed c. 576 A.D.) says: “Atgaill grammataig
greic,” that is, “he taught Greek Grammar.”[377] The early glossaries
swarm with Greek words quoted for etymological purposes.[378] The hymns
in the _Antiphonary_ of Bangor contain numerous Greek words.[379]
Indeed, the charms of the Greek language had such a fascination for
Irish writers that many of them had developed a pedantic turn as early
as the seventh century.[380] Zimmer has pointed out the Greek of these
early writers was not merely bookish learning but a living speech.[381]
Meyer’s tabulation of the peculiarities in the transcription of Greek
as practised by Irish writers confirms the accuracy of Zimmer’s
observation.[382] We are informed that a Greek taught Mosinu MacCuimin
“the art of computation.”[383] Keller gives numerous examples of
Hiberno-Greek characters.[384] In an eighth century MS. of Adamnan’s
_Vita Sancti Columbae_ there are many instances which suggest that
the Greek and Roman characters, as written by the Irish scribes,
mutually affected each other and gave the Irish alphabet especially
in the capitals that peculiar character which distinguishes it from
all others.[385] In the _Book of Armagh_ written about 807 A.D. there
are several Greek words and the Lord’s Prayer is written in Greek
characters.[386] In the glosses on Priscian’s Grammar Greek words and
phrases are explained by Irish equivalents and we note a familiarity
with the rules of Greek grammar.[387] The most remarkable evidence
is that of Aldhelm[388] who in a letter to Eahfrid fresh from the
Irish schools finds fault with him for having gone to the “didasculi
Argivi” of that country instead of staying in England where Theodore
of Tarsus and Hadrian of Nisida[389] had introduced Greek studies. It
is significant that this letter of Aldhelm’s abounds in Hellenisms
to a greater extent than any of his other writings, his object being
apparently to impress Eahfrid with the Greek learning to be obtained in
England.
We have referred to a common practice of the Irish monks, viz., the
making of marginal and interlinear glosses in which were explained
Latin, Greek and even sometimes Hebrew words and expressions by Irish
equivalents. They also compiled lists of Irish words which were
considered difficult or obsolete at the time the glosses were written.
These words were explained by giving their more modern equivalents.
Frequently the meaning was given in Latin and Greek also. The most
famous glosses of this class are Cormac’s[390] and O’Mulconry’s
glosses.[391] Dr. Hyde describes[392] Cormac’s glossary “as by far
the oldest attempt[393] at a comparative vernacular dictionary made
in any language of modern Europe. The king-bishop (Cormac, d. 903
A.D.) was a most remarkable man and an excellent scholar. He appears
to have known Latin, Greek, Hebrew and Danish and to have been one of
the finest old Gaelic scholars of his day and withal an accomplished
poet.” In the library of St. Paul in Lavanthale (Steyermark) there is
a MS. full of extracts written by an Irish monk. It contains Irish
poems of the eighth century, Latin hymns, the commencement of a
commentary on Virgil, a treatise on astronomy, _Greek declensions and
paradigms as well as a Greek vocabulary_.[394] The Greek Creed was
sung in the churches of St. Gallen.[395] Under the title _Proverbia
Graecorum_ there is a collection of sayings translated by some Irish
scholar from Greek into Latin before the seventh century.[396] In the
eighth century Boniface brings Clement the Irishman to task for not
accepting the teaching of the Latin Fathers Jerome, Augustine and
Gregory, just as a century later Scottus Eriugena was charged with
being inclined too much to the Greek Fathers and with under-rating the
Latin Fathers.[397] In the library of Laon there is a MS. written by
an Irish scribe between the years 850–900 A.D. This MS. contains two
glossaries in the Greek and Latin languages with occasional passages
in the Irish language. It also contains a Greek grammar.[398] It is
believed that the _Hermeneumata_ of the Pseudo-Dositheus, a text used
by Roman boys in studying Greek, as well as the work of Macrobius were
only saved for the afterworld because they were used by the Irish.[399]
The interlinear Latin versions of Greek texts are of exclusively Irish
origin.[400] In the department of Biblical study Zimmer recalls two
important examples: the Gospel Codex of St. Gallen written in Greek
with a Latin translation and the Codex Boernerianus, now in Dresden,
which contains the Epistles of St. Paul in Greek together with an
interlinear Latin version. Both belong to the ninth century.[401]
These various examples of a knowledge of Greek and of the necessary
materials for teaching it, such as grammars, paradigms, vocabularies
and glosses, as well as interlinear translations clearly point to
the conclusion that Greek was taught in the Irish monastic schools of
the seventh and eighth centuries. In our next chapter when we come to
examine the scope of Irish scholarship, the knowledge of Greek will
be so evident in the case of the great ninth century scholars like
Sedulius of Liège, Dungal of Pavia, Clement the successor of Alcuin
at the Palace School and Scottus Eriugena that it is unnecessary to
discuss the matter further at present. The question as to where these
scholars got their classical training can be answered best by saying
that they got it in the monastic schools of Ireland where we have shown
that the classical tradition was unbroken from at least as early as the
sixth century, possibly a century or two earlier.[402]
De Jubainville declares that in the ninth century the Irish scholars
were the only persons in Western Europe who knew Greek.[403] Traube
claims that in the time of Charles the Bald at least the Irish were the
sole representatives of Greek scholarship: “they could read and write
Greek, they could transcribe it, nay, they even ventured occasionally
to make Greek verses.”[404] Anyone who in the time of Charles the Bald
was credited with a knowledge of Greek was, according to Traube, an
Irishman, or had learned it from an Irishman, or his reputation for
Greek scholarship was a fraud.[405] It is significant that the copy of
the work of Dionysius the Areopagite, which Pope Paul had presented to
King Pippin had to wait for an Irishman, Johannes Scottus Eriugena, to
translate it for Charles the Bald.[406]
That a knowledge of Greek was indispensable for a study of the
Scriptures would in itself be sufficient to account for the study of
Greek in the Irish monastic schools. A further reason for the Irish
love of Greek has been suggested by several writers. Michelet says:
“Le génie celtique, qui est celui de l’individualité, sympathise
profondément avec le génie grec.”[407] As we have pointed out, the
Greek views in philosophy and theology appealed in an especial
manner to Irish scholars of this period. According to Healy, “the
Irish mind, like the Greek, has a natural love for speculation, is
quick, subtle, and far-seeing, has greater power of abstraction and
generalization—that is, greater metaphysical power than the phlegmatic
Anglo-Saxon.”[408] We venture no opinion as to whether this proposition
will stand a critical examination but would merely record the fact
that other able writers when dealing with this period have also
discerned much in common between the Hellenic and the Celtic mind.
Mullinger notes “a certain speculative, outlooking quality certainly
not very apparent in the school of York.”[409] Cardinal Newman declares
that as Rome was the centre of authority in these ages so Ireland was
the native home of speculation; while contrasting the English scholars
with the Irish he says: “The Englishman was hardworking, plodding,
bold, determined, persevering, obedient to law and precedent, and if
he cultivated his mind he was literary rather than scientific. In
Ireland, on the other hand, the intellect seems to have taken the line
of science and we have various instances to show how fully this was
recognised. ‘Philosopher’ in these times is almost synonymous with
‘Irish Monk’.”[410] It was this characteristic of the Irish monks
Renan[411] had in mind when he spoke of them as “les colonisateurs
scientifiques d’Europe occidentale.”
A further resemblance, and one of a less promising character, may be
traced in the predilection shown by both the Greek and the Gael for
questions which admitted a display of dialectical subtlety. It was
this feature which arrested the attention of Benedict of Aniane and
aroused his dislike for the Irish theologians. They were distinguished,
he tells us, for syllogistic mystification. “Apud modernos scholasticos
maxime apud Scottos iste syllogismus delusionis.”[412] Mullinger
tells us that they would sometimes amuse themselves by interrogating
some stolid representative of orthodoxy, and compel him as a logical
sequence of his replies, to admit the existence of three Gods or
to disavow his belief in the Trinity.[413] This typically national
characteristic of adding a humorous touch to a profound but dry
metaphysical discussion has for us a deep human interest, though it
was undoubtedly embarrassing to learned and solemn opponents who could
neither understand, nor sympathise with, the rather subtle and complex
Irish temperament.
It has also been remarked that this tendency to speculation led the
Irish to admire the work of Martianus Capella whose volume was a sealed
book to the school of York; while in the three great monasteries of
Luxeuil, St. Gall, and Bobbio numerous MSS. in the original Irish
character (Scottice scripta) of Origen and other Greek Fathers remained
to attest the more inquiring spirit in which the studies of their
communities were pursued. Thanks to his Greek studies and his natural
mental attitude the Irish Theologian became a better astronomer as
well as a better dialectician.[414]
MUSIC:
Music constituted an important element in Irish culture both in pagan
and in Christian times. Hectateus, the great geographer quoted by
Diodorus, is the first who mentions the name Celt and he describes
the Celts of Ireland as singing songs in praise of Apollo and playing
melodiously on the harp (c. 500 B.C.).[415] Native Irish literature
abounds in reference to music and musicians who were always spoken
of in terms of the highest respect. Everywhere through these ancient
records we find evidence that the Irish people both high and low were
passionately fond of music. It entered into their daily lives and
formed a part of their amusements and celebrations of every kind.[416]
Zeuss in his _Grammatica Celtica_ (1853) was the first to give the
key to the nature of the musical instruments used in ancient Ireland.
The references to music given by Zeuss were taken from glosses dating
from 650 A.D. to 900 A.D. and written by the Irish monks of St. Gall.
O’Curry,[417] Joyce,[418] and Flood[419] have followed up the work of
Zeuss, so we have now a fairly clear idea of the state of musical
culture during the period under investigation. Flood gives the names
of twelve different instruments in use and of nine professional names
of the performers.[420] It is not without significance that the harp
is the national symbol. There are references to the harp in Irish
literature probably as early as the fifth century.[421] O’Curry was so
impressed with the many evidences he found of a high degree of musical
culture that he could not restrain his enthusiasm. He says: “If ever
there was a people gifted with a musical soul and sensibility in a
higher degree than another I would venture to assert that the Ancient
Gaedhil of Ireland were that people.”[422]
The monks were no exception to their fellow-countrymen in their love of
music, consequently in Christian times music was intimately connected
with public worship.[423] In the early ages of the Church many of the
Irish ecclesiastics took delight in playing the harp and in order to
indulge this innocent and refining taste they were wont to take with
them a small portable harp when going from place to place.[424] Figures
of men playing the harp are common on the stone crosses seen at Graig,
Ullard, Clonmacnoise, Durrow and Monasterboice, as also on the shrines
of ancient reliquaries.[425] It appears from several authorities that
the practice of playing on the harp as an accompaniment to the voice
was common in Ireland as early as the fifth or sixth century.[426]
During the long period when learning flourished Irish professors and
teachers of music would seem to have been quite as much in request as
teachers of literature and philosophy. In the middle of the seventh
century Gertrude (daughter of Pepin, Mayor of the Palace) when abbess
of Niville in Belgium engaged Foillan and Ultan brothers of St. Fursey
to instruct her nuns in Psalmody.[427] It has been asserted that
Gregorian chant coloured much of the music of Ireland from the fifth to
the eighth century, but Gregorian chant dates only from 593 A.D. and,
as Flood pointed out, both the psalmody and the hymnody of the Irish
were distinctly Celtic in the first half of the seventh century and
were mainly adaptations of the old pre-Christian melodies.[428]
The musical fame of St. Gall monastery in Switzerland is known to
many, but the fact is often ignored that its foundation in 612 A.D.
is due to the Irish saint Cellach whose name has been latinised
Gallus or Gall. St. Gall was a student of the monastery of Bangor
(in Co. Down, Ireland) and the friend and pupil of Columban whom
he accompanied to the Continent. When St. Gall died in 645 A.D.
the fame of his music school had spread far and near.[429] In the
year 870 A.D. Moengal, another Irishman, was appointed headmaster
of the Music School of St. Gall and under his rule it became “the
wonder and delight of Europe.”[430] Moengal laboured for ten years
on behalf of the school. It should be added that Moengal was also
learned in theology and secular sciences. “Erat in divinas et humanis
eruditissimus.”[431] The copying of music became such a feature of the
work done at St. Gall that “the scribes of this monastery supplied all
Germany with manuscript books of the Gregorian Chant, all beautifully
illuminated.”[432] Moengal gave music its highest place amongst
the arts and the school of St. Gall reached its highest perfection
under three of Moengal’s pupils, Ratpert, Notker and Tuotilo.[433]
In Zimmer’s opinions there were very few men who exercised such a
beneficent influence over Germany in the ninth century as did Moengal
and his successors.[434]
Moengal was succeeded in 890 A.D. by Tuathal (latinised Tuotilo and
sometimes Tutilo), his pupil and fellow-countryman. Tuotilo (d. 915
A.D.) was even more famous than his master and was not only a skilled
musician but was famed as a poet, orator, painter, goldsmith, builder
and sculptor. We are told that he was a skilled performer on the cruit
and psaltery. Père Schubiger published many of the _tropes_ composed
by Tuotilo. Flood assures us that two of these _Hodie Cantandus_ and
_Omnipotens Genator_ betray the well-known characteristics of Irish
music.[435] Tuotilo also composed the famous farced _Kyrie, Fons
Bonitatis_, included in the Vatican collection of Kyriale.[436]
Another famous pupil of Moengal’s was Notker or Notker Balbulus the
author of a valuable collection of hymns known as _Liber Ymnorum
Notkeri_ which was illuminated by an Irish artist. Notker shed undying
lustre on the school of St. Gall and was one of the most celebrated
musicians of the Middle Ages.[437]
St. Gall was not the only monastery of Irish origin in which the study
of music was pursued with success. Indeed, the musical influence of
the Irish monks was felt over the whole west of Europe wherever their
monasteries were established, not only in Ireland and Scotland but
also throughout a large part of England, France, Belgium, Germany,
Italy and Austria.[438]
Hymnologists are more or less familiar with the hymns composed by
Irish poets such as Sedulius, Dungal and Moengal, and by saints like
Sechnall, Columba, Molaise, Cuchuimne, Columban, Ultan, Colman,
Cummian, Aengus, Fiacc, Brodan, Sanctan and Moelisu.[439]
Thus did the Irish monks both by their teaching and by their writings
promote the cultivation of music in a very practical way. Nor was the
theoretical aspect of music neglected. Donnchadh, an Irish bishop of
the ninth century, who died abbot of Remigius, wrote a commentary on
the work of Martianus Capella, a well-known volume on the “Liberal
Arts,” a section of which treats of music. The greatest of his
contemporaries, Johannes Scottus Eriugena, in his famous philosophical
work _De Divisione Naturae_, written in 867 A.D. expounds _organum_
or _discant_ a hundred years before the appearance of _Scholia
Enchiriadis_ and _Musica Enchiriadis_.[440] He also wrote a commentary
on _Martianus Capella_ which is now in a Paris MS. of the ninth
century.[441]
Summarising the history of Irish music prior to the close of the ninth
century Flood says:[442] “The Irish were acquainted with the Ogam
music tablature in pre-Christian ages; they had battle marches, dance
tunes, folk songs, chants and hymns in the fifth century; they were the
earliest to adopt the neums or neumatic notation for the plain chant
of the Western Church; they modified and introduced Irish melodies
into the Gregorian Chant; they had an intimate acquaintance with the
diatonic scale long before it was perfected by Guido of Arezzo. They
were the first to employ harmony and counterpoint; they had quite an
array of bards and poets; they employed blank verse, elegiac rhymes,
consonant, assonant, inverse, burthen, dissyllabic, trisyllabic, and
quadrisyllabic rhymes, not to say anything of the caoines, laments,
elegies, metrical romances, etc.; they had a world-famed school of
harpers, and finally they diffused musical knowledge over Europe.”
ART:
A lengthy discussion of the subject of Irish art lies outside the scope
of our present study. We shall therefore content ourselves with making
a rapid survey of some of its more characteristic features and with
noting the part played by the monastic schools in its development and
cultivation.
In the first chapter it was pointed out that there was a native art
in Ireland before the introduction of Christianity and that the pagan
Irish exhibited considerable artistic skill in their bronze, silver,
gold, and enamel work as the specimens still preserved in our museums
go to prove. From the pagan period we have numerous torques, gorgets,
lunulae and other articles of personal adornment. These show that the
pagan artist possessed both skill and taste in a high degree.[443]
The character of the arts introduced into Ireland with Christianity
was therefore grafted upon and modified by the native arts while new
variations in design were introduced from the Continent by missionaries
and foreign artists that came to Ireland. Thus art as practised in
early Christian Ireland was no slavish imitation of foreign art but
rather a development of native art whose progress was upward from the
introduction of Christianity in the fourth and fifth century until the
Norman invasion in the twelfth.[444]
CHARACTERISTICS OF IRISH ART:
The chief characteristics of Irish art are:
1. A symmetrical interlacement of a band or bands into a variety of
patterns.
2. The graceful divergence of lines into trumpet forms.
3. The coiling of one or two very fine lines into mysterious spirals a
lengthened examination of which has a weirdly fascinating effect on the
eye.
4. A total disregard for the comforts of animal life, the bodies and
members being twisted and distorted to suit the convenience of the
artist.
5. The human figure is frequently introduced, but it is subjected to
the rigidity of the curved lines noticeable in the interlacings and
spirals. Herein Irish art, which is primarily _ornamental_, differs
from classic art, which is _representative_. The Irish artist aimed
at symmetry and hence the right side of the face is generally a
reproduction of the left.
6. In nearly all the art of the period under consideration the ground
is divided into panels, or geometrical compartments—an arrangement
whereby the artist whether working on vellum, metal, leather or stone
was free to introduce any of the foregoing characteristics without
marring the harmony and uniformity of the design.[445]
Irish art attained its highest excellence in four branches, namely,
writing and illumination of manuscripts, metal work and stone carving.
In a previous chapter were discussed the characteristics of the Irish
style of handwriting and the part played by the monastic schools in its
development so we pass on to consider the other three departments of
art work.
ILLUMINATION:
Shortly after the Irish monks became skilled penmen they began to
illuminate their books with brilliant colours which they learned
to combine into elaborate and harmonious designs. This art reached
its most perfect stage of development at the close of the eighth or
beginning of the ninth century. The monks were wont to lavish all
the wealth of their artistic skill on books containing the whole
or portions of the Holy Scriptures. As instances of this style of
illuminated MSS. the _Psalter of ColmCille_, the _Book of Dimma_,
the _Book of Armagh_, and, above all, the _Book of Kells_ should be
mentioned. While each of these books has many merits the book which has
compelled the admiration yet defied the imitation of every European
artist is the _Book of Kells_. Describing this venerable volume which
was written and illuminated about the middle of the ninth century, Sir
Edward O’Sullivan writes as follows:[446] “Its weird and commanding
beauty; its subdued and goldless colouring; the baffling intricacy
of its fearless designs; the clean unwavering sweep of rounded
spiral; the creeping undulations of serpentine forms that writhe in
artistic profusion throughout the mazes of its decorations; the strong
and legible minuscule of the text; the quaintness of its striking
portraiture; the unwearied reverence and patient labour which brought
it into being, all of which combined to make the _Book of Kells_,
have raised this ancient volume to a position of abiding pre-eminence
amongst the illuminated MSS. of the world.”
Other artists are equally emphatic in their praises of the work of
Irish artists during the period under consideration.
Westwood writes: “Ireland may justly be proud of the _Book of
Kells_.... At a period when the fine arts may be said to be almost
extinct in Italy and other parts of the Continent, nearly from the
fifth to the end of the eighth century, the art of ornamenting MSS. had
a perfection almost miraculous in Ireland.... The invention and skill
displayed, the neatness, precision, and delicacy far surpass all that
is found in MSS. executed by Continental artists.”[447]
Referring to the interlaced style of ornament introduced in the
seventh and eighth century Coffey[448] informs us that this new style
with all its intricacy was brought to a marvellous perfection in the
Irish monastic schools. The same writer further assures us that the
Irish MSS. (with which he would class the Hiberno-Saxon MSS. in the
production of which the Irish scribes took such important a part)
admittedly stand in quite the first place among early MSS. for the
excellence of their penmanship and illustrations.
As showing that the Irish style of art had more than a local influence
the testimony of another art critic, Mr. Digby Wyatt, is worth quoting.
He says: “In close connection with the Irish church existed a school
of art remarkable for its sense of the graceful and grotesque, and for
its superiority in point of ornamental design to any other style of the
same period. That its influence extended much farther than is generally
supposed would appear certain, and not only did Scotland, Wales,
Cornwall, the North of England and Scandinavia adopt its peculiar
system of ornament, but some of the MSS. in the libraries of Europe are
now discovered to have emanated from this school.”[449]
The colours of the _Book of Kells_ are remarkably well preserved after
a lapse of one thousand years. Professor Hartley[450] a few years
ago submitted the pigments to a careful examination and discovered
the materials of which the colours are most probably compounded. He
reported as follows: “The black is lampblack, or possibly fishbone
black; the bright red is realgar (arsenic disulphide As_{2}S_{2})
the yellow, orpiment (arsenic tersulphide As_{2}S_{3}); the emerald
green, malachite; the deep blue possibly lapis lazuli, but owing to
its transparency when overlying green more likely not so. The reddish
purple is either finely ground glass obtained from a solution of gold,
or a preparation which was obtained by the action of a solution of tin
and was very expensive. The other colours are neutral green like burnt
sienna, a pale blue, and lilac.”[451]
ART METAL WORK:
We have referred to the fact that the pagan Irish were skilled
workmen in metal. This class of work received a new impetus with the
introduction of Christianity. The pre-Christian craftsmen exercised
their skill in ornamenting shields, swords, sword-hilts, chariots,
brooches, bridles, etc. as we learn from the specimens that are
preserved in our museums.[452] In addition to articles of this class
the Christian artists, the majority of whom were ecclesiastics,[453]
made crosses, croziers, chalices, shrines to hold books or relics as
well as book satchels in which both metal and leather were used.[454]
Specimens of these may be seen in the National Museum, Dublin.[455]
For real artistic skill the most admired specimens are the Ardagh
Chalice, the Tara Brooch, and the Cross of Cong.[456] The designs and
styles of ornament used by the metal workers were similar to those of
the artists who illuminated the MSS. Artistic skill in metal work was
brought to its highest degree of excellence in the tenth and eleventh
centuries and continued to flourish until about the end of the twelfth
century, but gradually declined after that date owing to the general
disorganization of society consequent on the Norman invasion.[457]
STONE CARVING:
The skill of the Irish artists in stone carving is seen at its best in
the great stone crosses of which about 55 remain in different parts of
Ireland. One peculiarity of the Irish (or Celtic) Cross is the circular
ring round the intersections, thus binding the arms together. This
peculiar form was developed in Ireland and, once developed, remained
fixed from the eighth to the twelfth century. Of the 55 great crosses
35 are richly ornamented and eight have inscriptions bearing names of
persons who have been identified as living at various dates from 904 to
1150 A.D.[458]
The crosses have a style of ornamentation similar to that of the
manuscripts and of the metal work. In addition to the ornamentation
most of the crosses have groups of figures representing various
events in Sacred History, such as, The Fall of Man, Noah in the Ark,
The Sacrifice of Isaac, The Fight of David and Goliath, The Arrest
of Our Lord, The Crucifixion, The Crucifixion of St. Peter (head
downward), Eve Presenting the Apple to Adam, The Journey to Egypt.
These sculptures are _iconographic_, _i.e._ they were intended to bring
to the minds of the unlettered people the facts of Sacred History by
vivid illustration. No doubt the preachers in their discourses directed
the attention of their hearers to these representations; and perhaps
they often lectured while standing at the foot of the cross with the
people ranged in front, the preacher pointing to the sculptured groups
as occasion demanded. It is probable that the figures were painted in
brilliant colours like those used in illuminating the MSS. so that the
people might see them more distinctly.[459]
MATHEMATICS AND SCIENCE:
We cannot close our discussion of the curriculum of Irish monastic
schools without a brief reference to its limitations which are
especially noteworthy in the case of mathematics and other secular
sciences. While not venturing into details some writers manage to
convey the impression that the scientific knowledge of the Irish monks
was as profound as their knowledge of the classics. We have not found
any evidence to support this view. The most that can be said in favour
of the teachers of this early period is that they willingly imparted
all the mathematical and scientific knowledge of their time. But the
actual amount of such knowledge possessed by Western Europe prior to
the tenth century was relatively small as compared with even the later
Middle Ages not to speak of modern times.
ARITHMETIC:
Prior to the tenth century arithmetic was essentially the art of
computation. It was largely devoted to computing Easter, so the terms
“Computus” and “Arithmetic” became synonymous.[460] Apart from this
practical side it is possible that a theoretical treatment of numbers
was not absolutely wanting. The method of reckoning was necessarily
crude and little progress was possible while the cumbersome Roman
system of notation made computation with large numbers well nigh
impossible. It remains for further investigation to show whether the
arithmetical knowledge of the Irish monks extended beyond the limits
of Bede’s _De Tempora Ratione_,[461] or equalled that of the _Liber de
Computo_[462] of Rabanus Maurus. Our acquaintance with source material
in this field is too limited to warrant any sweeping statement, but
it is significant of the nature of arithmetical knowledge of this
period and of the lack of creative ability to find a scholar of such
ability as Marianus Scottus in the following century basing his work
on Computus[463] on that of Rabanus. Indeed it was not until the
introduction of the Arabic system of notation and Hindoo methods
through Arabic influence that there was much possibility of progress
in Arithmetic. The introduction of the Arabic system is attributed by
some to Gerbert[464] (d. 1003 A.D.) but it was not until the end of
the twelfth century that the Hindoo-Arabic system became generally
established among mathematicians. A century later Arithmetic began to
be applied to commerce.[465]
_Algebra_ was apparently unknown to the Irish monks during the period
under investigation and was probably not introduced into Europe until
the twelfth century.[466]
GEOMETRY:
Up to the tenth century, the age of Gerbert, a knowledge of Geometry in
our sense of the term hardly existed in Western Europe. In fact the
term seems to have been used in its etymological meaning and not in the
sense the Greeks understood it. We have found no evidence to warrant
the assumption that Euclidean Geometry was taught in those early
Irish monastic schools. But on the other hand an examination of the
characteristic Irish style of ornament suggests that the Irish artist
had at least a good working knowledge of practical Geometry. Possibly
the amount of knowledge of theoretical Geometry did not extend beyond
the narrow[467] limits of the works of Capella,[468] Cassiodorus,[469]
and Isadore of Seville[470]—writers well known to Irish scholars as we
have seen.
GEOGRAPHY:
If the mathematical science of Geometry was still undeveloped in the
West geography, topography and cosmography made up the deficiency. It
was but natural that the Irish monks, the greatest voyagers of their
time, should be interested in the study of foreign lands. We have
an instance of this in the case of Adamnan who wrote his _De Locis
Sanctis_ from the dictation of Arculfus, a Frankish bishop who had
visited Palestine.[471] Bede based his work bearing a similar name on
Adamnan’s volume. This work of Adamnan with that of Bede continued
to be the only source of information of the geography, Christian
antiquities, and customs of Palestine until the Crusades gave Western
Europe a more acute and active interest in that distant, inhospitable
region.[472] We have referred to a curious geographical poem[473] which
was evidently used as a text in the monastic schools of Ireland. It
contained probably all the geography that was taught prior to the tenth
century. The tenth century map of the world[474] drawn in England for
an Anglo-Saxon is supposed to have been the work of an Irish artist and
further illustrates the state of geographical knowledge of the times.
The more ambitious treatise of Dungal, _De Mensura Orbis Terrarum_,
which will be described in the next chapter, marks a new departure in
geographical texts—hitherto mere compendiums—inasmuch as it introduces
new matter, is more critical, “up-to-date” and altogether a commendable
attempt for a ninth century scholar.
_Astronomy_ had a double interest for the Irish monks. Being great
travellers in an age when they had no compass to direct their way the
“study of the stars” was a matter of practical interest and possibly
they were more observant of the courses of the heavenly bodies than
the majority of us are to-day. Again, the ability to compute the date
of Easter was a matter of great importance in ecclesiastical circles in
those days. The controversies which centred around the Easter question
caused many Irish monks to give special attention to practical methods
of computing the date of Easter. They were also led to examine the
history of the different cycles in use and finally they were led to
inquire into the theoretical aspect of the science of Astronomy. In the
present chapter we referred to the famous Paschal Epistle of Cummian
Fada which showed that he was at one and the same time an accomplished
classical scholar and an astronomer of no mean ability versed in all
astronomical literature of his time. Other great astronomers were
Virgilius, Dicuil and Dungal, of whom we shall have something to say
in our next chapter when dealing with the scope of Irish monastic
scholarship. Of all the secular sciences Astronomy was perhaps the
most popular with Irish monastic scholars the superiority of whose
scholarship in this regard is acknowledged by all writers of the early
Middle Ages.[475]
We see, then, that though the actual amount of mathematical and
scientific knowledge possessed by the Irish monks was small they freely
taught all that was known at the time in Western Europe and, limited
as was their educational equipment, we may safely conclude that it
represented the maximum attainments in western scientific knowledge
prior to the tenth century.
While we have no means of determining the precise way in which the
curriculum was organised, we may safely conclude that it embraced the
following groups of studies:
1. _Vernacular Studies_: The Irish language, its grammar, metrics,
literature both secular and religious, prose and poetry, history,
antiquities, etc.[476]
2. _Christian Studies_: Theology, especially the study of the
Scriptures with the commentaries of the Fathers thereon, and in the
ninth century at least the study of Dialectics and Philosophy was
pursued with success.
3. _Classical Studies_: Acquaintance with several Latin and Greek
authors of the classical period. Superior knowledge of Latin and a good
working knowledge of Greek.
4. _Aesthetic Studies_: Cultivation of Art and Music.
5. _Scientific Studies_: All the scientific knowledge of the time,
special emphasis on Computation and Astronomy.
Thus we see that the course of studies of the early Irish monastic
school was much more varied in scope and fuller in content than the
Trivium and Quadrivium as taught in contemporary Europe.