IRISH MONASTICISM
As the organization of the Irish monastic schools was so intimately
connected with the Irish monastic system it is impossible to form
a clear idea of the character, aims, curriculum, or the scope
of scholarship of these schools without some reference to Irish
monasticism and its relation to other types of monasticism.
Monasticism in general is a system of living that owes its origin to
those tendencies of human nature which are summed up in the words
mysticism and asceticism. Mysticism may be defined as the efforts to
give effect to the craving for union with the Deity even in this life;
and asceticism, as the effort to give effect to the hankering after
an ever progressive purification of the soul, and an atoning for sin
by the renunciation and self-denial of things lawful.[79] These two
tendencies would appear to be inseparable from humanity, because though
not always called into activity, they are always liable to be invoked,
and in all ages and among all peoples they have frequently asserted
themselves.[80] In one form or another monasticism had appealed to
people of various countries long before it became associated with
Christianity. In the early years of Christianity monasticism took a
definite shape in Syria, Egypt and Armenia. From Egypt and Syria it was
brought to Rome about the middle of the fourth century by Athanasius,
the great champion of the Divinity of Christ; by Honorius, the founder
of the island monastery of Lerins; and by Cassian whose “Institutes”
were a kind of manual for all the earlier monasteries of the West.[81]
As to the origin of Irish Monasticism opinions are divided: some have
ascribed it to an Eastern origin, while others insist that it can be
directly traced to Gaul. The most commonly accepted view is that of Mr.
Willis Bund[82] which ascribes to it a purely indigenous development.
As such general statements are at best but partly true and utterly fail
to give an adequate idea of the characteristics of Irish monasticism we
propose to examine the subject in the light derived from such native
sources of information as:
1. The Irish Monastic Rules,[83]
2. The Lives of the Early Irish Saints,[84]
3. Ecclesiastical History, and
4. Social and Political History.
From the first and second sources we shall learn much about the spirit
of monastic life, its ideals, obligations, and daily routine. From the
third and fourth sources, and incidentally from the other two, we learn
much about the relation which existed between the monastery and the
community in which it was located.
An examination of Irish Monastic Rules, so far as they have come down
to us, reveals the fact that they are not identical with any Eastern
or Western Code. In the general severity of their regulations they are
found, on comparison, to resemble the former rather than the latter.
It was doubtless this austerity that caused the Irish Rules to give
way eventually before the milder Rule of St. Benedict.[85] It is
possible, however, that the ideas and literature of Gallic and Egyptian
monasticism may have influenced to some extent the development of Irish
monasticism.[86]
Whether Irish monasticism was of native origin or not there can be
little doubt that British monasticism exercised a very potent and
direct influence on its development. In an Irish document which is
generally accepted as historical, we are informed that there were Three
Orders of Saints.[87] The First Order flourished c. 440–534 A.D. Many
of the saints in this Order lived in the time of St. Patrick. They were
all bishops and founders of churches. Their number was 350 and included
Britons, Romans, Franks and Scots. The Second Order (534–572 A.D.) was
made up of few bishops and many priests: they numbered 300. Unlike the
First Order these refused the services of women separating them from
their monasteries. They received a Mass from SS. David, Gillas, and
Docus the Britons. The Third Order consisted of holy priests and a few
bishops. The number of this Order was 100; they dwelt in desert places
living mainly on herbs and water; they depended upon alms and possessed
no private property.
The Second Order interests us especially as in all probability the
monasteries owe their origin to its members. Whether St. Patrick
actually founded monasteries is uncertain. We know that he spent some
years at Lerins, the island monastery of the Mediterranean, but his
life was too full of missionary labours to have time for the foundation
and government of monasteries.[88] In strong contrast with the First
Order who were mainly foreigners, the Second Order of Saints were all
natives of Ireland. However, they came under the influence of British
monasticism in two ways. We have seen above that three British or
Welsh saints visited Ireland during this period, and indeed so did
several others.[89] Of equal importance is the fact that several Irish
saints visited Britain about this time. In South Wales there were two
centres of attraction, Llancarvon under St. Cadoc and Menevia under St.
David.[90] St. Finnian of Clonard, “the tutor of the Saints of Erin,”
was a pupil of St. Cadoc at Llancarvon, as was St. Cainnech. Maedoc was
a pupil of St. David’s, as were Modomnoc and Scuithin, while we hear of
Finnian of Clonard, Declan, Bairre and Senan as visitors there.[91] The
saints of the North of Ireland tended to gravitate towards a monastery
in the territory of the Niduari Picts, sometimes called Strathclyde, in
the South-west of Scotland. This monastery was called Whitern (Rosnat
in Irish sources). Among the Irish saints who visited Whitern are SS.
Enda, Tighernach, Eoghan of Ardstraw and Finnian of Movilla.[92]
INFLUENCE OF CLONARD MONASTERY:
About the middle of the sixth century a great monastic movement
took rise from the monastery established at Clonard by Finnian c.
525 A.D.[93] Under him were trained for missionary work many of the
most illustrious fathers of the Irish church including the “Twelve
Apostles of Erin,”[94] viz. Ciaran of Seir, Ciaran of Clonmacnoise,
Columba (Colum Cille), Brendan of Clonfert, Brendan of Birr, Columba
or Colman of Terryglass, Molaise of Devenish, Canice of Aghaboe,
Ruadan of Lorrha, Mobi of Glasnevin, Sinnel of Cleenish, and Ninnidh
or Nennius of Inishmacsaint.[95] According to another authority, the
names of Finnian of Clonard, Finnian of Movilla, and Comgall of Bangor
are substituted for those of Ciaran of Seir, Molaise of Devenish, and
Sinnel of Cleenish.[96] The remaining nine names occur in both lists.
These men going forth in all directions founded numerous monasteries
and schools which afterwards became famous throughout Europe.[97] St.
Columba (Colum Cille) styled in an old record “_Monasteriorum Pater et
Fundator_” is said to have founded 300 monasteries. Even allowing for
the poetic imagination of the early chronicler, it is significant that
Reeves in his investigations was able to compile a list of at least 90
monasteries founded by, or dedicated to, this saint. Of this number 37
were located in Ireland, 32 amongst the Scots (of Alba) and 21 amongst
the Picts, _i.e._ 53 in the country now called Scotland.[98] It was
mainly through the efforts of these saints that Ireland was completely
converted to the Christian faith.[99] It would appear that after St.
Patrick’s death the druids recovered some of their former influence
and exerted themselves to the utmost to retard and limit the spread
of the new faith.[100] Thanks to the zeal and energy of the saints of
this Second Order the influence of the druids was completely broken
down, though the druids still lingered on obscurely and feebly many
generations.[101]
When monasticism became general in the sixth century most, if not
all, of those ecclesiastical seminaries which we have listed as being
founded in the fifth century, became monastic schools. Some of them
such as the School of Armagh attained a high degree of excellence
ranking with Clonard, Bangor, and the other great schools which date
from the sixth century. We give a list of the better-known monastic
schools which were founded during the sixth and seventh centuries,
the most famous being printed in CAPITALS. These schools were all
established in Ireland by Irishmen, who, as far as we have been
able to discover, received their own education for the most part in
schools already in existence in Ireland. This list makes no pretence
to completeness. According to the calculations of Sir James Ware the
number of famous schools in Ireland amounted to 164.[102] Another
writer[103] gives the names of 168 monasteries founded prior to 900
A.D. Even this list is incomplete. We have checked this latter list
for Co. Louth with one compiled by a recent reliable investigator[104]
with the result that 19 or 20 should be credited to Co. Louth whereas
there are only 2 out of the 168 so accredited. Similarly, we find
only 4 monasteries ascribed to St. Columba while, as we have shown,
Reeves found 37 monasteries in Ireland whose foundation is accredited
to this energetic saint. As we have reason to believe that all these
monasteries had schools, we can easily see how abundant were the
facilities for acquiring such an education as these schools provided.
MONASTIC SCHOOLS FOUNDED IN IRELAND BETWEEN 500 AND 700 A.D.
SCHOOL DATE LOCATION FOUNDER
Aghaboe[1a] —[1b] Co. Kilkenny St. Canice,
528–600 A.D.[1c]
BANGOR[2a] 559 A.D.[2b] Co. Down St. Comgall,
d. 601–2 A.D.[2c]
Birr[3a] c. 560 A.D.[3b] King’s Co. St. Brendan of Birr
[3c] ? 490–573 A.D.
Cleenich[4a] 6th cent.[4b] Co. Fermanagh St. Sinnel[4c]
Clogher[5a] —[5b] Co. Tyrone St. Macartin,
c. 506 A.D.[5c]
CLONARD[6a] c. 520 A.D.[6b] Co. Meath St. Finnian,
470–549 A.D.[6c]
Clonenagh[7a] c. 548 A.D.[7b] Queen’s Co. St. Fintan, 525–592
A.D.[7c]
Clonfert[8a] 553–7 A.D.[8b] Co. Galway St. Brendan the
Navigator[8c]
484–577 A.D.
Cork[9a] —[9b] Co. Cork St. Finnbar,
570–630 A.D.[9c]
CLONMACNOISE 544–8 A.D.[10b] King’s Co. St. Ciaran,
[10a] d. 549 A.D.[10c]
Cluainfois c. 500 A.D.[11b] Co. Galway St. Iarlaith,
[11a] c ? 510 A.D.[11c]
Devenish[12a] 530 A.D.[12b] Co. Fermanagh St. Molaise,
d. 563–71 A.D.[12c]
Derry[13a] 545–6 A.D.[13b] Co. Derry St. Columba,
520–597 A.D.[13c]
Dromore[14a] c. 500 A.D.[14b] Co. Down St. Colman[14c]
Durrow[15a] 553 A.D.[15b] King’s Co. St. Columba,
520–597 A.D.[15c]
Glasnevin —[16b] Co. Dublin St. Mobi,
[16a] d. 544 A.D.[16c]
Glendalough —[17b] Co. Wicklow St. Kevin,
[17a] d. 618–22 A.D.[17c]
Inishmacsaint —[18b] Co. Fermanagh St. Ninnidh,
[18a] d. post 530 A.D.[18c].
Kells[19a] 550 A.D.[19b] Co. Meath St. Columba,
520–597 A.D.[19c]
Kilkenny[20a] —[20b] Co. Kilkenny St. Canice,
528–600 A.D.[20c]
LISMORE[21a] 635 A.D.[21b] Co. Waterford St. Carthach[21c]
MONASTERBOICE c. 500 A.D.[22b] Co. Louth St. Buite,
[22a] c. 521 A.D.[22c]
Mayo[23a] 665 A.D.[23b] Co. Mayo St. Colman[23c]
Movilla[24a] 540–55 A.D.[24b] Co. Down St. Finnian[24c]
MUNGRET[25a] c. 551 A.D.[25b] Co. Limerick St. Nessan,
d. 551 A.D.[25c]
Ros-Ailithir 6th cent.[26b] Co. Cork St. Fachtna[26c]
[26a]
Swords[27a] —[27b] Co. Dublin St. Columba,
520–597 A.D.[27c]
Scattery Is. c. 537 A.D.[28b] Co. Clare St. Senan[28c]
[28a]
Terryglass 634 A.D.[29b] Co. Tipperary St. Colman of
[29a] Terryglass[29c]
Tuam[30a] —[30b] Co. Galway St. Iarlaith,
c. 545 A.D.[30c]
1a. Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ pp. 14, 15. 1b. Unknown. 1c.
Conyngham, D. P., _op. cit._ p. 268. _ibid._ Joyce, P. W.
_Short History of Ireland_, p. 180, gives (517–600).
2a. Plummer, Charles, _op. cit._ I, p. lxxix. 2b. Joyce, P. W.,
_Concise History of Ireland_, p. 82. 2c. _Revue Celtique_, XXX,
p. 113.
3a, 3b, 3c. Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I, xlii.
4a, 4b, 4c. Conyngham, D. P., _op. cit._ p. 541.
5a, 5b. Conyngham, D. P., _op. cit._ p. 541. 5c. _op. cit._ p.
132.
6a, 6b, 6c. Joyce, P. W., _Con. Hist. of Ir._, p. 92.
7a, 7b, 7c. Healy, John, _Ireland’s Ancient Schools and
Scholars_, p. 404, but Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I, lxx, gives
603 A.D. as the date of St. Fintan’s death.
8a, 8b, 8c. Plummer, C., _op. cit._ p. I, xxiv.
9a, 9b, 9c. Joyce, P. W., _Con. Hist, of Ir._, p. 92;
Conyngham, D. P., _op. cit._ p. 329.
10a. Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I, p. lxiv. 10b. Chronicles give
no date, _ibid._ 10c. Dalton, Canon, _Hist. of Ireland_, I, 71.
11a, 11b, 11c. Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 160.
12a, 12b, 12c. Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I, p. lxxiv.
13a, 13b, 13c. Hull, Eleanor, _Early Christian Ireland_,
Chronological Table; Dalton, Canon, _op. cit._ I, p. 62.
14a, 14b, 14c. Reeves, Wm., _Ecclesiastical Antiquities_, p.
138.
15a, 15b, 15c. Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan’s Vita Columbae_, p. 276;
Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ pp. 14, 15.
16a, 16b, 16c. Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ pp. 14, 15.
17a, 17b, 17c. Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I, p. xxxiii; Joyce, P.
W., _Concise History of Ireland_, p. 92.
18a, 18b, 18c. Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ pp. 14, 15; Conyngham,
D. P., _op. cit._ p. 541.
19a, 19b, 19c. Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, p. 276.
20a, 20b, 20c. Plummer, C., _op. cit._ I, p. lxxix; Joyce, P.
W., _op. cit._ p. 92.
21a, 21b, 21c. Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ p. 81; Dalton, _op.
cit._ I, p. 74.
22a, 22b, 22c. Macalister, R. A. S., _Muiredach, Abbot of
Monasterboice_. Introduction, Murray, L. P., _op. cit._
23a, 23b, 23c. _Chronicon Scottorum_, p. 104; Conyngham, D. P.,
_op. cit._ p. 543.
24a, 24b, 24c. Reeves, Wm., _Ecclesiastical Antiquities_, p.
138.
25a, 25b, 25c. Joyce, P. W., _Concise Hist. of Ireland_, p. 92.
26a, 26b, 26c. Joyce, P. W., _ibid._; Conyngham, D. P., _op.
cit._ p. 541.
27a, 27b, 27c. Reeves, Wm., _Adamnan_, p. 279.
28a, 28b, 28c. Joyce, P. W., _op. cit._ p. 81.
29a, 29b, 29c. Warren, F. E., _op. cit._ pp. 14, 15; Conyngham,
D. P., _op. cit._ p. 542.
30a, 30c. Healy, John, _op. cit._ p. 160. 30b. Date of the
foundation is uncertain. Conyngham, D. P., _op. cit._ p. 543
states that it was founded in the Fifth Century.
EDUCATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THE IRISH CHURCH.
From what has been said about the spread of monasticism in Ireland
in the sixth century it is evident that the whole organization of
the Church in Ireland was being placed on a monastic basis. The
importance of this type of organization from an educational standpoint
will be evident when we recall the actual condition of society at
this particular period. Closely related to the monastic character
of the Irish Church was its missionary character. How far reaching
the influence of the Irish Monastic Church was, can be judged from a
brief survey of the distribution of Irish monasteries in Britain and
on the Continent. A list of 122 monasteries founded by Irish monks in
Scotland, in England and on the Continent was collected by Colgan in
a lost work of which the index has been preserved and printed.[105]
Another writer has shown that Ireland sent 115 missionaries into
Germany, 45 into France, 44 into England, 36 into Belgium, 25 into
Scotland and 13 into Italy.[106] According to the testimony of Jonas,
biographer of Columbanus, about 620 missionaries went into Bavaria
from Luxeuil, the headquarters of the missionary work of Columbanus.
No doubt, some of these were natives of Gaul, but there must have been
many Irish amongst them. Miss Stokes gives the names of 63 missionaries
who in the seventh century spread the Columban Rule from Luxeuil.[107]
In the light of these facts we see how just is the judgment of Green,
the English historian, when he declared that as the Irish Church
overflowed its own territorial limits and invaded the Continent of
Europe, it was for a time doubtful whether the monastic ideal of
Christendom would come from a Celtic or from an Italian source, whether
it would be represented by the Rules of SS. Columba and Columbanus, or
that of St. Benedict.[108]
IMPOSSIBILITY OF COMPILING A COMPLETE LIST OF MONASTIC SCHOOLS AND
SCHOLARS:
The number of monastic schools and scholars given in the preceding
section though at first sight somewhat startling is really
an under-estimate. This assertion is based on the following
considerations:—
1. The desire which prevailed in the early centuries of Christianity to
imitate even the accidental features of the Apostolic system naturally
suggested the adoption of the number _twelve_ in the adjustment of
missionary societies. Thus we find it recorded that in Clonard the
“Twelve Apostles of Erin” were educated. St. Columba set out about 562
A.D. with _twelve_ companions to convert the Picts. St. Columbanus
with _twelve_ brethren left Ireland about 612 to undertake his great
missionary work on the Continent. St. Killian was the chief of a
company of _twelve_ who founded a monastic institution in Würzburg. St.
Eloquius, disciple of St. Fursa, with _twelve_ companions whose names
are preserved, propagated the Gospel in Belgium.[109] Thus except
in the case of the founders of monasteries there is a very natural
tendency to overlook the other workers, sometimes their names are not
even recorded.
2. During the Danish incursions of the ninth and tenth centuries many
of the Irish monasteries were destroyed and the monks went to Europe
and set up monasteries wherever they settled. Sometimes they carried
their books with them, but more frequently their libraries were burned
or “drowned” by the pagan invaders who hated Christianity and learning,
thus the Irish Annals and other documents are very defective as a means
of supplying the necessary data for the compilation of a tolerably
complete list.[110]
3. Even when the names of Irish missionaries are recorded in
Continental MSS. there is often a difficulty in recognising an Irish
name in its Continental dress. Many of the Irish monks who went
abroad were “re-christened,” sometimes Biblical names like Joseph
or Isaias were adopted, or the Irish name was latinized to make it
more euphonious to Continental ears. Hence we find _Moengal_ figuring
as Marcellus, just as _Maelmuire_ appears as Marianus and Mylerius,
_Maelmeadhog_ as Malachy, _Giolla Iosa_ and even _Cellach_ become
Gelasius, _Giolla an Coimded_ figures as Germanus, _Tuathal_ as
Tutilo, _Domnall_ or _Donal_ as Donatus, _Aed_ as Aidan and Hugh,
_Siadhal_ as Sedulius, _Cellach_ sometimes became Gall, while others
chose to remain anonymous or describe themselves vaguely as _Exul_, or
_Hibernicus_, or _Scottus_. In the Continental libraries there are many
MSS. in Irish script and the scribes have concealed their identity in
the vague manner just described.[111]
4. Naturally there were many others whose work was teaching rather than
writing, consequently there is no record in such cases. Columba and
Columbanus were lucky in having biographers but many others were less
fortunate.
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF IRISH MONASTIC SCHOOLS:
We give a partial list of the better-known monastic institutions which
were at one and the same time advance posts of civilization and centres
of Christian learning. Many of these date from that great period of
Irish missionary activity, the seventh century.
SCOTLAND:
Almost the whole of the country now called Scotland was converted
to Christianity by Irish missionaries. With the foundation of the
monastery of Iona in 563 A.D. by St. Columba, “_pater et fundator
monasteriorum_,” began a period of great monastic activity in Britain.
Reeves found that 63 monasteries were founded by or dedicated to St.
Columba; of these 32 were in the territory occupied by the Scots and
21 were among the Picts.[112] Other important monasteries were Deer
founded by St. Drostan, a disciple of St. Columba, Lismore founded
by St. Moluag in 592 A.D., and Righ-Monadh or Kilrimont founded
by St. Canice near the place where St. Andrew’s University is now
located.[113] There were also numerous small monasteries on the islands
round the Scottish coast.[114] The beneficent influence exercised
by these foundations as civilizing and educational agencies is
acknowledged by modern Scottish historians.[115]
ENGLAND:
Just as Iona was the great headquarters of monastic activity for
Scotland, so Lindisfarne founded by the Irish St. Aidan in 635 A.D.
became the base of operations for the Irish missionaries in the North
of England, especially in Northumbria. At this time Northumbria was
an extensive kingdom extending as far south as the Humber and into
modern Scotland as far north as the Firth of Forth. To the influence
of Aidan and other Irish monks we trace the foundation of Lindisfarne,
Coldingham, Mailros, Lastingham, in Northumbria, Ripon and Streanshalch
(now Whitby) in Yorkshire, Burgh Castle in Suffolk, St. Bees in
Lancashire, Malmesbury among the West Saxons, Bosham or Bosanham
in Sussex, and “Glastonbury of the Gael” in Somerset.[116] In most
histories the missionary work of St. Augustine is grossly exaggerated
and the important missionary and educational work of the Irish monks is
either completely ignored or accorded an amount of space utterly out of
proportion to its importance.[117]
IRISH FOUNDATIONS ON THE CONTINENT:
In _Netherlands_: Namur, Liège, Gueldres, Fosse, Haumont, Soignes.[118]
In _France_: Remiremont, Lure, Besançon, Poitiers (f. 511), Bezieres,
Romain-Moutier, Brezille, Cusance, St. Ursanne, Fleury (f. 629), St.
Riquier (f. 625), Jouarre, Reuil, Rébais (f. 634), Faremoutier, St.
Maur-des-Fossés, Lagny, Montier-la-Celle, Caudabec, Hautvilliers,
Montier-en-Der, St. Salaberga, Meaux, St. Saens, Fontennelle,
Jumieges, Stavelot (f. 656), Corbie (f. 662), Anegray, LUXEUIL (f. 599),
Fontaines, Ferrières (f. 630), Peronne (f. 650) or _Perrona Scottorum_,
Toul, Amboise, Beaulieu, Strasbourg, in addition to the countless and
nameless _Hospitalia Scottorum_ alluded to in the Capitularies of
Charles the Bald in 846 A.D.[119]
In _Germany and Switzerland_: Hohenaug, Würzburg, Memmingen, Erfurt,
Freyburg, Schuttern, Ettenheimünster, Mentz, Cologne, Nuremburg,
Altomünster, Ratisbon or Regensburg, Constance, ST. GALL (f. 614), Mont
St. Victor, Bregens (f. 610), Reichenau, Seckingen.[120]
In _Italy_: BOBBIO (f. 612), Taranto, Lucca, Faenza, Fiesole.[121]
RELATION OF THE IRISH MONASTIC CHURCH TO THE ROMAN CHURCH:
The preceding section will enable us to understand what an important
influence from a religious, as well as from an educational, standpoint
the Irish monastic system began to exercise throughout the West of
Europe. The relation which existed between the Irish Church and the
Roman Church has given rise to considerable polemic discussion. Indeed
there are so many points in common between the Irish monastic church
of the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries and the British or Welsh
church of the same period that both are often spoken of as the “Celtic
Church” in contradistinction to the Roman Church. This distinction is
based not on any essential difference of doctrine[122] but on certain
differences of ritual, liturgy, and discipline. As we have shown the
Irish monastic system extended far beyond the territorial limits
occupied by the Celtic race. Hence when we refer to the Celtic Church
we have in mind a widespread organization rather than a locality, and
we emphasize differences of custom and not essentials of dogma. The
differences that existed between the Roman Church and the Celtic Church
with regard to the date of Easter and to the tonsure of the monks gave
rise to an important controversy in the seventh century.[123]
THE CALCULATION OF EASTER:
Prior to the Council of Nice 325 A.D. the date of Easter in the
nascent Celtic Church harmonized with that of the Roman Church.
Owing, however, to isolation the Celtic Church had never adopted the
various alterations and improvements which on astronomical—not on
theological—grounds had been accepted by the Continental Church.[124]
THE TONSURE CONTROVERSY:
The Roman tonsure was formed by shaving the top of the head in a circle
leaving a crown of hair around it. The Eastern tonsure, sometimes
called the Pauline tonsure, was total. The Celtic tonsure was formed
by shaving all the hair in front of a line drawn from ear to ear.[125]
In the controversy of the seventh century the Roman party traced
their form to St. Peter and attributed that of their opponents to
Simon Magus.[126] The Irish form, _ab aure ad aurem_, existed in St.
Patrick’s time[127] and was probably druidical in origin.[128]
These two questions, though in themselves of minor importance, gave
rise to a controversy of many years’ duration. Eventually the Roman
practice was adopted by the whole Celtic Church, but not without a
struggle, some localities clinging tenaciously to the traditional usage
long after the general acceptance of the Continental practice. The
Southern Irish were the first to conform. Having received an admonition
from Pope Honorius they convened a Synod about 630 A.D. and as a result
of their deliberations decided to adopt the Roman usage. The North
of Ireland held out much longer, being influenced by Iona and its
dependent monasteries in Ireland.[129] The dates at which the different
parts of the Celtic Church conformed with the Roman practice in regard
to the celebration of Easter are given below.[130] Possibly the coronal
form of tonsure was adopted at the same time.
YEAR.—DISTRICT AFFECTED BY THE CHANGE:[130]
630 A.D. South of Ireland.
664 Northumbria converted by Irish missionaries
from Iona.
692 North of Ireland.
705 East Devon and Somerset, the Celts
under Wessex.
710 The Picts of Scotland.
716–718 Iona.
721 Strathclyde, the South-west of Scotland.
768 North Wales.
777 South Wales.
909 Parts of Cornwall.
EFFECT OF THE EASTER CONTROVERSY ON EDUCATION:
The Irish monks who visited the Continent, as well as the adherents
of the Roman usage in Britain, advocated and even urged the necessity
of conforming to the Continental practices, but their compatriots
did not yield without a struggle. As we have shown, certain parts of
Britain in which the Celtic Church held sway were even more reluctant
to give up the traditional usages. So far as the general interests
of education are concerned this controversy had a somewhat harmful
effect. It diverted the attention of scholars from matters of greater
moment and created a certain prejudice against those Irish teachers
who were not prepared to give up the cherished customs of the founders
of their monasteries. For example, after the Synod of Whitby in 664
A.D. when Celtic usage was abolished, St. Colman and a number of
Anglo-Saxon followers retired from Lindisfarne and founded a monastery
on Inisbofinn, an island off the west coast of Ireland. It must not,
however, be assumed that the Irish influence in England ceased with
the departure of St. Colman and his followers. At the Synod of Whitby
some of the most vigorous advocates of the Roman usage were Irishmen,
while amongst the Anglo-Saxons there were many champions of the Celtic
usage.[131] For at least thirty years after the Synod of Whitby the
Irish influence was felt. A native ministry having been trained the
Irish monks had accomplished their work.[132] In one respect the Easter
controversy had a good effect on learning. It led to a careful study
of the computation and astronomy and created the necessity of becoming
familiar with all the classical and ecclesiastical literature which was
calculated to throw any light on that vexed question. The consequence
of this study was that the Irish monks became the greatest astronomers
of the seventh, eighth and ninth centuries. It is enough to read the
Paschal Epistle of Cummian Fada (d. 661)[133] or the famous letter of
Dungal who in 810 A.D. was asked by Charles the Great to explain the
double eclipse of the sun which was supposed to have occurred in that
year,[134] to be convinced of the superiority of their scholarship.
ORGANIZATION OF THE IRISH MONASTERY ON A TRIBAL BASIS:
In marked contrast with the other Western churches which were organized
on a national and episcopal basis the Irish Church was tribal and
monastic. This was quite natural. The conversion of the chieftain
was followed by the conversion of the clansmen and a tribal character
was thus given to the nascent church.[135] At an early date the Irish
Church took a monastic form which accorded so well with the native
social system. The abbot became chief of an ecclesiastical clan most
of whose members were descended from the same common ancestor as the
abbot himself. No wonder the native name for the monastic community
was _muintir_, usually translated _familia_.[136] Even the successor
of the abbot—the _coarb_, literally heir—could often claim lineal
descent from the same chieftain as the abbot whom he succeeded. Of
course, as the abbot was unmarried, there could be no direct lineal
succession from the first abbot, but there was a succession in the
manner indicated. There was thus a close resemblance between the
succession of the abbot and that of the chieftain. The successor of the
chieftain was not necessarily his son, but a member of the clan by whom
he was selected on account of his personal fitness for the position.
In the case of the monastery of Iona it has been noted that Columba
and thirteen of his successors were descended from a common ancestor,
an Irish chief named Conall Gulban.[137] The monastic family consisted
of _fratres_: those of tried devotion were called _seniores_; those
who were strong for labour were _operarii fratres_; and those under
instruction were _juniores_, _alumni_, or _pueri familiares_. Besides
the congregation—_collectio_—of professed members there were usually
present _peregrini_, sometimes called _proselyti_, _poenitentes_, or
_hospites_ whose sojourn was of varied duration.[138]
The number of officers was relatively small, the more important
being the _abbot_, the _prior_, the _episcopus_, the _scriba_, and
the _Erinach_ or _Airchinneach_. The _abbot_ was the superior of the
monastic family and frequently had several houses under his supreme
control. He generally lived at the mother house. The branch houses were
governed by local superiors called _priors_ who were subject to removal
by the abbot. There was also a prior at the mother house who assisted
the abbot and took his place in administration when his superior
was absent. The prior in this latter capacity is sometimes styled
_custos monasterii_, sometimes _oeconomus_, and in the Irish Annals,
_Fertighis_.[139]
An interesting fact in connection with the Irish monastic organization
is that the abbot was not necessarily a bishop.[140] In matters of
discipline and jurisdiction the abbot was supreme whether he was a
bishop or not. But if he were not a bishop there were certain duties
which he could not perform. The bishop (episcopus) as such and in
virtue of his office performed such functions as administration
of Confirmation and Holy Orders just as at present. Of course the
abbot was frequently a bishop and consequently was vested with
correspondingly increased powers.[141]
The abbot sometimes combined the office of scribe with his other
duties. The special work of the scribe will be dealt with later; here
it is sufficient to note that the office of scribe was held in such
honour that we often find it recorded of a certain saint that he was an
excellent scribe, while as if of secondary importance, it is added that
he was an abbot, or bishop.[142]
The lands belonging to the monastery or church were usually managed by
an officer called an erinach, or herenach (in Irish, Airchinneach). The
erinach, who was usually a layman, first deducted his own stipend and
gave the residue for the purposes intended—the support of the church,
or the relief of the poor. It was generally understood to be the duty
of the erinach to keep the church clean and in proper repair, and
the grounds in order. There were erinachs in connection with nearly
all the monasteries and churches.[143] Lay erinachs were usually
tonsured.[144]
REVENUES AND MEANS OF SUPPORT.
The monasteries derived their means of support from a variety of
sources, the chief being: _Lands_, _Tithes_, _Fees_ and _Dues_, and
_Gifts_.
By far the most important of all these means of support were the
lands attached to the monastery. These lands, called _Termon_ lands
in Ireland, derived their name in all probability from the _termini_,
pillar stones, or crosses set up to mark their boundaries within which
there was right of sanctuary, and a freedom from the taxes and tributes
of the secular chieftains.[145] These lands were tilled by the monks
themselves and formed the staple support of the establishment.[146] It
was a maxim in all the primitive monasteries that the monks support
themselves by the labour of their own hands. The mendicant orders,
who depended largely upon alms were a later institution, first
introduced into Ireland about 1225 A.D.[147] The monastic lands were
sometimes increased by special grants from kings, or chiefs. These
special grants when added to the foundation grant sometimes made up
an extensive territory.[148] When the lands became too large for the
community to work, a portion of them was rented to tenants. Part of
the duty of the erinach was to collect the rents and other tributes
from the tenants.[149] Ordinarily the monastery was a self-supporting
institution. The community produced everything they needed for food,
clothing, and shelter. They owed little to society in general but
society owed much to them.[150] There was no privileged class in these
early monasteries. All who were physically fit had to take part in the
manual labour, nor were the scribes or even the abbot exempt.[151]
In parts of the _Senchus Mór_,[152] one of the ancient books of law, it
is prescribed as a duty of society to pay tithes, as well as to bestow
alms and first fruits to the Church, but tithes were not generally
nor regularly paid until after the Norman invasion in 1172 A.D.[153]
Another subsidiary, but occasionally substantial, means of support was
the dues paid by the tribe to the abbot for the performance of various
religious functions.[154] The Brehon Laws lay down specifically the
reciprocal obligations of the clergy and laity in this manner.[155]
In this connection[156] it should be pointed out that owing to its
position in the native social system “the Church in Ireland never
became as in other lands by turns the servant, the ally, or the master
of the State. It was the companion of the people, and an important
element in the national life.”
Gifts, or voluntary offerings, were a further source of income, but a
fluctuating one, depending largely on the location of the monastery,
its reputation, the social condition of its patrons, and a variety
of other accidental circumstances. Almost all persons who visited a
monastery left something of value, if their means permitted. In early
times the offerings, like other payments, were in ounces of gold or
silver, or in kind. When Brian Boru visited Armagh in 1004 A.D.
he laid on the great altar an offering of twenty ounces of gold,
equivalent to $5000 or $7000 at the present day.[157]
THE BUILDINGS:
The monastery including the whole group of monastic buildings was
generally, but not always, surrounded by a strong rampart, commonly
circular or elliptical, after the manner of the homesteads of the
laity. The enclosure with its bounding rampart was designated in Irish
by various names. When the wall was of earth it was called a _rath_,
or _lios_. If surrounded by a stone wall it was known as a _caiseal_
or sometimes a _cathair_.[158] Sometimes the monks located themselves
in a rath or lios surrendered by a friendly chief,[159] and sometimes
the monks built the enclosure themselves.[160] So much was the rampart
a feature of the Irish monastery that we find it in connection with
the monasteries founded by Irish monks in foreign lands. A _vallum
monasterii_ is mentioned by Adamnan,[161] and Columbanus utilised the
walls of the old Roman _castrum_ to serve as the _vallum_ for his
monastery at Luxeuil.[162] The monastery proper was the space enclosed
by the vallum and included the church or churches, the oratories, the
refectory, the kitchen, the school, the armarium—a chamber for the
preservation of books and literary apparatus, sometimes a special
scriptorium, the hospice or guest house, the cells for the monks,
and the officinae or workshops for the smith and the carpenter.[163]
Outside of the vallum were the various other indispensable buildings
connected with the monastery of which the storehouse and the mill are
the most important. There was usually a byre for the cows situated
in convenient pasture land. If the monastery was located inland
there was a fish pond; or a convenient harbour, if near the sea. The
various buildings occupied different situations according to local
convenience.[164]
The structure of these early monasteries was of a simple and
inexpensive character. Like the early Celtic churches, they were built
at first of earth, wattles, or wood. It was not until the eighth
century that stone buildings began to be substituted for wooden ones,
as a protection against the ravages of the Danes.[165] The simplicity
and temporary character of these early foundations would account for
the quickness with which monastic cities sprang up as well as for
the fact that comparatively few material remains of these monastic
settlements are now to be seen. They are now remembered chiefly for
the great spiritual and literary heritage which they were the means of
transmitting.
They were of various sizes. Those planted on barren islands off the
coast of Ireland and Scotland must have been small. In each of the
great monasteries of Clonard, Bangor and Clonfert there were 3000,
including probably both monks and students. St. Molaise had 1,500 at
Mungret, St. Gobban had 1000 and so on down to the school of St. Mobi
at Glasnevin with 50. This last number, fifty, seems to have been the
usual number in the smaller monastic schools.[166]
DAILY LIFE IN AN IRISH MONASTERY:
The investigations of scholars in recent years brought to light several
Rules[167] which were written by early Irish saints for the direction
and guidance of their monks. These Rules were frequently referred to in
ancient documents, but some historians doubted their existence until
their discovery set all doubts aside and furnished another proof of the
trustworthiness of Irish records. By comparing these Rules with the
references in the _Lives of the (Irish) Saints_[168] to the domestic
and religious discipline of the monks we are able to form a tolerably
correct picture of the real character of monastic life in Ireland
during the period under consideration. While these Rules are neither
so elaborate nor so systematic as the famous _Rule of St. Benedict_,
to which they eventually gave place, yet they enable us to realize the
austere simplicity of Irish monasticism.
However they may differ in details these “Rules of the Irish Saints”
are in agreement as to the character of the daily work. St. Columbanus
thus tersely describes the work of an Irish monastery: “Ergo quotidie
jejunandum est, sicut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laborandum,
quotidie est legendum.”[169] Fasting and prayer, labour and study were
the daily task of the monk in every Irish monastery.
FASTING:
During the whole year Wednesday and Friday were fast days in Iona and
no food was taken before noon unless some “troublesome guest”[170]
rendered a dispensation desirable; for charity went before sacrifice
in the old Irish Canon. During Lent and Advent only one meal was
allowed and that was taken in the evening.[171] Though the custom
of Iona was severe, it was mildness itself as compared with that of
Bangor. Only one meal was allowed the whole year round and that not
eaten until evening.[172] The quality of food in Bangor was inferior
to that of Iona where, as Reeves has shown, the dietary consisted
of bread (sometimes made of barley), milk, fish, eggs, and probably
seal’s flesh. On Sundays and festivals the monks were sometimes allowed
some additional luxury.[173] In Bangor, as later in Luxeuil, Anegray,
and Bobbio the food apparently consisted of cabbage, pulse, flour
mixed with water, a little portion of biscuit and fish.[174] Beer
was sometimes allowed as a drink even by Columbanus,[175] but on the
other hand St. Maelruan of Tallaght was such a strict disciplinarian
that not only did he prohibit the use of beverage, but even music was
forbidden.[176]
PRAYER:
A considerable portion of both day and night was given to the work of
praising God. Eight times[177] a day did the monks attired in their
white robes wend their way to the church for the great work of their
life—the _Opus Dei_, the “Celebration of the Divine Praises.” Mass
was generally celebrated at an early hour each morning before the
labour of the day began. The ordinary Canonical Hours were chanted in
choir—Matins and Lauds generally at midnight. The Divine Office was
made up of the Psalms and Lessons from the Old and New Testament. The
entire Psaltery appears to have been recited during the daily office
at least at certain times of the year.[178] Sometimes the choir was
divided into groups which in turn chanted the Divine Praises day and
night without intermission. In the monastery of Tallaght the Gospels
were read in the refectory at meal times, the Gospels being taken in
turn, one for each season of the year.[179]
LABOUR:
We have referred to the obligation that was placed upon all members of
the monastic community to engage on some kind of manual labour.[180]
Tasks requiring special skill were assigned to monks who had a natural
aptitude for such work. Thus the duties of carpenter, smith, and
brazier were assigned to specially qualified monks.[181] Yet even the
scribes and artistic craftsmen were required to spend part of their
time at ordinary manual work.[182] The word _laborare_ is used in a
wider sense than our term _manual labour_. The Rule of St. Columba
defines the term “work” in these words: “Work is divided into three
parts: viz., thine own work, and the work of the place as regards
its real wants; secondly, thy share of the brethren’s work; lastly,
helping the neighbours by instruction, or writing, or sewing garments,
or whatever labour they may be in want of.”[183] Never to be idle for
one moment was the monastic ideal. Accordingly Adamnan represents his
hero as unable “to pass the space of one hour without applying himself
either to prayer or reading, or writing, or else some manual work.”[184]
STUDY:
In subsequent chapters we shall deal with the monks in their capacity
as teachers and scribes. Here we shall refer briefly to their fourth
task—legendum, reading or study. The study of the Sacred Scriptures was
practised daily by the more learned members of the community, while
the younger members learned by rote a portion of the Psalter each day
until they could repeat the whole of it from memory. The story of how
St. Columba when a tiny boy took up the Psalm where his tutor broke
down is well known, while the numerous glosses on the Psalms and other
portions of the Bible are convincing proofs of the intensive study of
the Scriptures by these early monks.[185] Homilies or Lives of the
Saints formed part of the sacred reading and we may reasonably suppose
that the reading of the Gospels in the refectory during meal hours was
a practice which was not confined to the monastery of Tallaght, nor was
such reading limited to this particular time of the day. Indeed early
Irish religious literature clearly points to a familiarity with the
Holy Book.
OTHER PRACTICES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF IRISH MONASTIC LIFE: OBEDIENCE:
The ideal of prompt and unhesitating obedience to the commands of his
superiors, so characteristic of the Irish monk, is one which cannot
be understood apart from the Irish conception of Monasticism as
“fighting for Christ.” In all things lawful the monk yielded prompt
and unquestioning obedience and was ready to go to the ends of the
earth if his superior should only speak the word. The conception
that the monk should be a “_miles Christi_”[186] was particularly
adapted to the native temperament. To the pagan ideals of “truth,
courage, and strength” were added the Christian virtues of obedience
to authority, self-sacrifice, and devotion to the welfare of mankind
without distinction of race or country. With such ideals they bravely
encountered all privations and dangers when they undertook their
“peregrinatio pro Christo.” _Humility_ was prized as a Christian virtue
and was exemplified in many ways. The superiors though exacting prompt
obedience and due respect from their monks were not tyrannical and led
as strict and simple a life as the other members of the community.
There was no private property, all things were owned in common, and
their wealth was limited to the means of supplying their few and simple
wants. The members of the community exemplified their humility both in
their demeanour towards their superiors and in dejection after sin.[187]
MORAL COURAGE:
Notwithstanding their humility these monks could, and did, show a
high degree of moral courage when occasion demanded. This is shown by
the action of St. Columba when he confronted the Irish King and the
assembled chieftains at the Convention of Drumceat (575 A.D.).[188]
Against great popular opposition he pleaded the cause of the Bardic
Order and appealed for the freedom of the Irish colony in Scotland.
In both cases success crowned his efforts. Still more daring was the
action of St. Columbanus in his dealings with the Merovingian King,
Theuderic, to whom he wrote a letter full of the bitterest reproaches
and threatening to excommunicate him, if he did not immediately amend
his sinful life. Thus did Columbanus draw upon himself not only the
anger of the king but that of the crafty and cruel Brunechildis.
Nothing daunted, however, he defied alike both their threats and
violence. He adhered steadfastly to principle even though that
adherence caused him to be driven from the kingdom of the Franks.[189]
SILENCE:
There was silence in the refectory during meals so that the reader
could be distinctly heard, and silence was compulsory at other times
also. Indeed, in their intercourse with each other the conversation of
the monks was reserved at all times, but as regards their relation to
society at large the objects of their system were too practical and
their engagements too much characterized by common sense to impose
any restraint in conversation but such as conduced to dignity and
decorum.[190]
HOSPITALITY:
The monastery was usually located so as to be easily accessible to
visitors for whom a special Hospice or Guest-house was provided.
We have seen that when a guest arrived there was a relaxation of
the fast—so strongly had the national characteristic of hospitality
pervaded the monastic life.[191] Women, however, were rigidly excluded
from the monastery.[192]
LOVE OF NATURE:
Another notable characteristic was the love of the monks for nature,
animate and inanimate. This is shown in many ways, such as in the
selection of the sites of their monasteries, and in their treatment
of animals. Moreover, they often gave expression to their feelings
for nature in verse, with the result that they are acknowledged to
be pioneers in the field of “Nature Poetry” as well as in many other
spheres of intellectual activity.[193]
Having regard to all the facts we have brought together Dr. Healy’s
eloquent tribute to Irish monasticism appears to be amply justified. It
is worth quoting:
“Fasting and prayer, labour and study are the daily task of the monks
in every monastery. How well and unselfishly that toil was performed
the history of Europe tells. The monks made roads, cleared the forests,
and fertilised the desert. Their monasteries in Ireland were the sites
of our cities.... They preserved for us the literary treasures of
antiquity; they multiplied copies of the best and newest books; they
illumined them with loving care. They taught the children of rich and
poor alike; ... they were the greatest authors, painters, architects
since the decline of the Roman Empire. They were the physicians of
the poor; they served the sick in their hospitals and in their homes.
And when the day’s work was done in the fields or in the study, they
praised God, and prayed for men who were unable or unwilling to pray
for themselves. Ignorant and prejudiced men have spoken of them as an
idle and useless race. They were in reality the greatest toilers, and
the greatest benefactors of humanity the world has ever known.”[194]