CHAPTER XX

VISITS TO ENGLAND

1892

My next visit to England was in the spring of 1892. The

winter before, I had a severe attack of iritis, which left my

eyes in a very demoralized condition. I did not find much

relief in this country, not, I suppose, because of want of

skill in our ophthalmic surgeons, but because of the impossibility

of getting any rest anywhere where I could be reached by telephone

or telegraph. To a person who can bear an ordinary voyage

there is no retreat like an ocean steamer. Telephone, telegraph,

daily paper; call or visit of friend, client, or constituent;

daily mail--sometimes itself, to a busy public man, enough

for a hard day's work--all these are forgotten. You spend

your ten days in an infinite quiet like that of Heaven. You

sit in your deck-chair with the soft sea breeze on your forehead,

as the mighty ocean cradle rocks you, and see the lace of

an exquisite beauty that no Tyrian weaver ever devised, breaking

over the blue or purple waves, with their tints that no Tyrian

dye ever matched. Ah! Marconi, Marconi, could not you let

us alone, and leave the tired brain of humanity one spot

where this "hodge-podge of business and trouble and care"

could not follow us and find us out?

On this journey I visited England, France and Switzerland.

It so happened that I had had a good deal to do with the appointment

of our Ministers to these three countries. Colonel John D.

Washburn, a very accomplished and delightful gentleman, now

dead, had been a pupil of mine as a law student. He lived

in Worcester and had been a very eminent member of the Massachusetts

Legislature. I think he would have been Governor of the State

and had a very brilliant career but for a delicacy of organization

which made him break down in health when under any severe

strain of responsibility, especially such as involved antagonism

and conflict. He was of a very friendly, gentle disposition,

and disliked to be attacked or to attack other men. I told

Mr. Blaine, the Secretary of State when Mr. Harrison's Administration

came in, that I had but one favor to ask of it; that was,

that he should send Washburn as Minister to Switzerland. I

had two or three very pleasant days with him at Berne. But

he had sent his family away and was preparing to resign his

place. So I had not much opportunity of seeing Switzerland

under his guidance.

Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, then Minister to France, had also

been appointed on my very earnest recommendation. He was

a great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, a very able business

man, highly esteemed throughout the country. His guidance

was implicitly followed by many people in important business

transactions. He had had the charge of the financial affairs

of some large manufacturing corporations, and was understood

to have extricated the Northern Pacific Railroad out of some

serious difficulties, into which it fell again after he left

its control. He had been a Democrat. But he had seen the

importance of the protective policy to American interests,

as would naturally be expected of a descendant of that high

protectionist, Thomas Jefferson. He had no sympathies with

any measures that would debase or unsettle the currency, and

set his face and gave his powerful influence against all forms

of fiat or irredeemable paper money, and the kindred folly

of the free coinage of silver by this country alone, without

the concurrence of the commercial nations of the world.

Soon after Mr. Harrison's Administration began, I received

a message about nine o'clock one evening, asking me to go

to the White House at once. I obeyed the summons. The President

said he desired, if I had no objection, to send in the name

of Dr. Loring of Massachusetts, as Minister to Portugal. I

told him that I had no objection whatever; that Dr. Loring

was an able man of agreeable manners, and had performed admirably

every public duty he had undertaken. I said that the Doctor

had felt a little disturbed, I thought, that I had refused

to call a meeting of the Massachusetts delegation to press

his name upon the President for a Cabinet office, to which

President Harrison replied, "I put my foot on that pretty

quick." Dr. Loring had been a great friend and supporter

of Mr. Blaine, the Secretary of State. I conjectured, although

the President did not say so, that the choice of Dr. Loring

had been made at the Secretary's instance.

The President then said that he wanted to talk with me about

the English Mission, which had troubled him a good deal. He

mentioned the names of several prominent men in different

parts of the country, including Robert Lincoln and Mr. Jewett,

an eminent lawyer in Chicago, whose name was earnestly pressed

upon him by the Senators from Illinois. I said that I had

known Mr. Lincoln pretty well when he was in President Garfield's

and Mr. Arthur's Cabinet, and thought very highly of him.

He was a very modest man indeed, never pressing any claim

to public consideration or office, either on his own account

or as his father's son, and never seeking responsibility.

But I had noticed that when he had anything to say or anything

to do, he always said or did the wisest and best thing to be

said or done under the circumstances. I do not know how

much influence what I said had, but it seemed to gratify

President Harrison exceedingly, and he stated that he was

strongly inclined to appoint Mr. Lincoln.

I was told the next morning he sent for the two Illinois

Senators, and told them that he had made up his mind to nominate

Mr. Lincoln, and that one of them, Senator Farwell, was exceedingly

offended. He was also much disturbed by President Harrison's

attitude in regard to the appointment of the postmaster at

Chicago. The result was that when President Harrison's name

came up for another nomination, Mr. Farwell was opposed to

him, and when he was with difficulty nominated for reelection,

the State of Illinois voted for Cleveland. Senator Cullom,

though not liking very well to have his opinion disregarded,

was more discreet. He did not see fit to make the exercise

of the President's rightful and Constitutional prerogative

a reason for breaking off his friendly relations with the

Administration, with whose principles he was in full accord.

This is an instance of President Harrison's want of tact.

I have little doubt that if, before finally announcing his

intention, he had sent for the Illinois Senators--as Abraham

Lincoln would have done, or as President McKinley would have

done--gone over the whole ground with them, and told them

his reasons and desire, they would have cheerfully acquiesced

in the conclusion to which he had come, and their friendship

with him would have been strengthened and not weakened.

After saying what was to be said about the English Mission,

I said to President Harrison: "We have a gentleman in Massachusetts,

whom I think it is very desirable indeed to place in some

important public service; that is Thomas Jefferson Coolidge.

He is a great-grandson of Mr. Jefferson." I said to the President

the substance of what I have just stated above, about Mr.

Coolidge. I added that while Mr. Coolidge would be an excellent

person for the English Mission, which his uncle Mr. Stevenson

had held, yet, of course, I did not think, under the circumstances,

that it would be proper to make another important diplomatic

appointment from Massachusetts just then; but I hoped that

an opportunity might come later. President Harrison seemed

to be much impressed with the suggestion, and said that he

would bear it in mind.

When I went back to my room, it occurred to me that I had better

speak to Mr. Blaine about it. If he first heard of it from

the President he might think that I was trying to deal with

the President about matters in his Department over his head

and without consulting him. So I went round to the State

Department early the next morning, and told Mr. Blaine what

I had said to the President. I found that he knew all about

Mr. Coolidge. I inadvertently spoke of him as grandson of

Mr. Jefferson. Blaine immediately corrected me by saying,

"great-grandson." He seemed to like the plan very well.

Nothing came of the matter at that time. But later, when

the Pan-American Commission was appointed, the President,

of his own motion, appointed Mr. Coolidge as one of the American

representatives. Later, I happened to be one day at the White

House, and President Harrison told me that Whitelaw Reid had

announced his intention of resigning the French Mission before

long. I reminded him of our conversation about Mr. Coolidge,

and urged his name very strongly on him. He hesitated a good

deal. I got the approval of every New England Senator but

one to the proposal. The President still hesitated and seemed

inclined to appoint Mr. Andrew D. White. But he finally

yielded to the urgency for Mr. Coolidge. I should have been

sorry if anything I had done had resulted in depriving the

country of the service of Andrew D. White. I suppose him

to be one of the very best representatives we ever had abroad.

But an opportunity came soon after, to send him first to

Russia, and then to Germany, where he has represented what is

best in the character, ability, desire, interest and scholarship

of the American people.

So we had two first-rate representatives abroad instead of

one. Mr. Coolidge discharged his functions to the satisfaction

of the Administration, and to the universal approval of his

countrymen.

He received me when I visited Paris with a very cordial and

delightful hospitality. I had the pleasure of meeting at

his house at dinner M. Ribot, then Prime Minister of France

and afterward President of the French Republic, and several

others of the leading men in their public life. But I spoke

French very imperfectly indeed, and understood it much less,

when spoken by a Parisian. The conversation was, in general,

in French. So I got very little knowledge of them by being

in their society.

My visit in England gave me a good deal more to remember.

Mr. Lincoln also received me with great cordiality. He gave

a dinner at which several of the leaders of the Liberal Party

were present; among them, Sir William Vernon Harcourt. I

had letters to Sir William Vernon Harcourt, and to Lord Rosebery,

and to Lord Coleridge, Lord Chief Justice of England. Sir

William Vernon Harcourt and Lord Rosebery each called on me,

and spent an hour at my room. But Parliament was dissolved

just at that time, so the Liberal leaders had at once to begin

the campaign which resulted in Mr. Gladstone's victory. So

I had no opportunity to make an intimate acquaintance with

either of them. I owed to Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes an introduction

to John Bellows, a Quaker, a most delightful gentleman, the

first authority in his time on the Roman antiquities of Great

Britain, a fine classical scholar and learned in old English

literature and in the languages from which came the roots

of our English tongue. I formed with him a close friendship

which ended only with his death, in 1902. A year before he

died he visited me in my home at Worcester, and received the

degree of Master of Arts from Harvard. Mr. Bellows is the

author of the wonderful French Dictionary.

I spent a few days with Lord Coleridge in Devon. His house

at Ottery St. Mary's is close to the spot where Samuel Taylor

Coleridge was born. I met there several of the race. I do

not know whether they were living in the neighborhood or happened

to be there on a visit.

I found in the church, close by, the tomb of John Sherman,

one of my own kindred, I have no doubt, of the race which

came from Colchester and Dedham in Essex, and Yaxley in Suffolk.

The Lord Chief Justice was much distressed lest he had done

wrong in complying with General Butler's invitation to visit

him at Lowell. He said that many of his American friends

had treated him coldly afterward, and that his friend Richard

Dana, whom he highly esteemed, had refused to call upon him

for that reason.

I told him he did absolutely right, in my opinion. I said

that General Butler was then Governor of the Commonwealth

of Massachusetts, and that an eminent person, holding a high

official character, from a foreign country, could not undertake

to question the personal character, or the title to be considered

gentlemen, of the men whom the American people put into their

high places.

Lord Coleridge said he received fifty guineas every morning

for his services in the Tichborne trial. "But," he added,

"my general practice in my profession was so much interrupted

by it that I could not have got along that year but for my

salary as Attorney-General."

He spoke with great pride of his cross-examination of the

Claimant. He said one of the papers had complained that

his cross-examination did no good to his case whatever. "But

I made him admit that he sent his photograph to some person,

as the photograph of Arthur Orton." He said the common people

in England still held to the belief that the Claimant was

the genuine Sir Roger Tichborne, and, by a curious contradiction,

this feeling was inspired largely by their sympathy with him

as a man of humble birth. I said, "Yes, I think that is true.

I heard somebody, a little while ago, say that they heard

two people talking in the cars, and one of them said to the

other, 'They wouldn't give him the estate, because he was

the son of a poor butcher.'" This very much amused the Lord

Chief Justice.

I asked him about the story I had heard and had verified

some time before, of the connection, in the person of Lady

Rolle, between two quite remote periods. Lady Rolle was

alive until 1887, maintaining her health so that she gave

dinner parties in that year, shortly before she died. She was

the widow of Mr. Rolle, afterward Lord Rolle, who made a

violent attack on Charles James Fox in 1783. He was then

thirty-two years old. From him the famous satire, the Rolliad,

took its name. When he went to pay his homage to Queen Victoria

at her Coronation in Westminster Abbey, he was quite feeble,

and rolled down the steps of the throne. The young Queen

showed her kindness of heart by jumping up and going to help

him in person. Some of the English told the foreigners present

at the ceremonial that that was part of the ceremony, and

that the Rolles held their lands on the tenure of going through

that performance at every coronation. Lady Rolle was married

to her husband in 1820. He was then sixty-nine, and she a

young girl of twenty years old. He was eighty or ninety years

old when he died, and she survived as his widow for many years.

Something came up on the subject of longevity which induced

me to refer to this story and ask Lord Coleridge if it were

true. We were then riding out together; "Yes," said he, "there,"

pointing to a dwelling-place in full sight, "is the house

where she lived."

His Lordship asked me about an American Judge with whom he

had some acquaintance. I told him that I thought his reputation

was rather that of a jurist than a Judge. "Oh, yes," said

he, "a jurist is a man who knows something about the law of

every country but his own."

Lord Coleridge had a good reputation as a story-teller. It

was pleasant to get an auditor who seemed to like to hear

the stories which have got rather too commonplace to be worth

telling over here. He had a great admiration for President

Lincoln, and was eager to hear anything anybody had to tell

of him. I told him the famous story of Lincoln's reply to

the man who had left with him his poem to read, when he gave

it back. "If anybody likes that sort of thing, it's just

the sort of thing they'd like." I overheard his Lordship,

as he circulated about the room, a little while afterward,

repeating the story to various listeners.

He thought Matthew Arnold the greatest living Englishman.

He spoke with great respect of Carlyle. He said: "Emerson

was an imitator of Carlyle, and got his thoughts from him."

I could not stand that. It seemed to me that he had probably

never read a page of Emerson in his life, and had got his

notion from some writer for a magazine, before either of these

great men was well known. I took the liberty of saying, with

some emphasis, "Emerson was a far profounder and saner intellect

than Carlyle." To which he said, "Why, what do you say?"

I repeated what I had said, and he received the statement

with great politeness, but, of course, without assent.

During this summer I paid a visit to Moyle's Court, near

Southampton, formerly owned by Lady Alice Lisle, whose daughter

married Leonard Hoar, President of Harvard College. Leonard

Hoar was the brother of my ancestor, John Hoar of Concord,

and the son of Charles Hoar, Sheriff of Gloucester. There

is a statement in an old account of some Puritan worthies

that I have seen, to the effect that John Hoar and Leonard

married sisters. If that be true, John Hoar's wife, Alice,

was a daughter and namesake of Lady Alice Lisle. Although

I should like to believe it, I am afraid that the claim cannot

be made good. Lady Alice Lisle was a lady of large wealth

and good lineage. Her husband was John Lord Lisle, who was

Lord Justice under Cromwell, and one of the Judges in the

trial of Charles I. He drew the indictment and sentence of

the King, and sat next to Bradshaw at the trial, and directed

and prompted him in difficult matters. He was murdered one

Sunday morning on his way to church when in exile at Lausanne,

Switzerland, on the Lake of Geneva, by three ruffians, said

to be sent for that purpose by Queen Henrietta. Lady Alice

Lisle was a victim of the brutality of Jeffries. After Monmouth's

rebellion and defeat, she gave shelter and food to two fugitives

from Monmouth's army. The report of her trial is in Howell.

There was no proof that she knew that they were fugitives

from Monmouth's army, although she supposed one of them was

a Dissenting minister. There had been no conviction of the

principals, which the English law required before an accessory

after the fact could be found guilty. She suggested this

point at the trial, but it was overruled by Jeffries. He

conducted the case with infinite brutality. She was a kindly

old lady, of more than seventy years. She slept during part

of the trial, probably being fatigued by the journey, in which

she had been carried on horseback from Moyle's Court to Winchester,

and the sleepless nights which would naturally have followed.

She was sentenced to be burned at the stake. But the sentence

was commuted to beheading, at the intercession of the gentry

of the neighborhood. She had disapproved of the execution

of the King; said she had always prayed for him, and had a

son in the King's army. Macaulay's account of the story is

familiar to all readers of English history.

I was received at the old house with great kindness by Mrs.

Fane, wife of the present proprietor. It is a beautiful

old house with carved oak partitions, with a dining room

rising to the roof. Lady Lisle's chamber and the place where

the two fugitives were concealed are still shown. Mrs. Fane

had gathered some local traditions which are not found in

print. One old lady, who had been well known to persons now

living, had received some of them from her grandmother, who

was cotemporary with Lady Alice.

The lady was very popular with her tenants in the neighborhood.

The messenger who came from Winchester to arrest her took

her on horseback behind him, according to the custom of the

time. The horse cast a shoe. The messenger was for pressing

on without regard to the suffering of the animal. She insisted

that he should stop and have the horse shod. The man roughly

refused. She said: "I have made no outcry, on my own account.

But everybody here loves me. If you do not stop, I shall

cry out. You will never get away with me alive." The fellow

was frightened and consented to stop at a smithy. When the

smith had finished his work, Lady Lisle said: "I will be back

this way in two or three days, and I will pay you." To this

the messenger said: "Yes, you will be back this way in two

or three days, but without your head."

The headless body was brought back from Winchester after the

trial. The next day, when the household were at dinner, a

man came to the outside and thrust into the dining room window

a basket, containing her head. This was said to be for "greater

indignity."

Lady Lisle had known Hicks, one of the persons whom she relieved,

before. When the court was sitting for the trial of Charles

I., she went up to London to expostulate with her husband.

She arrived at his lodgings just as he was setting out in

a procession, with some state, for Westminster Hall, where

the trial was held. As she approached to speak to him, he

did not recognize her in the soiled dress in which she had

travelled, and motioned her away rather roughly. It was said

that she was overcome by the press in the crowd and fell to

the ground. Hicks, who was a Dissenting minister, raised

her up and took her to his own lodging near by in the Strand.

She said to him that she could not recompense him there, but

if he would come to Hampshire, or to the Isle of Wight, where

she had property, she would be glad to repay him.

Saturday, October 22, 1892, with Mrs. Hoar and her sister,

Mrs. Rice, I went from Southampton to Ringwood, about twenty

miles, and thence drove to Ellingham Church, about two miles

and a half. The church is a small but very beautiful structure

of stone, with a small wooden belfry. The tomb of Lady Alice

Lisle is a heavy, flat slab of gray stone, raised about two

or three feet from the ground, bearing the following inscription:

Here lies Dame Alicia Lisle

and her daughter Ann Harfeld

who dyed the 17th of Feb. 1703-4

Alicia Lisle dyed the

second of Sept. 1685.

It is close to the wall of the church, on the right of the

porch. In the church is seen the old Lisle pew of carved

oak, now the pew of the Earl of Normanton. Opposite the

pew is the pulpit, also of carved black oak, apparently ancient.

The church contains a tablet to the memory of the former owner

of Moyle's Court, who died in 1622.

Moyle's Court is about a mile and a half from Ellingham Church.

The drive is along a beautiful lane shaded by trees whose

branches meet from the two sides, through a beautiful and

fertile country, adorned by herds of fine cattle. Moyle's

Court is a large two-story building, consisting of two square

wings connected by the main building. The wings project from

the main building in front, but the whole forms a continuous

line in the rear. As you approach it, you pass numerous

heavy, brick outbuildings, including several farmhouses, one

of which is quite large, and apparently of great antiquity.

We were received by Mrs. Fane with the greatest courtesy.

She said that the landed estate connected with Moyle's Court

is very large, now or recently yielding the Earl of Normanton

seven thousand pounds a year.

The present occupant of Moyle's Court, Frederick Fane, Esq.,

came there about twenty-one years before. The house was then

much dilapidated, but he has restored it in a style in keeping

with the ancient architecture. The principal room is a dining

hall, rising from the ground some twenty-five feet in height,

with a gallery at one end, on a level with the second story.

The walls of this room are of beautiful, carved oak, the front

of the gallery being ancient, and as it existed in the time

of Lady Alice Lisle. The staircase, also of fine, carved

oak, is of equal antiquity. The carved oak in the passages

and some of the other rooms has been restored by Mr. Fane

from material found in the attic. There is also a curious

old kitchen, with a large fireplace, with a closet in the

chimney where it is said one of the persons succored by Lady

Alice Lisle was found hidden. In the cellar is a curiously

carved head on a stone beam, which seemed as if it might formerly

have supported a mantel-piece or shelf. It is said that this

portion of the cellar was once a chapel.

Some of the chambers have been named by Mr. Fane from persons

connected with the tragedy--Dame Alicia, Monmouth, Nelthrop,

Hicks, Tryphena--these names being inscribed on the doors.

The room is shown where Lady Lisle is said to have been seized.

The old tombstone over the grave of Leonard Hoar and his wife,

at the Quincy burial-ground, in Massachusetts, is almost an

exact copy of that over Lady Alice Lisle, at Ellerton near

Moyle's Court. They were doubtless selected by the same taste.

Mrs. Leonard Hoar, whose maiden name was Bridget Lisle, was

connected quite intimately with three of the great tragedies

in the history of English liberty. Her father, as has been

said, was murdered at Lausanne. Her mother was murdered under

the form of the mock judgment of Jeffries, at Winchester.

Her niece married Lord Henry Russell, son of the Duke of Bedford,

and brother of Lord William Russell, the story of whose tragic

death is familiar to every one who reads the noble history

of the struggle between liberty and tyranny which ended with

the Revolution of 1688.

Bridget Hoar married again after the death of her husband,

President Hoar. Her second husband was a Mr. Usher, who

seems to have been insane. She lived with him very unhappily,

then separated from him and went back to England, staying

there until he died. She then came back to Boston and died,

May 25, 1723. At her own request she was buried at the side

of her first husband. A great concourse of the clergy and

the principal citizens, including the Governor, attended her

funeral.

It was my good fortune to be instrumental, after this visit,

in correcting an evil which had caused great annoyance to

our representatives abroad for a good many years.

The Americans have never maintained their representatives

abroad with a dignity becoming a great power like the United

States. The American Minister is compelled by our rules to

wear a dress which exposes him to be mistaken for a waiter

at any festive gathering. Distinctions of rank are well established

in the diplomatic customs of civilized nations. It is well

understood that whether a representative of a county shall

be an Ambassador, a Minister Plenipotentiary, a Minister Resident,

or a Charge' d'affaires, depends on the sense of its rank

among the nations of the world of the country that sends him.

For many years all argument was lost on Congress. The United

States representative must not adopt the customs as to dress

of the effete monarchies of the old world. To send an Ambassador

instead of a Minister was to show a most undemocratic deference

to titles, abhorrent to every good republican. There had

been several attempts to make a change in this matter, always

unsuccessful, until I went abroad in 1892.

When I was in London in that year, I saw a great deal of

Mr. Lincoln. He told me how vexatious he found his position.

When the Minister for Foreign Affairs received the diplomatic

representatives of other countries at the Foreign Office,

Ambassadors were treated as belonging to one rank, or class,

and the Ministers as to a lower one. The members of each

class were received in the order of their seniority. We change

our Ministers with every Administration. So the Minister

of the United States is likely to be among the juniors. He

might have to wait all day, while the representatives of insignificant

little States were received one after another. If, before

the day ended, his turn came, some Ambassador would arrive,

who would get there, perhaps, five minutes before it was time

for Mr. Lincoln to go in, he had precedence at once. So the

representative of the most powerful country on earth might

have to lose the whole day, only to repeat the same experience

on the next.

An arrangement was made which partly cured the trouble by

the Minister for Foreign Affairs receiving Mr. Lincoln, on

special application, informally, at his residence, on some

other day. But that was frequently very inconvenient. And,

besides, it was not always desirable to make a special application

for an audience, which would indicate to the English Government

that we attached great importance to the request he might

have to make, so that conditions of importance would be likely

be attached to it by them. It was quite desirable, sometimes,

to mention a subject incidentally and by the way, rather than

to make it matter of a special appointment.

When I got to Paris, I found Mr. Coolidge complaining of the

same difficulty. I told our two Ministers that when I got

home I would try to devise a remedy. Accordingly I proposed

and moved as an amendment to the Consular and Diplomatic Appropriation

Bill, the following clause:

"Whenever the President shall be advised that any foreign

government is represented, or is about to be represented in

the United States, by an Ambassador, Envoy Extraordinary,

Minister Plenipotentiary, Minister Resident, Special Envoy,

or Charge' d'affairs, he is authorized, in his discretion,

to direct that the representatives of the United States to

such government shall bear the same designation. This provision

shall in no wise affect the duties, powers, or salary of such

representative."

This had the hearty approval of Senators Allison and Hale,

the leading members of the Committee on Appropriations, and

was reported favorably by that Committee.

Senator Vest was absent when the matter came up, and it passed

without opposition. Mr. Vest announced, the next day, that

he had intended to oppose it. I am afraid if he had, he would

have succeeded in defeating it.

When it went to the House, the Committee on Appropriations

consented to retain the amendment, and it was favored by Mr.

Hitt of Illinois, who had, himself, represented the country

abroad and knew all about such matters. There was a little

opposition in the House. But it was quieted without great

difficulty. Vice-President Morton, who had, himself, represented

the country at Paris, went personally to the House and used

his great influence in favor of the proposition. Mr. Blount

of Georgia, a very influential Democrat, threatened to make

a strong opposition. But the gentlemen who favored it said

to him: "Now you are going out of the House, but your countrymen

will not long let you stay in retirement. You will be summoned

to important public service somewhere. It is quite likely

that your political friends will call you to one of these

important diplomatic places, where you will be in danger of

suffering the inconvenience yourself, if the present system

continue." Mr. Blount was pacified. And the measure which

I think would have been beaten by a pugnacious opposition

in either House of Congress, got through.

Among the most impressive recollections of my life is the

funeral of Tennyson in Westminster Abbey. I got a seat at

the request of the American Minister by the favor of Archdeacon

Farrar, who had charge of the arrangements. It was a most

impressive scene. I had a seat near the grave, which was

in the Poets' Corner, of which the pavement had been opened.

The wonderful music; the stately procession which followed

the coffin through the historic West entrance, in the most

venerable building in the world, to lay the poet to sleep

his last sleep with England's illustrious dead of more than

a thousand years,

In those precincts where the mighty rest,

With rows of statesmen and with walks of Kings,

to which

Ne'er since their foundation came a nobler guest,

was unspeakably touching and impressive. The solemn burial

service was conducted by the aged Dean, doomed, not long after,

to follow the beloved poet to his own final resting-place

near by.

The choir sang two anthems, both by Tennyson--"Crossing the

Bar" and "Silent Voices"--the music of the latter by Lady

Tennyson.

The grave lay next to Robert Browning's, hard by the monument

to Chaucer. I looked into it and saw the oaken coffin with

the coronet on the lid.

The pall-bearers were the Duke of Argyle, Lord Dufferin,

Lord Selbourne, Lord Rosebery, Mr. Jowett, Mr. Lecky, Mr.

Froude, Lord Salisbury, Dr. Butler, Head of Trinity, Cambridge,

Sir James Paget, Lord Kelvin and the United States Minister.

The place of Mr. Lincoln, who had gone home on leave of absence,

was taken by Mr. Henry White.

After depositing the body, the bearers passed the seat where

I sat, one by one, pressing through between two rows of seats,

so that their garments touched mine as they went by.

The day was cloudy and mournful, blending an unusual gloom

with the dim religious light of the Abbey. But just as the

body was let down into the earth, the sun came out for a moment

from the clouds, cheering and lightening up the nave and aisles

and transepts of the mighty building. As the light struck

the faces of the statues and the busts, it seemed for a moment

that the countenances changed and stirred with a momentary

life, as if to give a welcome to the guest who had come to

break upon their long repose. Of course it was but an idle

imagination, begot, perhaps, of the profound excitement which

such a scene, to the like of which I was so utterly unaccustomed,

made upon me. But as I think of it now, I can hardly resist

the belief that it was real.

It was my good fortune during this journey to become the

purchaser of Wordsworth's Bible. It was presented to him

by Frederick William Taber, the famous writer of hymns. While

it is absolutely clean, it bears the mark of much use. It

was undoubtedly the Bible of Wordsworth's old age. On my

next visit to England I told John Morley about it. He said,

if it had been known, I never should have been allowed to

take it out of England. It bears the following inscription

in Taber's handwriting:

William Wordsworth

From Frederick Wm Taber,

In affectionate acknowledgment of his many kindnesses,

and of the pleasure and advantage of his friendship.

Ambleside. New Year's Eve. 1842. A. D.

Be stedfast in thy Covenant, and be _conversant_

therein, and wax old in thy work.

Ecclesiasticus XI. 20.

Autobiography of Seventy Years, Vol. 1-2 · 第 20 / 40 章