GENEVA.--DISSENSION AND SEVERITY.
(1540.)
At the same time that Calvin’s reputation was rising in other
countries, the judgment formed at Geneva of the men who had compelled
him to quit the town was daily becoming more unfavorable, and ere long
opinion was altogether opposed to them. ‘The time was come,’ says
Theodore Beza, ‘when the Lord had determined to have pity on the Church
of Geneva.’[823]
[Sidenote: BERNE AND GENEVA.]
When, in 1536, the Bernese had repulsed the troops of Savoy and
insured the independence of Geneva, an arrangement was effected
between these two states respecting five or six villages belonging to
the priory of St. Victor, of which Bonivard had been the last prior.
Geneva had claimed the sovereignty, and had conceded to Berne the
_rights of ancient custom_ which had belonged to Savoy. The treaty
not being sufficiently clear, the Bernese claimed prerogatives which
the Genevese disputed with them. Consequently, on March 6, 1539, the
council of Geneva sent to Berne Ami de Chapeaurouge, Jean Lullin and
Monathon, all three of them opponents of Calvin. The first two had
indeed been syndics in 1538, and as such had taken the lead in the
banishment of the reformers. They were to settle the matters in
dispute, but ‘without infringing on the franchises of the town or on
the treaty of 1536.’ These delegates signed at Berne, on March 30, a
treaty comprising twenty-one articles, ‘the most part of which,’ says
the syndic Gautier, who is moderate in his account, ‘were humiliating
to the Genevese, and deprived them of their rights over those
territories.’ The first article of the treaty said in fact, ‘To us of
Berne the chief lordship, that is to say, _the sovereignty_ over men
and goods, is entirely to belong.’ The three Genevese were far less
clever as politicians than the Bernese, and we prefer to attribute
their error to their inferior diplomatic skill rather than to treason.
On their return to Geneva they merely reported to the council ‘that
they had done their work well (_avaient bien besogné_), and that the
contract entered into would shortly be brought to Berne.’ It was
strange that these plenipotentiaries not only should not present the
treaty, but still more should not state _viva voce_ what it contained.
‘As they had trifled with the orders which they had received,’ says
Gautier, ‘they were afraid of being completely ruined if they gave
an exact account of their management, and they hoped by delaying the
matter to obliterate the recollections of what might be criminal
in their proceedings.’[824] They reckoned among the members of the
council many of their kinsfolk and friends. Their word was taken. These
three councillors, the signatories of the articles, were consequently
called the _Articulants_; and the people, adopting a word almost the
same in sound and more familiar to them, called them the _Artichauts_
(Artichokes). This designation was extended to the whole party opposed
to Calvin, which was at this time in the ascendency.[825]
About two months later a Bernese _bailli_ (De Thiez) having caused a
man belonging to the estates of St. Victor to be put to the torture,
the council of Geneva complained of it, and the _bailli_ immediately
justified himself by appealing from them to the treaty concluded
at Berne. The Genevese magistrates, who were not acquainted with
it, sent Monathon to procure it. He brought it back, but it was in
German! The document was returned, in order to be translated into
French; and when the articles were at last read in the council many
murmured, and said that most of those points were contrary to the
rights and the prerogatives of the town. The three deputies justified
themselves by asserting that this document was not the one which they
had signed. This statement was credited. The council declared that it
did not accept the paper, and decreed that the three _articulants_
should return to Berne to demand explanations. But in vain did the
two councils implore and even command Lullin to go; he declared that
he would sooner quit the town than consent to be a delegate to Berne.
He had private reasons for not having a mind to this mission. Three
other notables were associated with De Chapeaurouge and Monathon. The
two _articulants_ represented to the Bernese that they had not heard
the articles couched in such terms. But the Bernese replied that it
was the genuine treaty, and that they would have the council of Geneva
cited before judges charged to investigate the difficulties existing
between the two towns, in order to get it condemned to sign and seal
the treaty. Lambert, one of the deputies who had accompanied Monathon
and De Chapeaurouge to Berne, heard, in a conversation with some
people of the town, that at the time of drawing them up, Jean Lullin
had consented to the articles in German, and had got them passed by
his colleagues without telling them in French what they contained.
From this one must infer that Jean Lullin, the only one of the three
who knew German, remained responsible. The other two, however, still
lay under the imputation, it must be confessed, of incredible
thoughtlessness. On April 6 the deputies made their report to the
council.
[Sidenote: QUARREL ABOUT THE TREATY.]
The Bernese, sure of their case, continued to enforce their rights of
sovereignty, and took pleasure in annoying the Genevese in various
ways. They even carried their ill-will to the length of cruelty.
Two murderers, subjects of St. Victor, having been condemned by the
Genevese magistrates to be beheaded, the Bernese _bailli_ substituted
the rack, and sent to Geneva the executioner’s bill to be paid.
Discontent with the government party was increasing from day to day.
People said that the treaty made at Berne was an act of treason. Was
it possible that after having ruined religion by expelling Farel and
Calvin, the same party should ruin the state as well, by sacrificing
its most precious rights? Some went farther still. Bonnet, a member of
the Two Hundred, exclaimed, ‘The council mean to deliver up the town to
the lords of Berne.’ For this rash speech he was put in prison.[826]
But it served to increase the prevailing irritation. Many members of
the Two Hundred, among whom was Claude Bonna, declared to that council
that they would never allow the articles drawn up at Berne to receive
the seal of the republic. The matter at stake was the maintenance of
the honor of Geneva, her pre-eminence and the justice of her cause,
perhaps of her very existence. The friends of Calvin declared that the
powerful town of Berne should not trample their country under foot. The
opposition to the government had become so strong that, in the sitting
of August 25, all the members of the Two Hundred cried unanimously, ‘We
will not submit to these articles, considering that they are opposed to
our liberties, our franchises, and our good customs.’[827]
The Bernese, annoyed and irritated by the constant refusals of Geneva,
announced at the beginning of January 1540 that, having an authentic
document, they summoned their allies of Geneva to Lausanne, for the
29th of the month, in order that the cause might be decided by judges,
two from each town. Geneva, on the 21st, named De la Rive and Gerbel
to go to Lausanne with five assistants. On the 25th the general
council rejected the treaty, prohibited the deputies from accepting
a judicial decision, and ordered them to say to the Bernese that the
people _would set fire to the city_ rather than accept the articles.
Matters got worse and worse. Berne was inflexible. On the 26th, at nine
o’clock in the evening, a Genevese, Béguin, arrived at full speed from
Lausanne with important despatches. The general council, assembled on
the following day, was greatly excited by them. They caused the three
_articulants_ to be arrested, and Béguin was instructed to inform the
Bernese. But the latter commanded their judges to proceed, and the
Genevese were condemned for contumacy to seal the treaty and to pay
the costs. The gravity of the situation was at length understood at
Geneva. The very day, January 27, on which the judgment was delivered
at Lausanne, the general council, suddenly convoked by the tones of the
great bell at one o’clock in the morning, had decreed that the deputies
should sit as judges. But when this news arrived sentence was already
given. They had dispensed with the Genevese.
[Sidenote: INDIGNATION AT GENEVA.]
Great was the consternation at Geneva. On Sunday, February 1, it was
resolved to close all dissension at home by a general reconciliation,
in token of which the citizens took each other by the hand.
Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon were set at liberty on giving bail,
and Jean Philippe was named captain-general. This internal peace,
brought about by the war with which they were menaced from without,
was solemnized by a procession of the people to the sound of the drum
through the whole town. The ministers urged the appointment of a day
of prayer to celebrate and confirm the reconciliation. But this peace
was not rooted in the depth of their hearts. ‘Nevertheless,’ says
Rozet, ‘people still heard talk of several fights in the town,’ and the
son of the captain-general killed a citizen. The more violent men, when
they saw the dangers to which the treason or the thoughtlessness of the
_articulants_ exposed them, exclaimed, ‘Cut off their heads, pack them
all three in one trunk, and send them to Berne.’[828]
‘Meanwhile,’ says a contemporary biographer, ‘the Lord was about to
execute his judgments at Geneva in expressly punishing those who
while they were syndics had been the cause of driving away Farel
and Calvin.’[829] The councillor De Watteville, De Diesbach, and De
Graffenried, deputies of Berne, on April 16, declared to the Two
Hundred that the Bernese wished nothing so much as to give pleasure to
Geneva, and that, without taking advantage of the sentence pronounced
at Lausanne, they offered to discuss the affair anew. The general
council having been convoked on April 25 to decide the matter, no way
was found of coming to an understanding. These interminable disputes
with Berne (it took years to settle the question) had aroused the anger
of the Genevese against the _articulants_ who were the cause of them.
They believed these men to be more culpable than they really were. The
assembly was in violent agitation. Groups were formed, and transports
of wrath burst forth. ‘Justice! justice on the traitors!’ they cried.
They demanded that, before any deliberation, these deputies should be
again committed to prison. The three culprits were themselves present
in the council. The captain-general, Jean Philippe, going up to them
advised them in a whisper to go out instantly and make their escape.
The Little Council ordered their immediate incarceration. They had
signed the undertaking to appear when called for; but overcome with
fright, they disguised themselves and quitted the town in great haste,
thus violating the pledge which they had given. When the lieutenant
went to their homes to arrest them, they had disappeared. The tidings
were at once carried to the general council. ‘Let them be summoned
to appear by sound of trumpet,’ said a citizen, ‘and let seals be
affixed on their houses.’ ‘Yes! yes!’ cried the people; ‘so be it!’ The
assembly of the people being dissolved, a great concourse of citizens
surrounded the town hall and demanded justice with loud voices. The
public crier, traversing the streets, summoned the three deputies to
appear in three hours, in default of which they would be immediately
brought to trial. The Bernese having expressed to the council their
astonishment that this citation had been made without a word said to
them about it; ‘Ah!’ was the reply, ‘if we are slow to execute the
decision of the general council, the people will fall on us!’ The
general irritation extended at the same time to the pastors who had
taken the place of Farel and Calvin. These men were alarmed at it,
and, on April 30, presenting themselves before the council, they made
a statement of the reproaches which were heaped on them, and requested
their discharge. After turning away from the reformers, people were
now turning to them again. ‘At this time,’ says Rozet, a poor woman,
a foreigner, went about the town crying, What God keeps is well
kept.’[830]
The three fugitives having been summoned with sound of trumpet, for
three days in succession, and failing to appear, the solicitor-general
presented their indictment in seventy-four counts. Thirty-two witnesses
made their depositions; and on June 5 De Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and
Monathon, were condemned by default to be beheaded, as forgers and
rebels, who had been the cause and might again be the cause of great
evils to the state. Capital punishment was readily inflicted in the
sixteenth century; but the accused had fled, and it was a long way from
the sentence to the execution.
[Sidenote: JEAN PHILIPPE.]
The party which was favorable to the three _articulants_ and hostile
to the reformers continued to exist in Geneva, and had for its chief a
capable man, the captain-general Jean Philippe, who was syndic in 1538,
with Jean Lullin and Ami de Chapeaurouge. These three men, with the
violent Richardet, had, as we have seen, got Farel and Calvin banished,
and after having done much harm to the Church, had not hesitated to
involve the state in the most cruel perplexities. Jean Philippe, by his
violence, was on the point of still further increasing the troubles of
the city. ‘A rich man, and not niggardly,’ says Bonivard, ‘he was very
liberal to his comrades, especially those of the sword; and this made
him beloved of all. A man of courage for action, he was not prudent
in his projects, and he no more hesitated to risk his person than his
purse. Imprudent and impudent, hasty to believe, slow to disbelieve,
as soon as any hectoring fellow, among those whom he thought fit for
the battle, made a report to him, he believed it. And he was hard to
be undeceived because he had not capacity for appreciating a sound
reason; and this caused him to do many rash things.’ Such was the
man who had at his beck the party which, after having been supreme
in Geneva, had just received so severe a check. Jean Philippe could
not, without annoyance, see the sentence carried out against his
colleagues; and he understood that the result of it must be the ruin
of his whole party, unless he succeeded in arresting the course of
the popular torrent which was now rushing in a direction opposed to
them. Discontented and murmuring against those who had obliged Lullin
and De Chapeaurouge to take flight, he was a prey to the bitterest
apprehensions. After the sentence, Philippe and his adherents ‘banded
themselves together,’ says Bonivard, ‘and waited for an opportunity of
vengeance and of reinstating _the three_ in their former honors. Their
party, in defiance of their opponents, held banquets in the public
places. After all this thunder there must needs be rain, hail, and fall
of thunderbolts, to clear the sky.’ The storm indeed did not fail to
burst forth.
[Sidenote: A RIOT.]
A phenomenon was at this time visible at Geneva which has been produced
in almost all nations; the conquerors were divided amongst themselves.
The party which in 1538 had banished the reformers was divided into
two. The more fiery minds were for pushing their victory to an
extreme, the more discreet, on the other hand, slackened their pace
and restrained their passions. The impetuous young men of Geneva were
irritated at seeing the leaders under whom they had fought condemned
to death and fugitives. On the day after their condemnation, Sunday,
June 16, many Genevese, according to custom, were assembled on the
plain of Plainpalais, situated at the gates of the town, and were
practising archery. Some of them meeting Jean Philippe and his friends,
shouted at them, ‘Artichokes!’ It will not be forgotten that this was
the popular nickname given to the _articulants_. This little word did
a great deal of mischief. ‘The tongue,’ says Calvin, ‘carries a man
away and sweeps him along like a flood, just as wild unbroken horses
whirl along a chariot with such force and swiftness that nothing can
stop it.’ This is what now occurred at Geneva. The nickname greatly
annoyed the captain-general, and he swore to take vengeance. ‘There
are three hundred of us who will one day arise and hamstring so many
of these evangelists and Lutherans that it shall be a thing never to
be forgotten.’ This saying was attributed to him, but he afterwards
denied it. The captain-general, on returning from Plainpalais, went
to sup with some of his friends at the hotel _de l’Ange_; while other
adherents of his were eating and drinking at his expense at the hotel
_du Brochet_. Some of them, after leaving the table, met some citizens
of the opposite party on the bridge over the Rhone. ‘Nothing more than
hard words passed between them,’ says Bonivard, ‘with the exception
of Jean Philippe, who seized a halberd, and, as though he were out
of his mind, without distinguishing friend from foe, struck blows
right and left, and wounded two or three persons.’ Then this fierce
partisan crossed the Rhone to go to St. Gervais, where most of his
familiar associates lived. He summoned and got them together, a grave
proceeding for a captain-general, and passing the bridge with them,
reached the square of La Fusterie. There he found a large body of his
adversaries. A conflict began. Jean Philippe struck other blows. ‘With
the point of his halberd he wounded one Jean d’Abères in the breast,’
says Bonivard, ‘so seriously that he had to be carried to his house.’
One Jean de Lesclefs gave with his partisan a blow on the head to Ami
Perrin, ‘a citizen,’ says Bonivard, ‘who was fond of being splendidly
attired and of good living, and who at this time belonged to the party
of honest men.’ Claude of Geneva, a friend of Perrin, discharged a
pistol at Lesclefs, and the shot entering near the heart killed him.
The captain-general, repulsed, withdrew to his own house with his
adherents, who kept firing their arquebuses from within. The syndic
Philippin, wishing to allay the disturbance, was wounded by these men,
and a servant of one of their own number, putting his head out at
the window, was also struck. It was very generally believed that the
captain-general had formed a conspiracy to upset the government which
had just condemned his friends. It is difficult to decide. We may,
however, suppose that it was a riot rather than a conspiracy.[831]
At nine o’clock in the evening of the same day the council convoked
the Two Hundred, and gave orders to guard the town-gates to prevent
the flight of the culprits. The next day, _at five_ in the morning,
the Council of the Two Hundred held a sitting, gave orders that the
citizens should assemble in arms before the town-house to support their
decisions, and commanded the officers of justice to go to the house of
the captain-general to arrest him and all who should be with him. But
Jean Philippe, well aware that the position of a commander-in-chief
of the Genevese militia, who placed himself in open and armed revolt
against the government, was a very grave one, had quitted his house,
escaped by the roofs, and thus reached the hostelry of the _Tour
Perce_, which belonged to a brother of Lullin. As the agents of the
council did not find him either at home or elsewhere, proclamation
was made in the town with sound of trumpet, that whosoever might know
where he was, was to disclose it. The magistrate was informed, it is
not known by whom, that the captain-general was concealed in the _Tour
Perce_. ‘At once everybody was off thither,’ says Bonivard; ‘then they
searched for Philippe from cellar to garret, and he was at last found
lying in the stable under the hay.’ They led him immediately to the
syndics, who were waiting for him at the door. They had him seized by
the guards and taken to the _Evêché_ (a prison). But it was effected
with great difficulty, for it was all that the guards with their
halberds and the syndics with their bâtons could do to prevent the
people from killing him in their hands. ‘Here we may see an instance,’
adds the prisoner of Chillon, ‘of the trust we should place in a
people.’[832]
[Sidenote: TRIAL OF JEAN PHILIPPE.]
The witnesses were heard, and Jean Philippe underwent an examination
on the criminal acts with which he stood charged. These acts were
proved and he confessed them. The whole town was stirred. The people
cried aloud for justice and said ‘that they would do execution on the
murderers if the tribunals failed to do it. The preachers themselves
exhorted to pray and to execute justice.’[833] A scene at once pathetic
and terrible occurred to raise still higher the general excitement.
Jean d’Abères having sunk under his wounds, ‘his wife caused the body
of her husband to be carried on a bench to the front of the town-house,
and accompanied it crying incessantly, Justice! justice! justice!
weeping and smiting herself.’[834] Her children were round her, weeping
and crying out as she did. A dead body, and especially the body of
a husband and father, surrounded by those who loved him, has always
great power to touch the heart. The solicitor-general presented his
bill of indictment. It set forth that Jean Philippe ‘had always been
esteemed a seditious man, who had been accustomed to gather round him
all the restless spirits; that he had assembled them on the previous
Sunday, taking up arms against the city of Geneva; that in order to
accomplish his murderous intentions he had placed armed men in his
house; that he was a murderer and voluntary homicide, his hands dyed
with blood; that out of the fulness of his heart he had uttered these
words or the like of them, ‘I will kill so many people that I shall be
surfeited.’ The solicitor-general moved in conclusion that the council
should execute justice immediately, ‘as shameless and tumultuous
proceedings and horrid enterprises, and in the same manner as in cases
of high treason.’ Sentence was pronounced by the syndic Etienne de
Chapeaurouge, nephew of one of the fugitives. Philippe was condemned
‘to have his head severed from shoulders till the soul was separated
from the body.’ The execution took place the same day. De Chapeaurouge,
after having pronounced sentence, absented himself from the council,
and one or two others likewise withdrew.
Thus, of the four syndics who had decreed the banishment of Farel and
Calvin, two had been condemned as forgers and rebels, and a third
had just been executed as a mover of sedition and a homicide. There
remained the fourth of them, Richardet. He had united force with
ridicule, and had said ironically to Calvin when expelling him, ‘The
gates of the town are wide enough for you to go out.’ As he had taken
part in the sedition of Jean Philippe, he took fright and wished to
make his escape. Unwilling to go out by the gates of the town, however
wide they were, for fear of being recognized and arrested, ‘he let
himself down through a window in the town walls,’ says Rozet, ‘burst
(_se creva_) because he was heavy, and did not live long after.’ ‘As he
was very fat,’ says Gautier, ‘the rope broke, and the fall caused him a
contusion of which he shortly after died.’[835]
It is hardly possible to avoid being struck with the fate of these four
men. The Greeks conceived the idea of a goddess, Nemesis, charged with
the duty of overthrowing an insolent prosperity and of avenging crimes,
who winged her way through the air, encompassed by serpents, provided
with torches and inflicting terrible vengeance. ‘We cannot pass over,’
says Rozet, ‘the remarkable judgment of God on the four syndics of
the year 1538, who being elected by the people as adversaries of the
religion of the reformation sworn to, had banished the ministers and
routed their friends. Two years later, in one and the same year,
in the month of June, all four of them, at the instigation of the
people themselves, came to confusion and ruin by their crimes.’[836]
History can hardly furnish a more striking illustration of the truth
proclaimed by the great poet, ‘Punishment, though lame, seldom fails to
overtake the guilty.’
[Sidenote: THE WAYS OF GOD.]
However, in our opinion, the _articulants_, though chargeable with
carelessness and incompetency, were not guilty of treachery. On the
other hand, it is not fair to attribute to the friends of Farel and
Calvin some odious acts of which they were completely innocent. It
has been alleged that on the third day after the execution of Jean
Philippe, the most religious persons ‘publicly celebrated their victory
by a feast at the town hall.’ Strong evidence would be necessary
to establish a fact so adapted to arouse in honorable men aversion
and indignation; but not a single document is known in which it is
mentioned.[837] We are bound to say, however, that the verdict of
contemporaries was more severe than our own. ‘These men,’ says Theodore
Beza, ‘having been cast away like vile dregs, the city began to ask
again for its Calvin and Farel.’[838] All was in course of preparation
for their return to it. Some vacancies having been made in the council
by the blows which had just been struck, men were appointed who were
friendly to the Reformation, and from that time their party formed the
majority. The far-seeing intelligence of Calvin had foretold that the
ascendency of his adversaries would be of short duration; and his word
was fulfilled.
The ways of God are deep and mysterious. Two years previously the
work of the reformer appeared to be brought to a stand in Geneva.
His victorious enemies held up their heads in the general council;
their power seemed invincible; and the few citizens who dared to
declare themselves on the side of the banished ministers found
themselves threatened and prosecuted, and were compelled to retire
into silence or to flee their country. The reformers were wandering
about as exiles in the cantons of Switzerland, not knowing where to
seek refuge. But time passed on, and the state of things was altered.
The authors of the proscription sank beneath the weight of their
faults, and were proscribed in their turn. Geneva was weary of leaders
without intelligence, and rejected them. No longer able to face the
perils gathering around it, the city will soon recall and receive as
liberators the men whom she has driven away as enemies of her freedom.
Calvin, on his part, had found in exile not weakness but strength. God
had removed him to a vaster scene, where his horizon was widened. His
thought had been elevated, his soul strengthened and purified. He had
seen Germany, and had played a part, not one of the least, in her great
assemblies; he had held communication with Melanchthon, and established
a connection between the German Reformation and that of the Swiss
cantons and of France. The differences between the two great movements
had grown less; the communion of spirit had been strengthened. On both
sides a reciprocal influence had been felt. In the next volume we shall
see Calvin return to his post a greater and stronger man, more master
of himself, no less firm and no less determined, once more to undertake
his task and to conduct it to a happy end.
END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.
=530 BROADWAY, NEW YORK,=
November, 1876.
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] ‘Tanta sanctitatis opinione apud omnes vixerant, ut ... cellæ in
templa commutarentur.’--Buchanan, _Rer. Scot. Hist._, lib. iv. 35 Rex.
[2] ‘Nullus est Papa.’ (Walter Bower, lib. xv. c. 20.) Knox, _Hist. of
the Ref._, i. 498.
[3] ‘Paulus Crawar, in sacris litteris et in allegatione Bibliæ
promptus et exercitatus.’--_Scoti-Chronicon_, vol. ii. p. 495.
[4] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 6.
[5] ‘Sacerdotem domi habebat, qui ipsi et familiæ Novum Testamentum
lingua vernacula prælegebat.’--(_Regi Scotorum Jacobo V._, Alexander
Alesius.) There is no paging.
[6] ‘Terroribus monachorum non nihil perturbatus.’--(_Regi Scotorum
Jacobo V._, Alexander Alesius.)
[7] ‘Ut rex, etiam surgens, complexus sit mulierem.’--_Ibid._
[8]
For once the eagle England being in prey,
To her unguarded nest the weasel Scot
Comes sneaking, and so sucks her princely eggs.
--Shakespeare, _Hen. V._, Act i. sc. 2.
[9] ‘Hepburnus, Gavini ministris pulsis, arcem valido præsidio
communit.’--Buchanan, lib. xiii, 106 Rex.
[10] Buchanan, _Ibid._ Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_.
London, 1677, pp. 61, 62.
[11] Knox, Buchanan, Fox, Spotswood, McCrie.
[12] Alesius relates this story in his ‘Epistola dedicatoria _Comment.
in Johannem_.’ Bayle, in the article _Alesius_, says, ‘Il avait été
préservé de la mort, par miracle, dans sa jeunesse.’
[13] ‘Hamiltonium familia regium quoque sanguinem attingente,
natus.’--_Bezæ Icones_. This is the opinion of Pinkerton, McCrie, and
other authors. Others suppose that Sir Patrick Hamilton (of Kincavil)
was a natural son of Lord Hamilton. But in a charter of April 1498 he
is called _brother-german_ of James Lord Hamilton, eldest son of his
father, which seems plainly to mean that he was not half-brother by the
father’s side; and in a charter of January 1513 he is distinguished
from another Hamilton, a _natural_ son of the same lord. This last
circumstance doubtless gave rise to a _qui pro quo_.
[14] Pitscottie, _Hist. of Scotland_. Leland’s _Collectanea_. Lorimer,
_Patrick Hamilton_.
[15] The inscription sought and found in the _Acta rectoria_ of the
University of Paris by Professor Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire, at the request
of Professor Lorimer, proves that Hamilton studied at Paris.
[16] ‘My great-grandfather, gudeschir, and father have served your
Lordship’s predecessors, and some of them have dyed under their
standartis’.--John Knox, _Hist. of the Reformation_, edited by D.
Laing, ii. p. 323.
[17] Not to the university of St. Andrews, as was formerly supposed.
‘The name occurs ... in the year 1522.... He was seventeen years of
age.’--M’Crie, _Life of Knox_, Note B.
[18] ‘Velut seditionis fax, volitaret armatus.’--Buchanan.
[19]
‘.... At tu, beata Gallia,
Salve, bonarum blanda nutrix artium,’ &c.
--Buchanani _Poemata_. Adventus in Galliam.
[20] ‘Potes hunc tyrannum occidere.’--Major, _Sentent._, fol. 139.
[21] ‘Reges legitimos ab initio creavimus, leges et nobis et illis
æquas imposuimus.’--_De Jure Regni apud Scotos_, p. 24.
[22] ‘Juvenis ingenio summo et eruditione singulari.’--Buchanan, _Scot.
Hist._, p. 494.
[23] Margaret to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, iv. p. 17.
[24] _State Papers_, pp. 51, 52, 70, 71.--‘Albany embarked probably on
May 31.’--_Ibid._, p. 77.
[25] _Acta parl. Scot._, vol. ii. p. 255.--_State Papers_, vol. iv. p.
387.
[26] ‘The young king cannot by himself rede an English letter.’--_State
Papers_, iv. p. 368.
[27] ‘They are at all times of contrary opinion.’--_Ibid._, iv. p. 362.
[28] ‘May destroy the king, my son, and me.’--_Ibid._, iv. pp. 81, 169,
188, 227, 237.
[29] ‘We may have your supplications direct for us unto His
Holyness.’--Margaret to Wolsey, _State Papers_, iv. p. 452.
[30] _State Papers_, iv. pp. 457-458.--Scott, _Hist. of Scotland_, i.
ch. xxv.--Lindsay, _Chronicles_.
[31] ‘I went suddenly thitherward, thinking that I would cause to make
a good fire of them.’--MS. Cotton, Galba B., vi. fol. 4.
[32] _State Papers_, iv. p. 561.
[33] ‘Most part to the town of St. Andrews.’--Cotton, MS. Calig. ii. 77.
[34] ‘Disputing, holding, and maintaining divers heresies of Martin
Luther.’--Sentence Pronounced against Hamilton. Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.
[35] _Certain articles preached by him_ (_ibid._) It is clear that
these articles were preached as early as 1527, before Hamilton had
quitted Scotland. The sentence states: ‘Faithful inquisition being made
in _Lent last past_.’ It is of Lent _last past_ that it speaks. Now the
sentence was of the last February. The Lent of 1528 was hardly begun.
Besides, the sentence states that Hamilton, after having preached,
_passed forth of the realm to other parts_; which decides the question.
[36] Luther, _Ep. to the Galatians_.
[37] _See_ ‘The Sentence against P. Hamilton.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.
[38] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.
[39] ‘Unicus et pietatis et literarum vindex.’--Registers of the
University of Marburg, A. D. 1527.
[40] ‘Ad instaurandas liberales disciplinas.’--_Ibid._
[41] ‘Conference and familiarity.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 558.
[42] _Paradoxa Lamberti_, in Schultetus, _Annales Evangel_.
[43] ‘Cautelæ impiæ.’--Baum, _Lambert d’Avignon_, p. 152.
[44] ‘P. Hamilton, of the county of Linlithgow (in which Kincavil is
situated), a Scotchman, Master of Arts of Paris.’ The three names may
still be seen in the registers under the numbers 37, 38, 39.
[45] ‘Ex illustrissima Hamiltonum familia, quæ ex summis regni Scotiæ
et regi sanguine proximius juncta est.’ Baum, _Lambert d’Avignon_, p.
152.
[46] ‘Prorsus arbitrarer me extinctum iri.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 187.
[47] ‘Ut non deserat peccatorem suum.’--_Ibid._
[48] ‘Viel ein _aerger_ Buch wider das Papsthum.’--Statement of Jonas.
[49] ‘Hans Luft jam nono die ægrotat.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 189.
[50] ‘Fere expiravit inter brachia mea heri.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p.
189.
[51] ‘In domo mea cœpit esse hospital.’--_Ibid._
[52] ‘Verbum Dei pure tradidi.’--_Ibid._
[53] ‘Me hoc illi consulente.’--Lamberti dedicatio, _Exegeseos in
Apocalypsim_.
[54] Patrick’s _Places_.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 566.
[55] _Ibid._, and Knox, _Hist. of Ref._, i. p. 25.
[56] ‘Axiomata doctissime asseruit.’--Lambert, Dedication, _Exeges
Apocal._
[57] Fryth, _To the Reader_. Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 563.
[58] Notes on Patrick’s _Places_. Fox, _Ibid._ p. 572.
[59] _Ibid._ p. 573.
[60] ‘Plerique sacerdotum, _novitatis_ nomine offensi,
contenderunt Novum Testamentum _nuper a Martino Luthero_ fuisse
scriptum.’--Buchanan, _Hist._, lib. xv. p. 534.
[61] Patrick’s _Places_, in Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 565.
[62] ‘To testify the truth, he sought all means.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p.
563.
[63] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, ed. Wodrow, p. 15.
[64] ‘Whereunto many gave ear.’--Spotswood’s _Hist._, p. 62.
[65] ‘All sorts of people.’--_Ibid._
[66] ‘He spared not to show the errors crept into Christian religion,’
&c.--_Ibid._
[67] ‘To the south of the house of Kincavil, in the _craig
quarter_.’--Charter of 3 Sept. 1507.--Lorimer’s _Hamilton_.
[68] ‘A great following he had.’--Spotswood’s _Hist._, p. 62.
[69] See Fox, _Acts and Monuments_, iv. pp. 570, 571.
[70] ‘Man soll’s dem Papst zuwider thun,’ &c.--Luther’s _Tischreden_,
c. 43.
[71] ‘Paulo ante mortem duxit nobilem virginem uxorem.’--Alesius,
_Liber Psalm._ 1554.
[72] The only author who has mentioned it before us is Professor
Lorimer, in his _Memoirs_, 1857.
[73] ‘A conjured enemy to Christ Jesus.’--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i.
p. 15.
[74] Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 12.
[75] ‘Prædixit etiam se brevi moriturum, cum adhuc apud suos
esset.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[76] Alesius.
[77] _On the Law and the Gospel._ Fox, _Acts_, iv. pp. 575, 576.
[78] ‘Bona opera non faciunt bonum hominem, sed homo bonus facit bona
opera.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[79] Bayle, _Dict. crit._; art. ‘Alesius.’
[80] ‘Lutheri assertiones refutans, cum applausu
theologorum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[81] ‘Doctrinæ sententiarum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[82] ‘Verum præter expectationem meam evenit, ut ex ipsius colloquio
meam errorem agnoscerem.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[83] ‘Eorum qui Thomae Aquinatis sectam imitantur inter eruditiores
habitus.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1527.
[84] ‘Erat enim in eo placida natura.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[85] Knox, Alesius, Spotswood, Scots’ _Worthies_.
[86] ‘Docuit et disputavit palam in Academia, plus minus
mensem.’--Alesius, in _Psalm._
[87] ‘Metu cognatorum ejus.’--Lambert, _Apocal._
[88] ‘Adhortante rege ipso.’--Lesley, _De Rebus Gestis_, &c. p. 421.
[89] ‘They travailled with the king, that he should pass in pilgrimage
to St. Duthac.’--Knox, _Reform._, i. p. 16.
[90] The fact of this journey has been disputed in spite of the
testimonies of Knox, Spotswood, and others. But a letter of Angus to
Wolsey, of March 30, 1528, states that the king was at that time in the
_north country_, in the extreme parts of his realm. This evidence is
decisive.
[91] ‘Cum frater Patricii duxisset exercitum.’--Lambert, _Liber Psalm._
[92] ‘Ventis fuit impeditus.’--_Ibid._
[93] ‘Aliquot millia conscripserunt equitum.’--_Ibid._ The number is
doubtless exaggerated.
[94] ‘Very early in the morning.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 559. The last
of February.--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 18 and 511. Pridie Cal.
Martii.--Lambert, _in Johan. Apocal. in Dedicat._
[95] Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_, p. 63.
[96] Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_, p. 63.
[97] M’Crie, _Life of Melville_, i. note D, p. 416.
[98] ‘Cum ii qui missi erant sub noctem ab episcopis hospitium ejus
obsidissent.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[99] ‘Processit ille obvius eis et petit quem quærerent.’--Alesius,
_Liber Psalm._
[100] ‘Orans ut discedere permitteret suos.’--_Ibid._
[101] The author, during a visit which he paid to St. Andrews in 1845,
studied on the spot the places here referred to, having as his guide to
the beautiful antiquities of St. Andrews the historian of the Scottish
Church, Dr. Hetherington.
[102] ‘Affui ego, spectator tragediæ.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[103] ‘After the manner of other courtiers in all kinds of licentious
riotousness.’--Knox, _Hist._, i. App. p. 505.
[104] It is in reference to this verse (Ps. xxxvii. 3) that Alesius, in
his _Comm. des Psaumes_, narrates the trial of Hamilton.
[105] ‘Jusserunt episcopi et theologi ut ei conviciaretur et vocaret
eum hereticum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[106] Pitscottie, _Hist. of Scotland_, pp. 133, 134.
[107] ‘Mi frater, non ita sentis in animo.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[108] ‘Hoc dicto ita conscientiam illius percutit.’--_Ibid._
[109] ‘Domum rediens, inciderit in phrenesin.’--_Ibid._ Buchanan adds,
lib. xiv. ad an. 1527, ‘Nunquam ex eo die compos mentis fuit.’
[110] The sentence is given at full length in Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.
[111] ‘Conclusus inter aliquot millia armatorum.’--Alesius, _Liber
Psalm._
[112] ‘Cum ipse adhuc in mensa sederet, jubet vocari præfectum et
quærit utrum omnia parata sint.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[113] ‘Apprehensa ejus dextera, properat ad locum supplicii.’--_Ibid._
[114] ‘Christi cruce cunctis vitæ commodis anteposita.’--Bezæ _Icones_.
[115] ‘Viso palo, ad quam alligandus erat, aperit caput, suscipiensque
in cœlum, orat.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[116] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 17. Spotswood, p. 63.
[117] Pittscottie, Lorimer.
[118] Pittscottie, Lorimer.
[119] ‘Tu, si vera doces, infer digitum huc, ubi totus
ardeo.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[120] Knox, _Hist._, i. p. 18.
[121] ‘Insania conflictatus mortem obiit.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an.
1527.--‘Ut in phrenesin inciderit, et non longe post mortuus sit.’
Alesius, _Lib. Psalm._
[122] The learned Mr. David Laing found a note of this in the Records
of the Treasury.--See his appendix to Knox’s _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p.
515.
[123] ‘Commendat matrem amicis.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._
[124] ‘Cum jam scissus per medium ignita catena ferrea.’--_Ibid._
[125] ‘Erexit tres digitos, aliis duobus combustis.’--Alesius, _Liber
Psalm._
[126] ‘In igne, ab hora xii. usque ad vi., vespere, sedit ustulatus
magisquam combustus.’--_Ibid._
[127] ‘Alesii responsio ad Cochlæum.’
[128] Théodore Beza, _Icones_.
[129] These verses relating to Hamilton occur in a poem, _De Coronis
Martyrum in Scotia_, written by John Jonston, the manuscript of which
is preserved in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. [Note by Translator.]
[130] ‘Tunc incandescerunt,’ etc.--Alesius, _Regi Scot._
[131] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 36.
[132] Letters from the doctors of Louvain to the doctors of
Scotland.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 561. Knox, _Hist._, i. 512.
[133] ‘An epistil to the nobil lords of Scotland.’--Knox, _Hist._, i.
App. 3, p. 544.
[134] _Ibid._ p. 503.
[135] _State Papers_, iv p. 499.
[136] ‘A sacris libris arcetur.’--Alesius, _Regi contra Cochlæum_.
[137] ‘Vim religionis, inspectis fontibus, cognoscant.’--_Ibid._
[138] Bayle, _Dict. crit._; art. ‘Alesius.’
[139] ‘Stringit ferrum in me, meque confodisset, nisi duo canonici, eum
vi retrahentes, ferrum a meo corpore avertissent.’--Alesius, _Regi adv.
Cochlæum_.
[140] ‘Ita ut collapsus, aliquamdiu jacerem exanimis.’--Alesius, _Regi
adv. Cochlæum_.
[141] ‘Nisi locus fuisset infectus pestilentia.’--_Ibid._
[142] ‘Ego in latrinam quamdam inducor.’--_Ibid._
[143] ‘Post vigesimum diem extrahit me squalentem ex latrina
illa.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.
[144] ‘Lavari et nitide vestiri.’--_Ibid._
[145] ‘Jubet me ab ara avelli et in latrinam rapi.’--Alesius, _Regi
adv. Cochlæum_.
[146] ‘Certum exitium impendere, nisi fuga mihi consulam.’--Alesius,
_Regi adv. Cochl._
[147] ‘Maximo dolore afficiebar cum cogitarem mihi e patria discedendum
esse.’--_Ibid._
[148] ‘Patria qua nihil dulcius est bene institutis naturis.’--_Ibid._
[149] ‘Ecclesia, cuilibet pio, verius est patria, quam ille locus qui
nascentem excepit.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.
[150] ‘Cum lacrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus.’--_Ibid._
[151] Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37.
[152] ‘Media jam nocte in densissimis tenebris solus iter
aggredior.’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37.
[153] ‘Acerbissimum patriam et cognatos deserere.’--_Ibid._
[154] ‘Fiducia Christi sustentabar.’--_Ibid._
[155] ‘Equites missi a meo præposito.’--_Ibid._
[156] ‘Me quidem homo germanus admodum excepit, meque sibi
adjunxit’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37. The word _germanus_ in this
passage doubtless means _German_, and not _kinsman_, as some have
supposed.
[157] ‘Oleum misericordiæ, nisi in vase fiduciæ ponis.’--Comment. on
_Acts_, xx. 37.
[158] Alesius, _De Traditionibus Apostolicis_, in dedicatione.
[159] ‘Pervagatus sum quamdam Galliæ oram.’--Alesius, _Regi adv.
Episcop._
[160] ‘The sore imprisonment of the erle of Argyll, the little
exstymation of the erle of Murray and the Lord Maxwell,’
etc.--Northumberland to Henry VIII., _State Papers_, iv. p. 598.
[161] ‘The erle Bothwell in the night and other three.’--_State
Papers_, iv. p. 597.
[162] ‘To crown your Grace in the town of Edinburgh within bref
tyme.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 574, Sept. 29, 1531.
[163] ‘That we may lawfully write ourself _prince of England_ and Duke
of York.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 599.
[164] ‘Of an audacious and bold spirit.’--Spotswood, p. 63.
[165] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, pp. 45, 46.
[166] ‘This carnal prince who altogether was given unto the filthy
lusts of the flesh.’--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 48.
[167] _Ibid._ pp. 48-52.
[168] _Calderwood_, i.
[169] MS., Advocates’ Library.--Pitcairn’s _Crim. Trials_, i. p. 161.
[170] ‘Mores regi posse sine sacris libris?’ (_Alesii Epistola contra
Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia._) This letter bears no name
either of its publisher or of the place where it was printed. There is
at the end only Anno MDXXXIII.
[171] ‘Ut populus paulatim induat ethnicas persuasiones.’--_Alesii
Epistola contra Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia._
[172] This treatise, in the form of a letter, is entitled, _An expediat
laicis legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula?_--Ex Dresda. Id.
Junii 1533.
[173] _State Papers_, iv. pp. 608-611.
[174] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579.
[175] Anderson, _Bible Annals_, ii. p. 443, note.
[176] ‘To the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the fire,’
etc.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579.
[177] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579.
[178] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 59. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20.
[179] ‘On hearing them he became of a sudden as one enraptured or
inspired.’--Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20.
[180] ‘He threw himself on his knees, extended his hands.’ etc.--Scots’
_Worthies_.
[181] Spotswood, p. 66.
[182] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 16.
[183] _State Papers_, v. pp. 1-6. These instructions, which have
no date, belong to the second half of the year 1534, and they are
corrected by the hand of Cromwell, by whom they were also probably
drawn up. [The instructions extend over five printed quarto
pages.--_Translator._]
[184] ‘King Henry VIII. to King James V.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 7.
[185] ‘Audience he himself only.’ Letter from Margaret to Henry VIII.
and to Cromwell.--_Ibid._ pp. 10-12.
[186] _State Papers_, p. 14. Otterburn’s Letters to Cromwell. See also
the note taken from the _Diurnall_.
[187] _State Papers_, v. p. 52, p. 19.
[188] _State Papers_, v. pp. 18-20.
[189] Calderwood’s _Hist._ Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 21.
[190] _Ibid._
[191] These and other details were communicated by Andrew to the
minister John Davidson, who inserted them in his _History of the
Scottish Martyrs_.--Scots’ _Worthies_.
[192] ‘Stoutly.’ Fox’s _Acts_, v. p. 622.
[193] [Or _portass_, a _portable_ breviary, or small
prayer-book.--_Translator._]
[194] Fox’s _Acts_. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 22.
[195] Letter from Angus to Sir G. Douglas.
[196] _State Papers_, v. p. 38.
[197] See the Letter from the Queen-mother to Henry VIII.--_State
Papers._
[198] Howard and Barlow to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, pp. 46, 48.
[199] _Unpublished Letters of Margaret of Angoulême_, p. 349.
[200] Sutchyll’s Letters to the Lord Admiral.--_State Papers_, v. p. 59.
[201] ‘Sub amitæ reginæ Navarræ disciplina educata.’--Buchanan, lib.
xiv. ad an. 1537. See also _Unpublished Letters of the Queen of
Navarre_, p. 77.
[202]
Regia eram conjux, et regia filia, neptis
Regia, spe et votis regia mater eram ... etc.
Buchanan, _Opera_, p. 81.
[203] ‘Rex, id quod evenit, de exitu uxoris veritus, in illam oculos
conjecerat.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv.
[204] Kirkton, _True History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 7.
[205] ‘The great part of the sermon was in extolling of the Richess of
Rome authority.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 154.
[206] ‘Most vicious prince we shall call, for he neither spared
manis wieff, nor madyn, no more after his marriage than he did
before.’--Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, _Works_, 1846, i. p. 66.
[207] ‘His velut machinis admotis, quum regis animum superstitionibus
obnoxium labefactassent.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1535.
[208] Spotswood, _Church of Scotland_, p. 67.
[209] _Criminal Trials._ Anderson, _Bible Annals_, p. 498.
[210] Norfolk to Cromwell, March 29, 1539.--_State Papers_, v. p. 154.
[211] ‘Daily commeth unto me some gentlemen and some clerks.’--_State
Papers_, v. p. 154.
[212] _Ibid._
[213] ‘The verray sempill people understood that as the preastis and
pharisyes....’--Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, i. p. 62
[214] ‘Because they were at the bridal and marriage of a priest.’--Fox,
_Acts_, v. p. 623.
[215] ‘Mars 1, 1539, accusatio hereticorum et eorum
combustio.’--_Archæologia_, xxii. p. 7. ‘The last day of
February.’--Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 63.
[216] Anderson, _Annals of the English Bible_, ii. 500, 501.
[217] ‘Eorum combustio apud Edinburgh rege presente.’--_Archæologia_,
xxii. p. 7.
[218] ‘Lutheranismo suspecti complures capti sunt, quinque
cremati.’--Buchanan, _Res Scoticæ_, p. 309.
[219] Lord Treasurer’s _Accounts_.
[220] ‘Sopitis custodibus.’--Lord Treasurer’s _Accounts_.
[221] ‘Per cubiculi fenestram evaserat.’
[222] Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 71.
[223] Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 71.
[224] _Ibid._ p. 63.
[225] ‘One frere Jerome, a well learned man, lyeth in sore
yerons.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 141.
[226] Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 24.
[227] Knox, _Ref._, p. 65. Spotswood, p. 67. Petrie, _History of the
Church_, p. 180.
[228] ‘For many of his minions were pensioners to priests.’--Knox,
_Ref. in Scotland_, p. 67.
[229] _State Papers_, v. p. 174.
[230] _State Papers_, v. p. 170.
[231] _State Papers_, v. p. 170.
[232] Spotswood, p. 70. Petrie, p. 180.
[233] _State Papers_, v. p. 177.
[234] ‘Rex provisus jam hæredibus de sua salute securior.’--Buchanan,
p. 510.
[235] _State Papers_, v. p. 178.
[236] Knox, _Ref._, p. 82. It is difficult to say what this word
_jefwellis_ exactly means. Another manuscript has _josrellis_; another
_jeffels_; and a fourth, _Jesuits_. The last reading is improbable. The
Jesuits had only been confirmed by the pope the year before, and their
name had not yet become a term of reproach.
[237] The _State Papers_, v. p. 125, contain a letter from him to Lord
Cromwell, on a political subject, and suggesting that Henry VIII.
should give his nephew a young lion, in token of his friendship. ‘He
saw one _zoung lyoun_ in Flandris.’ The King of Scotland wished for it,
and Scott thought that his wish should be gratified.
[238] Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 69. Spotswood, p. 71.
[239] ‘J. Hamiltonium ense stricto in se ruentem.’--Buchanan, p. 512.
[240] _State Papers_, v. pp. 188-190.
[241] _State Papers_, v. p. 168.
[242] _State Papers_, v. p. 168.
[243] ‘Ac prolixe de sui regis amore et benevolentia erga eum
sponderent.’--Buchanan, p. 516.
[244] _State Papers_, v. p. 198.
[245] ‘Si animum regis largitionibus immensis
aggrederentur.’--Buchanan, _Rer. Scot. Hist._, p. 510. D. de Foe,
_Church of Scotland_, p. 9. Spotswood, _Hist._, pp. 70, 71. Petrie,
_Hist._, p. 181. Knox, _Ref._, p. 77.
[246] Knox, _Ref._, p. 77.
[247] ‘Cæsi non adeo multi, plurimi capti.’--Buchanan, p. 512.
[248] Knox, _Ref._, p. 78.
[249] _State Papers_, v. pp. 207, 209.
[250] Knox, _Ref._, p. 81.
[251] Sadler’s _Papers_, i. p. 94. Knox, _Ref._, p. 81.
[252] Knox, _Ref._, p. 86.
[253] Knox, _Ref._, p. 89.
[254] Knox, _Ref._, p. 86.
[255] ‘Quum circiter 500 equites Angli in propinquis collibus
cernerentur.’--Buchanan, p. 513.
[256] Knox, _Ref._, p. 87.
[257] Plures a Scotis latronibus capti et Anglis divenditi.’--Buchanan,
p. 513.
[258] Knox, _Ref._, p. 88.
[259] _Ibid._
[260] ‘Velut ad publicum spectaculum per ora vulgi
traducti.’--Buchanan, p. 516. Their names and their fortunes are set
forth in _State Papers_, v. pp. 232-235.
[261] Lesley says that it was at Carlaverock, but Knox, p. 89, and
Pitscottie, p. 174, say ‘Lochmaben,’ which seems to me established.
[262] Knox, _Ref._, p. 89.
[263] _State Papers_, v. pp. 225-228.
[264] Spotswood, p. 71. Knox, _Ref._, p. 91.
[265] ‘Rege in ætatis flore non tam morbo quam mœroris vi
extincto.’--Buchanan, p. 515.
[266] ‘Imminere videbatur tempestas quantam vix ulla proximorum
sæculorum memoria ... meminisset.’--Buchanan, p. 515.
[267] ‘Multi pro sua cujusque spe aut metu varie disserebant.’--_Ibid._
[268] ‘Minime turbidus, ex amita cardinalis natus,’--Buchanan, p. 515.
[269] ‘Many affirm that a dead man’s hand was made to subscribe a
blank.’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 92. ‘Conducto Balfurio sacrificulo mercenario
falsum testamentum subjecit.’--Buchanan, p. 515. Sadler, _Papers_, i.
p. 38. Lesley, _Hist._, p. 169.
[270] _State Papers_, v. pp. 238, 240. Knox, _Ref._, pp. 32, 94.
[271] Spotswood, p. 71. Buchanan, Knox.
[272] _State Papers_, v. p. 250.
[273] Knox, _Ref._, p. 95. Spotswood, p. 72. McCrie, _Life of Knox_, p.
21. Edit. 1855.
[274] _State Papers_, v. p. 242.
[275] ‘Quum cardinalis non solum repugnaret sed obturbando et alios
interpellando, nihil decerni pateretur.’--Buchanan, p. 517. It appears
to us that Buchanan, although a contemporary and an eminent historian,
is in error here. He assigns this opposition of the cardinal to the
month of March in the parliament, while it is evident that it took
place on January 26 at the latest.
[276] ‘Communi prope omnium consensu cardinalis in cubiculum seorsum
seclusus est.’--Buchanan, _ibid._
[277] _State Papers_, v. p. 242 n.
[278] Calvin, _Harm. de Matth._, xii. 29.
[279] _State Papers_, v. 249.
[280] _State Papers_, v. 249.
[281] _State Papers_, v. pp. 262-264. Angus to Lisle.
[282] ‘The marriage of the said queen, and to contract the same by
their said ambassadors.’--_Ibid._
[283] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 98.
[284] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 99.
[285] _Ibid._, p. 100. Spotswood, p. 72. Petrie, _Church Hist._, p. 182.
[286] Knox, _Ref._, p. 100.
[287] ‘Affuit R. Sadlerius, eques ab Anglo legatus, qui nuptias et
pacem publicam procuraret.’--Buchanan, p. 517.
[288] ‘With his fulmination of cursing, and all other means that he
shall be able to excogitate.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 286.
[289] Knox, _Ref._, p. 103.
[290] ‘Hamilton, abbas Passerensis, et David Panitarius.’--Buchanan,
lib. xv. anno 1543. ‘David Panter.’--Spotswood. ‘David Panteyr.’--Knox.
[291] ‘Great esperance there was that their presence should have been
comfortable to the kirk of God,’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 105.
[292] Knox, _Ref._, p. 107.
[293] Knox, _Ref._, p. 107.
[294] Spotswood. Knox writes ‘Ballantyne.’
[295] _State Papers_, v. p. 242. Spotswood, p. 73. In Laing’s edition
of Knox it is stated in a note, p. 97, ‘He at last obtained permission
to go to his own castle of St. Andrews, under the guard of George,
fifth Lord Seaton.’ But the text of Knox, p. 57, says, ‘Was put first
in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun.’
[296] ‘He took no heed to them, but to new opinions of heresy.’--_State
Papers_, v. 322.
[297] ‘The cardinal ceased not to traffic with such of the multitude as
he might draw to his faction.’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 108.
[298] ‘Imminentem universæ papanæ Ecclesiæ ruinam
averteret.’--Buchanan, p. 518.
[299] _State Papers_, v. p. 321. Edinb. July 20, 1543.
[300] ‘Tanta seditione quantam ipse vides a cardinale
excitata.’--Buchanan, p. 518. Spotswood, p. 73.
[301] ‘Vi publici furoris abreptus.’--Buchanan, p. 519.
[302] ‘Recta Londinum, multis reclamantibus, est profectus.’--_Ibid._
[303] _State Papers_, v. p. 323.
[304] Knox, _Ref._, p. 109.
[305] ‘Ut infamia flagitii minueretur ad vulgus, non propalam, sed in
æde Franciscanorum, ... sententiam suam prorex mutavit.’--Buchanan, p.
521.
[306] ‘He received absolution, renounced the profession of Christ Jesus
his holy Evangel.’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 109.
[307] _State Papers_, v. p. 333. Sept. 8, 1543.
[308] ‘At that time was our queen crouned’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 109.
[309] _State Papers_, v. 335, 351. Buchanan, p. 524. _Bible Annals_,
ii. 529. Knox, _Ref._, p. 110.
[310] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 623.
[311] ‘Their conferences and assemblies, in hearing and expounding of
Scripture,’--_Ibid._ p. 624.
[312] ‘Certain priests did eat and drink in these honest men’s houses,
to whom they were much bounden.’--_Ibid._ p. 625.
[313] ‘Variarum copia voluptatum ultra omnem mundanorum luxuriam
exuberant.’--M. Clamengis, _Ep._ 35.
[314] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 624.
[315] ‘Nisi secundum ipsius piæ matris dispensationem.’--Bernardus de
Bustis, Franciscanus, _Sermones_, 1500.
[316] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 624.
[317] ‘Women who, contrary to nature, addressed them to extreme cruelty
against him.’--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 623.
[318] _Ibid._ v. p. 623.
[319] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 624.
[320] ‘Prophesied of the ruin and plague which came upon the
cardinal.’--_Ibid._ v. p. 625.
[321] Knox, _Ref._, p. 118. Fox, _Acts_, v. pp. 623-625. Spotswood, pp.
74, 75.
[322] Knox, _Ref._, p. 119. Spotswood, p. 76.
[323] Knox, _Ref._, p. 119.
[324] Knox, _Ref._, p. 119.
[325] ‘Urbe spoliata ac deinde incensa ... multos pagos
arcesque nonnullas et villas hominum nobilium ferro flammaque
vestarunt.’--Buchanan, p. 525.
[326] _State Papers_, v. pp. 361-366.
[327] Emery Tylney’s Account.--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 626.
[328] Knox, _Ref._, p. 127. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 28. Spotswood, p. 76.
[329] Or Leifnorris. See Laing’s note, Knox, _Ref._, p. 127.
[330] _Ibid._
[331] Knox, _Ref._, p. 44. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20. _Hist._, p. 129.
[332] Knox, _Ref._, p. 130.
[333] Knox, _Ref._, p. 131.
[334] Knox, _Ref._, p. 131.
[335] _Ibid._ Scots’ _Worthies_, pp. 29, 30. Spotswood, p. 77.
[336] Knox, _Ref._, p. 133. Some MSS. read ‘copestone,’
‘keapestone,’--‘keepestone.’ Spotswood, p. 77.
[337] Knox, _Ref._, p. 134. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 31.
[338] Knox, _Ref._, p. 135. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 31.
[339] This is the first time that Knox speaks of himself in his History
(p. 137).
[340] Knox, _Ref._, p. 138. Scots’ _Worthies_. Spotswood.
[341] Knox, _Ref._, p. 143. _Diurnall of Occurrents_, p. 41. Spotswood,
p. 78.
[342] Knox, _Ref._, p. 143. Spotswood, p. 79.
[343] Knox, _Ref._, p. 144. Buchanan, p. 556. Spotswood, p. 79. Fox,
_Acts_, v. 626. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 33.
[344] Fox. In Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 34, the name is written, ‘Winram.’
In Buchanan, ‘Viniramus.’ In Knox, ‘Winram.’
[345] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 627.
[346] Fox, _Acts_, v p. 628. Knox, _Ref._, p. 152.
[347] Knox, _Ref._, p. 154.
[348] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 630.
[349] ‘He wanteth the instrument by which he bindeth or looseth, that
is to say, the Word of God.’--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 631.
[350] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 633.
[351] ‘Nulla judicii aut liberæ disceptationis ibi forma fuit:
accusator enim ... cum summa verborum acerbitate detonabat.’--Buchanan,
p. 538. Spotswood, pp. 80, 81.
[352] ‘Non videri æquum ut pertinax hereticus ... ullis ecclesiæ
beneficiis frueretur.’--Buchanan, p. 538.
[353] Scots’ _Worthies_, pp. 35, 36. ‘Viros vos esse bonos et in eodem
Christi corpore mecum esse sociatos.’--Buchanan, p. 539.
[354] ‘Fenestra ... tapetibus, stragulis sericis et pulvinis
ornabatur.’--Buchanan, p. 559.
[355] Fox, _Acts_, p. 635.
[356] ‘At qui nos tam superbe despicit, intra paucos dies non minus
ignominiose jacebit quam nunc arroganter cubat.’--Buchanan, p. 540.
[357] ‘Velut pecus ex hara suæ libidini mactaret.’--Buchanan, p. 540.
[358] ‘Domi cum scortis volutetur; foris in cæde innoxiorum et sanguine
hæreticorum debaccharetur.’--_Ibid._
[359] ‘Discesserunt utrimque animis infensissimis.’--Buchanan p. 541.
[360] ‘Leslius ad suos rediit, intolerandam cardinalis superbiam iis
exposuit; facile omnes in cædem ejus conjurarunt.’--Buchanan, p. 541.
Knox, _Ref._, pp. 172, 173.
[361] ‘Cardinalis arcem suam in usum belli communiebat.’--Buchanan, p.
542.
[362] Knox, _Ref._, p. 74.
[363] ‘Eos quum semisomnes sigillatim evocassent mortem præsentem si
quisquam mutiret, comminati.’--Buchanan, xv. p. 545.
[364] Knox, _Ref._, p. 177.
[365] Numbers, ch. xxxv.
[366] Knox, _Ref._, p. 177.
[367] ‘Cadaver exanimatum oculis omnium exponunt, in illo ipso loco
unde ipse non multo ante Georgii [Wishart] supplicium tam lætus
spectaverat.’--Buchanan, p. 542.
[368] Spotswood, p. 84.
[369] Spotswood, p. 88. The last of July. Knox, _Ref._, p. 205.
Buchanan assigns the capture of the castle or the capitulation to the
month of August 1547. ‘Hæc in mensem Augusti anni MDXLVII. inciderunt,’
p. 543.
[370] Melville’s _Diary_, pp. 276-278. M’Crie, _Andrew Melville_, ii.
p. 66.
[371] Second Book of Discipline.
[372] Buckle, _History of Civilization_, ch. xvi.
[373] See vols. i. and ii. of the second series: _The Reformation in
the Time of Calvin_.
[374] This thought was expressed to the author by a distinguished
writer, to whom we owe a remarkable _History of the French Revolution_,
published a few years ago.
[375] ‘Singulis momentis de Gallica libelli nostri editione
cogitabamus.’ Letter to Francois Daniel; Lausanne, Oct. 13. 1536. Bibl.
de Berne. Calvin, _Opera_, edid. Theol. Argent. vol. x. p. 63. The
earliest known edition of the _Institution_ in French is that of 1540.
[376] _Vie de Calvin_, p. 29. Paris edition of 1864. The Latin edition,
speaking of the office of preacher, says, ‘Hoc autem primum recusavit.’
[377] _Comment. sur les Psaumes_, vol. i. p. ix. Paris, 1859.
[378] _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_ (J. Bonnet), i. p. 270. To the
Protector of England.
[379] _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_, ii. p. 30.
[380] Registers of the Council of Geneva, Sept. 4, 1536.
[381] _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_ to the lords of Berne, ii. p. 29.
[382] _Institution Chrétienne_, iv. ch. 12.
[383] ‘Iste Gallus.’--Registers of the Council, Sept. 5, 1536.
[384] Registers of the Council, Sept. 8. The church of St. Germain,
where the Council assembled, is near the Hôtel de Ville.
[385] Ruchat, iv. p. 138.
[386] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 152. Ruchat, iv. pp. 130-160.
[387] Ruchat, iv. p. 142.
[388] MS. Pinaut. Ruchat, iv. p. 158.
[389] Ruchat, iv. p. 504.
[390] _Ibid._ p. 366.
[391] Edicts of the Lords of Berne. _Pièces justificatives_ of Ruchat,
iv. p. 500, note 2.
[392] ‘Capitaine de la jeunesse.’
[393] Calvin’s Letter to F. Daniel, Lausanne, Oct. 13,
1536.--Bibliothèque de Berne. Calvin, Opp. x. p. 63.
[394] Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne. _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p.
161. Ruchat, iv. pp. 179, 505.
[395] The Acts of this Disputation form a handsome manuscript volume
in folio, preserved in the Library of Berne. The author having worked
there in 1859, noticed this volume among others. Subsequently,
Professor Gaussen, who had had a large portion of it copied several
years before, presented the copy to the author. This narration is
therefore drawn up from the original text.
[396] _Avoyer_ was the title of the first magistrate of the Bernese
republic. The _baillifs_ were the deputy governors of the Bernese
dependencies.
[397] Acts of the Disputation. Berne MS. folio xviii.
[398] Acts of the Disputation, fol. xxi. and xxv.
[399] Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne, fol. lxix.
[400] Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne, fol. lxxv. and xcii.
[401] Edition of Erasmus. 1528.
[402] Some authors name him also ‘Caudy’ or ‘Candy;’ Ruchat writes
‘Tandi.’
[403] Acts, fol. xcii.-clxix.
[404] ‘Curia Romana non quærit ovem sine lana.’
[405] Acts, fol. clxxxix., cxc.
[406] Ne Hercules quidem contra duos.
[407] Acts, fol. ccxix.-ccxxi. and cclxi.-cclxiii.
[408] Acts, fol. cclxxiii., cclxxiv., cclxxix.
[409] ‘Quod solius papæ pedes omnes principes deosculentur,’
etc.--_Dictatus Papæ_, Ep. ii. p. 55.
[410] _Institution Chrétienne_, iv. ch. 6, 7, 8.
[411] Acts of the Disputation, fol. ccxxxviii.
[412] Acts, fol. cclxxxvii.
[413] Farel’s discourse begins at fol. cclxxxv. of the Berne MS. and
ends at ccci.; Ruchat, iv. p. 361.
[414] MS. of Lausanne, p. 516. Ruchat, iv. p. 379.
[415] Rollin.
[416] Calvin.
[417] Acts of the Disputation, fol. ccxiii., ccxiv.
[418] Acts, xix. 27.
[419] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 168. Ruchat, iv. p. 380.
[420] _Pièces justificatives._ Ruchat, iv. p. 520.
[421] Letter from the prince of Soubise to F. de Loys.--_Pièces
justificatives_ de Ruchat, iv. p. 508.
[422] Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. p. 107.
[423] Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. p. 94.
[424] ‘Qui magis negligant Viretum nostrum, Bernatesne an
Lausannenses.’--_Ibid._ p. 109.
[425] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 110. Ruchat, iv. p. 385. Le
Chroniqueur. Herminjard.
[426] Ruchat, iv. p. 374.
[427] MS. of Lutry, p. 77. Ruchat, iv. p. 377.
[428] Herminjard, iv. pp. 62, 92. Ruchat, iv. pp. 365, 411.
[429] Farel’s Letter to the bailiff Naegueli, of Nov. 14, 1536.
Herminjard, iv. p. 102.
[430] ‘Malunt in sepulcris Ægyptiorum sepeliri, quam manna edere
columnaque dirigi in eremo.’--Bibl. de Neuchâtel. Herminjard, iv. p.
109.
[431] Herminjard, iv. p. 112. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 70.
[432] ‘Bacchum vere nobis præstitit vel Martem.’--Farel to Fabri, Dec.
6, Bibl. de Neuchâtel. Herminjard, iv. p. 122.
[433] Edict of the Lords of Berne, Ruchat, iv. p. 378. Prov. xxii. 6.
[434] Ordinances of Reformation of the Lords of Berne, Ruchat, iv. p.
522.
[435] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 166.
[436] ‘Faxit Dominus ut ex omnium cordibus idolatria
corruat.’--Calvin’s Letter to Francois Daniel. Bib. de Berne.
Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. p. 89. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 63.
[437] ‘Fratres qui Genevæ et in vicinia Christum annuntiant.’--Calv.
_Opp._ x. p. 71. Herminjard, iv. p. 105.
[438] Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 67. Herminjard, iv. p. 119.
[439] _Vie de Calvin_, in French, p. 29, edit. of 1864. There are three
lives of Calvin, which down to the present time have been generally
attributed to Theodore Beza. The first (in French), published in 1564,
the year of Calvin’s death, is entirely the work of Beza. The second,
also in French, but more extensive than the first, is of the year 1565.
It is substantially Beza’s, but was published with augmentations by
Nicholas Colladon, who was first a pastor at Vandœuvres, then, in 1562,
at Geneva, became rector in 1564, and succeeded Calvin in 1566 in the
chair of Theology. This life of Calvin was reprinted at Paris in 1864,
and the passage we have cited is found in it, p. 29. Lastly, Theodore
Beza, in 1575, prefixed to Calvin’s Letters a Life written in Latin.
The work of Colladon is perhaps richer as regards facts, although that
of Beza is superior in other respects.
[440] Epistle of J. Sadoleto, and Reply of Calvin. Geneva, Fick, 1860.
[441] Calvin’s Letter of Oct. 13 (Library of Berne). Calv. _Opp._ x.
p. 63. Letter from the Council of Strasburg to the Council of Basel,
Nov. 4, 1536. Herminjard, iv. p. 95. Calvin is said to have purposed
visiting Basel, to set its affairs in order. Our hypothesis appears to
us to be more in harmony with the letter.
[442] Buffon.
[443] Calvin’s Farewell. Tronchin MS. Coll. J. Bonnet: _Lettres
Françaises de Calvin_, ii. p. 574.
[444] ‘Post abominationem papismi, verbi virtute hic
prostratam.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 319.
[445] ‘Jam vero confessionem non sine ratione adjungendam
curavimus.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 319.
[446] Calvin, _Comment. on Luke_, xxiv. p. 45.
[447] Calv. _Opp._ v. 43.
[448] A version executed by Calvin himself. _Opp._ v. pp. 317-362.
[449] _Opp._ v. 323.
[450] _Vie de Calvin_, p. 30. Paris, 1864.
[451] Calvin on _James_, i. 6.
[452] _Vie de Calvin_, p. 29. Paris, 1864.
[453] ‘Tunc edita est a Calvino Christianæ doctrinæ quædam veluti
formula.’--_Vita Calvini_, 1575, narrated by Beza.
[454] See this confession in Latin, Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 357; and in
French, in the _Pièces Justificatives_ of Gaberel, i. p. 120. Ruchat,
iv. p. 111.
[455] ‘Jam vero confessionem solemni jurejurando ab universo populo
editam adjungimus.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 319.
[456] Registers of the Council, Nov. 10, 1536.
[457] Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537.
[458] Archives of Geneva. Pièces hist., 1170. Gaberel, i. p. 102. Calv.
_Opp._ x. p. 6.
[459] Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537.
[460] Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537.
[461] Registers of the Council, Jan. 30, 1537.
[462] See the Registers of Feb. 5, 6, and 9, 1537, together with the
remarks of Flournois appended to one copy of the Registers, p. 1019.
[463] Bolsec, _Vie de Calvin_, vii.
[464] Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, iv. ch. 9.
[465] Registers of the Council, Mar. 13.
[466] _Ibid._ of the days mentioned.
[467] ‘Videbatur initio Sonerius ægre ferre quod exigeretur
confessionis formula.’--Calv. _Opp._ p. 11. Ed. princ. of Geneva. 1575.
[468] ‘Ut plebs decuriatim convocata in confessionem istam
juraret.’--_Calv. Opp._ (Stras. Br.), v. p. 320.
[469] Registers, July 29. Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, iv. ch. 9.
[470] ‘In præstando juramento non minor fuit plebis alacritas, quam in
edicendo senatus diligentia.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 320.
[471] Registers, Sept. 19. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 43.
[472] Dedication of the _Epître à Tite_ (1549). Calvin includes Viret
in this friendship.
[473] Saunier, _Ordre et manière d’enseigner en la ville de Genève_,
1538; reprinted by E. A. Bétant, 1866.
[474] _Ibid._
[475] Registers, May 1, 1537.
[476] Six écus are 18 francs (about 15 shillings).
[477] [The French version of the Bible, bearing the name of Pierre
Robert Olivétan, one of the reformers, was published at Neuchâtel in
1535.--_Translator._]
[478] _See_ Registers for the days named. As different dates have been
assigned, we add that ours are taken from the Registers. We only make
this remark, which we acknowledge is of no great importance, that no
one may suspect any trickery in the matter.
[479] Saunier, _Ordre et manière_, etc.
[480] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 239.
[481] _Hist. of the Reform. in the Time of Calvin_, iii. book 4, ch. 8.
[482] _Chronique de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 4.
[483] Registers, Mar. 9.
[484] Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 176.
[485] _Ibid._ pp. 179 and 180.
[486] Registers, Mar. 13.
[487] _Ibid._ Mar. 14.
[488] _See_ ‘Briève instruction pour armer tous bons fidèles,’
etc.--Calv. _Opp._ vi. pp. 49-112; and ‘Contre la secte phantastique et
furieuse des Libertins qui se nomment Spirituels.’--_Ibid._ pp. 149-248.
[489] Beza, _Vita Calvini_. _Vie de Calvin_ (in French), p. 31. Paris,
1864.
[490] _Vie de Calvin_, by Beza-Colladon, p. 31.
[491] _Johann Calvin_, by Kampschulte, i. p. 295.
[492] ‘Alter ecclesiæ turbator majores et diuturniores turbas
dedit.’--Beza, _Vita Calv._, 1575. p. 5.
[493] Vol. v. book ix. ch. 3 and 4.
[494] ‘Ut quocumque venisset, certa suæ turpitudinis impressa vestigia
relinqueret.’--Beza, p. 5.
[495] Calvin’s Letter to Megander, probably of Mar. 1537.--Library of
Geneva. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 85. Herminjard, iv. p. 187.
[496] Herminjard, iv. p. 187.
[497] ‘Voluit Carolus ecclesiam catholicam ... semper orare
ut resurgant, vitamque futuri seculi corpora defunctorum
consequantur.’--Megander to Bullinger, Mar. 8, 1537. Calv. _Opp._ x. p.
89.
[498] Ruchat, v. p. 21. Calv. _Opp._ p. 89.
[499] _Vie de Calvin_, Beza-Colladon, p. 31.
[500] Ruchat, _Hist. de la Réf._ v. p. 22.--Calvin’s Letter to
Megander. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 85.
[501] ‘Serveti Hispani pessimum errorem confirmare.’--Calv. _Opp._ x.
p. 103.
[502] ‘Quod id ne timere quidem unquam in mentem venerit.’--Calvin to
Grynæus. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 108.
[503] ‘In simplicissima Dei unitate, et Scriptura et ipsa
pietatis experientia, Deum patrem, ejus Filium et Spiritum nobis
ostendunt.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 337, and x. p. 83.
[504] Luther, _Kirchenpostill_ (Walch, xi.) _am Trinität_.
[505] ‘Ii quibus tam pietas cordi erat (the opponents of Arius and
Sabellius) affirmarunt vere immo Deo tres _personas_ subsistere,
seu (quod idem erat) in Dei unitate subsistere _personarum
trinitatem_.’--Calv. _Opp._ i. p. 61. Afterwards, Calvin said,
‘Christus ut quatenus Deus est, sit unus cum patre Deus ejusdem
_naturæ_ seu _substantiæ_ seu _essentiæ_, non aliter quam persona
distinctus.’--_Ibid._ p. 61.
[506] Calvin to Megander.--Ruchat, v. p. 25.
[507] Calvin’s Letters to Megander and Grynæus.--Ruchat, _Hist. de la
Réf._ v. pp. 22, 23.
[508] Calvin to Megander.
[509] Calvin to Megander.
[510] ‘Quam ob causam Calvinus Bernam veniens obnixe petit ut synodus
cogeretur, quod abnegatum est homini usque post Paschatis.’--Fueslin,
_Epp. Ref. Eccl. Helvet._ p. 173.
[511] Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 95.
[512] Calvin to Grynæus, _Opp._ x. p. 106.
[513] Registers of Council of Geneva, May 5 and 11. The florin was
rather less than half a franc.
[514] The synod met, not in March, as has been said (Kampschulte,
_Johann Calvin_, i. p. 296), but two months later. See preceding note.
[515] ‘Quomodo jurisconsulti præcipiunt nempe cum _sacco_
paratior.’--Calvin, _Epp._ x. p. 107.
[516] The Apostles’, Nicene, and so-called Athanasian Creeds.--Ruchat,
v. p. 25.
[517] Matt. vii. 6.
[518] Ruchat, v. pp. 27, 28.
[519] ‘Quatenus unus est cum patre Deus, quidquid dici de Deo potes in
illum competit.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 107.
[520] ‘Tantum nolebamus hoc _tyrannidis_ exemplum in ecclesiam
induci, ut is hereticus haberetur qui non ad alterius præscriptum
loqueretur.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 120.
[521] Nos in Dei unius fidem jurasse, non Athanasii, cujus symbolum
nulla unquam legitima ecclesia approbasset.’--The Genevese to the
Bernese Ministers. MS. of Geneva, Feb. 1537. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 83.
Ruchat, v. pp. 24-30.
[522] ‘Totum illum saccum nostra refutatione sic exhausimus.’--Calvin
to Grynæus. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 107.
[523] Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. p. 296.
[524] ‘Quantum negotii nobis facturi sint _Galli illi_ ...
_seditiosi_.’--Megander to Bullinger, Mar. 8, 1537. Calv. _Opp._ x. p.
89.
[525] Registers of the Council, May 24, 1537.
[526] The authentic Acts of the Council of Berne are to be found in
Ruchat, v. p. 39. Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 105.
[527] ‘Ne abjiciamus eum ab ecclesia, aut tanquam de fide male
sentientem notemus.’--Formula Concordiæ de Trinitate. Berne, Sept.
1537. Ruchat, v. p. 501.
[528] ‘Megander est Figuri natus, _Simia_ olim _Zwingli_
creditus.’--Conceni Epist. ad Neobulum, Feb. 2, 1538. Luther, _Opp._
Walch, xvii. p. 2602. Hunderhagen-Beylage, ii.
[529] Hunderhagen Conflikt, p. 65. Kirchhofer, B. Haller, p. 219.
[530] Buceri Epist. ad Lutherum, Jan. 19. 1537. Hunderhagen Conflikt,
p. 72.
[531] Hunderhagen Conflikt, pp. 73, 79.
[532] ‘Wie ich myn Husfrow z’ Strasburg yetzt sieh.’--- Original
Protocols of the class of Brugg. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 83.
[533] Descartes, _Réponses aux cinquièmes objections_. Nicole, _Essais
de Morale_.
[534] ‘Vitam spiritualem, quam nobis Christus largitur non in eo
duntaxat.’--Calv. _Opp._ ix. p. 711. Ruchat, v. p. 502. Henry Beylage,
5.
[535] Nec unquam sensi Christum dominum in sacra Cœna præ sentem
localiter.’--Calvin, _Opp._ ix. p. 711.
[536] Formula Concordiæ. Bernæ, Sept. 22, 1537. Hunderhagen Conflikte,
p. 90.
[537] Registers of the Council, July 3 and Sept. 1, 1537.
[538] Registers of the Council, July 27.
[539] _Ibid._ Sept. 11.
[540] See _Hist. of the Ref._, second series, vol. i. book 1; vol. ii.
book 3; vol. iii. book 5.
[541] ‘_Quibus leni primum admonitione_ ...’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_,
_p._ 5.
[542] Register of the Council, Nov. 12.
[543] See second series, vol. iii. book v. ch. 5.
[544] Registers, Nov. 12 and 15, 1537. Rozet, Chron. MS. of Geneva,
book iv. ch. 10.
[545] Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 10. _Vie de Calvin_, p.
34, Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book v.
[546] Registers, Nov. 25.
[547] Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, i. p. 51.
[548] Registers, Nov. 25, 1537. _Fragments historiques de Grenus.
Extraits de F. Rocco_, same date. Gautier, etc.
[549] Archives of Berne. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 57.
[550]... exultabam, et quis de successu tam bonæ causæ
dubitasset?’--Calvin to Bucer, Jan. 12, 1538. Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 137.
[551] Registers, Dec. 10, 1537.
[552] Registers, Dec. 14, 1537.
[553] _Ibid._
[554] Registers, Dec. 15, 1537.
[555] Archives of Geneva. _Pièces historiques_, No. 1162. The original,
according to M. Reuss (Calv. _Opp._ p. 133), is dated Dec. 28. One copy
bears date Dec. 22.--[_Editor._]
[556] Registers of the day.
[557] Registers, Jan. 1, 1538.
[558] _Ibid._ Jan. 1 and 2.
[559] Roget, _L’Église et l’État de Genève du vivant de Calvin_.
[560] Registers, Jan. 3. Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi.
[561] Racine.
[562] This order prevails in the United States of America. In each
flock distinction is made between the church, composed of communicants,
and the congregation, which consists of all those who, having religious
convictions, take part in all the service except the supper. From the
congregation the church is regularly recruited; and these two bodies,
united in charity together, contribute to the wants of the flock. [This
statement is equally true of the orthodox Dissenting churches of Great
Britain.--_Translator._]
[563] Registers, Jan. 3 and 4, 1538.
[564] Registers, Jan. 16. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 10.
[565] Letters of Calvin and Tillet, published by the pastor Crottet. p.
38, etc.
[566] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 2. Cal. _Op._, x. p. 147.
[567] _Lettres françaises_, i. pp. 1-7.
[568] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 12.
[569] Registers, Feb. 1.
[570] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 10.
[571] Registers, Feb. 12, 1538.
[572] Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 72.
[573] Registers, Feb. 15 _et seq._ _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch.
14.
[574] Registers, March 11. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 14.
[575] Calvin to Bullinger, Feb. 21, 1538 (Archives of Zurich). Calv.
_Opp._ x. p. 153.
[576] Actes du Chap. de Brugg. Stettler, Berner Chronik. Hunderhagen,
Conflikte, p. 91.
[577] ‘In summa hierum zanggten wir ein gut wyl.’--Actes originaux de
la Classe de Brugg. Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 101.
[578] ‘Die praedikanten von der Statt assend mit uns,’ etc.--_Ibid._ p.
103.
[579] Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 83.
[580] Kirchhofer, _B. Haller_, p. 203. Iselin, _Hist. Lexicon_.
Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 105. Hagenbach, _Gesch. d. ersten Baseler
Conf._ p. 90.
[581] ‘Quo nuntio perinde perculsi fuimus, ac si Bernensem ecclesiam
majore ex parte collapsam audissemus’--Calvin to Bucer. Henry, Beylage,
6, p. 36. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 138.
[582] ‘Sed quid ille aliud potest, quam suis deliramentis invertere
Evangelii puritatem?’--Henry, Beylage, p. 39. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 140.
[583] ‘Vultus, gestus, verba, color ipse furias, ut inquit,
spirabant.’--Calv. _Opp._ x, p. 141.
[584] ‘Nos ita capitaliter odit.’--Cal. _Opp._ x. p. 141.
[585] ‘Quos ad verbi ministerium erigit, dignos esse judicamus, qui in
patibulum tollantur.’--_Ibid._
[586] ‘Bonos viros, qui a nobis probati sunt, non audet coöptare, nisi
a tota ejus regionis cui destinantur classe, sint explorati.’--_Ibid._
[587] See _J. Calvins Leben_, by Paul Henry, Th. D., pastor at Berlin,
vol. i. Bevlage, 6, p. 40.
[588] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 16.
[589] ‘Omnibus ministris qui vicinis ecclesiis præsunt
interdictum fuit ne quid haberent negotii nobiscum aut ullo modo
commnunicarent.’--Calvin to Bucer, Jan. 12. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 144.
[590] ‘Reddat Dominus Cunzeno juxta id quod meritus est. Qui perdere
pergunt ecclesiam, perdat eos Dominus.’--Farel’s Letter to Fabri, Jan.
14, 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 145.
[591] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 16. Roget, _Peuple de
Genève_, p. 82.
[592] Bolsec, chap. viii.
[593] Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. p. 310. Roget, _Peuple de
Genève_, i. p. 83.
[594] ‘Quo jure circumcisio plus haberet honoris quam mors
Christi? ... Obmutescere coactus esset.’--Calvin to Haller, _Epp. et
Responsa_, p. 102. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 132.
[595] ‘Optimum erat remedium quo periculo obviaretur, si ad vestrum
synodum fuissemus vocati. Impetrari non potuit.’--Calv. ad Tigur.
Ratisb., Mar. 31, 1541. Archives of Zurich.
[596] Registers of the day. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 13.
Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, pp. 84, 85.
[597] _France Protestante_, by M. Haag; article Bolsec.
[598] Registers of the day.
[599] ‘Um die Berner zu gewinnen und ernstlich in die Opposition gegen
jene (Calvin und Farel) zu verflechten.’--Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p.
133.
[600] _Chron. MS. of Rozet_, book iv. ch. 17.
[601] It was perhaps a reference to _Andrew_ Benoît, one of the
founders of the sect of the Spirituals at Geneva. See p. 299 of this
volume.--[EDITOR].
[602] Chénier, _Elég._ xxiii.
[603] Valla, _Antidot. in Poggium_, book iii. p. 357.
[604] This is the meaning of the above expression, which has been
misunderstood by some writers, who have taken it for a gross
insult.--See _Dict. de l’Académie_. Kampschulte, i. p. 310.
[605] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 17. Gautier, Hist.
MS. book vi.
[606] Rozet, _ibid._
[607] Archives of Geneva. _Pièces historiques_, No. 2101. Calv. _Opp._
x. p. 189.
[608] Registers of the day. Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi.
[609] ‘Seven days shall ye eat unleavened bread.’ Ex. xii. 15.
[610] Registers of the Council, April 20, 1538.
[611] Calvin to the Church of Geneva, Oct. 8, 1538.--_Archives de
Genève._ Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 251.
[612] ‘Papatus ejuratus; sed extrusa simul a plerisque non fuerant
indigna multa flagitia, quæ in ea urbe canonicis et impuro illi clero
tot annos addicta diu viguerant.’--Beza, _J. Calv. Vita_.
[613] ‘Veteres inter quasdam primarias familias inimicitiæ, bello
Sabaudico susceptæ, adhuc exercebantur.’--_Ibid._
[614] ‘Cum eo usque malum processisset ut civitas privatorum quorundam
factione, in diversas partes scinderetur.’--_Ibid._
[615] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 15.
[616] _Ibid._
[617] ‘Quibus leni primum admonitione, deinde graviori adversus
refractarios increpatione, tollendis, quum nihil proficeret.’--Beza,
_J. Calv. Vita_.
[618] Calvin’s Farewell to the Genevese Ministers.--Bonnet, _Lettres
françaises_, ii. p. 575.
[619] Michel Rozet, son of Claude Rozet, who was at that time secretary
of the council and editor of the Register, was member of the Council of
Geneva for nearly sixty years. He was fourteen times elected syndic,
and was sent on thirty-four missions into Switzerland, France, and
Germany, and to Turin. He concluded several important treaties on
the part of Geneva. He was very young at the time of which we are
speaking, but as his father played a part there which enabled him to
become acquainted with all that took place, no one could be better
informed than Michel as to the facts of the period. If there be some
touches in the _Chroniques_ which are not found in the Registers of
the Council, that does not in any way invalidate his authority. There
are some details which a council is unwilling and ought not to insert
in its Registers. It is needless to speak of Theodore Beza, who was
unanimously elected to represent the Protestants at the famous Colloquy
of Poissy, and in honor of whom after his death poets of all nations
composed poems in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to the number of fifty-four.
[620] Rabelais.
[621] ‘Doctrinæ potius animorumque urgeamus unitatem, quam cærimoniis
ad unguem conformandis morosius insistamus. Indignissimum est enim
ut in quibus libertatem Dominus reliquit ... servilem præterita
ædificatione conformitatem quæramus.’--_Catechismus, sive Christ,
relig. institutio_, _J. Calvino auctore_, _Basileæ_, anno MDXXXVIII.
Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 322.--Calvin printed this work in the year in which
he left Geneva; and not after but before his departure; _mense Martis_.
See also _Vie de Calvin_ (Bèze-Colladon), b. 30. Paris, 1864.
[622] ‘Nondum ea exstare nobis videbatur ecclesiæ facies quam legitima
muneris nostri administratio requireret.’--_Ibid._ p. 319.
[623] ‘Tunc vero acerrime urebat et discruciabat, quoties distribuenda
erat Domini Cœna.’--_Ibid._ p. 319.
[624] ‘Omnes tamen promiscue irrumpebant; et illi quidam iram Dei
vorabant potius quam vitæ sacramentum participabant.’--Calv. _Opp._ v.
[625] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 18.
[626] Calvin _sur le Psaume_ xxvii. 3.
[627] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 34.
[628] ‘Ut magno heroicoque spiritu præditi, Farellus et Calvinus ...
aperte testarentur....’--Beza, _Calvini Vita_.
[629] ‘Me non leviter perculsum fuisse.’--Calvin to the Zurich pastors.
Pridie Cal. Jun. Henry. Calvin, i. App. p. 82.
[630] ‘Incredibile vobis futurum scio si minimam partem vobis referam
molestiarum, vel potius miseriarum, quæ toto anno devorandæ nobis
fuerunt.’--Calvin, i. App. p. 82.
[631] ‘Nullum præteriisse diem quo non decies mortem optarem.’--_Ibid._
[632] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 16. Mém. of Farel and
Calvin to the Lords of Berne. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 188. Roget, _Peuple de
Genève_, p. 92.
[633] Rozet.
[634] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 18.
[635] _Mémoir_ by Farel and Calvin to the Lords of Berne.--Calv. _Opp._
x. p. 189.
[636] Calvin, _Institution Chrétienne_, book iv. ch. 12, paragraphs 9
and 10.
[637] Roget, _L’église et l’état à Genève du temps de Calvin_, p. 5.
[638] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 18.
[639] Calvin, _Comment. sur Saint Matthieu_, xxiii. 24.
[640] Registers of Councils, April 2. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv.
ch. 18.
[641] ‘Pro retinendo nostro ministerio non minus laboravimus quam si de
capitibus nostris certamen fuisset.’--Calvin to the Pastors of Zurich.
Prid. Cal. Jun.
[642] ‘Multo facilius tum fuisset, labanti ecclesiæ subvenire, quam
penitus perditam restituere.’--Calvin to the Pastors of Zurich.
[643] Eoque rem perducunt, _frustra_ sese Calvino, cum ejusdem
sententiæ collegis, ad reddendam _omnium_ rationem offerente.’--Beza,
_Vita Calvini_.
[644] Corneille and Bossuet.
[645] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 35. Beza says the same thing
in his Latin Life: Majore parte meliorem superante.
[646] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv, ch, 18. Registers, April
23.
[647] Registers, _Ibid._
[648] Registers, Beza’s Latin Life of Calvin, the French Life, Rozet
in his Chronicles, subsequently the syndic Gautier in his History, all
report this answer with unimportant variations.
[649] Ruchat, v. p. 66. Trechsel, i. p. 171, etc.
[650] ‘_Scheinbar_,’ Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, p. 313.
[651] ‘Proinde ingratissima sumus, nisi nos illi devovemus
totos.’--Calvin, Omnibus Christi Evangel. religionem colentibus, 1538,
_Opp._ x. p. 321.
[652] Calvin, _Préface des Psaumes_, p. ix.
[653] See _Hist. of the Reform._ 2 series, vol. ii. book iii. ch. 6,
and Bonivard, _Avis des difformes réformateurs_, pp. 149-151.
[654] ‘Diligenter cavendum monet, ne simul conjugamur.’--Calvin to
Farel, Aug. 4, 1538 (Bibl. de Genève). Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 23.
[655] _Préface des Psaumes_, p. ix.
[656] ‘Deposita omni contumelia, prorsus a ducis arbitrio
pendere.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 321.
[657] ‘Advertamus ad id quod Christus clamat: non posse servis suis
vulnus imprimi, quin ipse sibi inflictum imputet.’--_Ibid._
[658] ‘Ad vos peculiariter sermonem convertimus, O fratres,’
etc.--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 321.
[659] ‘Sed vigescit potius, florescit, novisque incrementis
confirmatur.’--_Ibid._ p. 322.
[660] ‘Partim ut seditiosis illis ipsorum impetu subversis,’
etc.--Beza, _Calvini Vita_.
[661] ‘Tum vero magno cum bonorum omnium dolore tres illi edicto
parentes.’--Beza, _Calvini Vita_.
[662] Labruyère.
[663] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 22, Gautier, _Hist.
MS. de Genève_, book vi. Spon, ii. p. 26.
[664] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 18. Registers of the
Council, May 7, 10, 16, etc. Hist. MS. of Gautier, book vi.
[665] The Memoir is preserved in the archives of Geneva, _Pièces
historiques_, No. 1201.--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190.
[666] These words were uttered in London, in the House of Commons, May
9, 1871, by Sir Roundell Palmer (Lord Selborne), who made the most
remarkable speech against the proposal for separation of Church and
State.
[667] Archives of Geneva. _Pièces historiques_, No. 1201.--Calv. _Opp._
x. p. 188.
[668] Kirchhofer, _Das Leben Farels_, p. 244.
[669] ‘Cupimus a Bernatibus impetratum ut _fractionem panis_ nobiscum
accipiant’ (Articuli ipsa manu Calvini scripti, Conventu Tigurino
proposito).--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190. _See_ Matt. xxvi. 26; Luke xxiv.
30; 1 Cor. x. 16; xi. 24; Acts xx. 7.
[670] ‘Non tamen fenestram ardemus aperire tot turbis, quas jam
prospicimus, si aliter fiat.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190.
[671] ‘Barbaries enim et inhumanitas non ferenda!’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p.
190.
[672] ‘Continuing daily with one accord in the temple, and breaking
bread from house to house.’--Acts ii. 46. ‘Ut frequentior cœnæ usus
restituatur; si non secundum veteris ecclesiæ consuetudinem, at _saltem
singulis quibusque mensibus semel_.’--_Ibid._
[673] ‘Quum in lascivis et obscœnis cantilenis ac choreis ... e sua
ditione tales spurcitias eliminent.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190.
[674] _Ibid._ p. 204.
[675] ‘Humiliemur ergo nisi Deo inhumiliationem nostram tendenti
velimus obluctari.’--Calvin to Farel, Basel, Aug. 4, 1538. _Bibl. de
Genève._--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 229.
[676] Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Sept. 1538.--_Ibid._ p. 246.
[677] ‘Dass sie in etlicher Dingen hatten vielleicht zu streng gewesen,
und erklärten sich gern weisen zu lassen.’--Abschied des Tages zu
Zurich gehalten. Kirchhofer, _Farel’s Leben_, i. p. 244.
[678] ‘Bey diesem unerbauenen Volk christliche
Sanftmüthigkeit.’--_Ibid._
[679] ‘Otiosam enim functionem quidam tueri malunt quam fructuosam,
quidam licentiam pro Christi libertate induxerunt.’--Calv. _Opp._ p.
226. Capito to Farel.
[680] ‘Quod vos duo semel tantam urbem reformare non
potueritis.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 227.
[681] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 20.
[682] Farel and Calvin to Bullinger; mid. June 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. p.
20.
[683] Hundeshagen, Conflikte, p. 70.
[684] ‘Octavo demum die, postquam Bernam appuleramus, Cunzenum eo se
recepisse.’--Calvin to Bullinger, June, 1538; Henry, Beylage, p. 48.
Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 203.
[685] ‘Fides ecclesiæ Christi solenniter data.’--_Ibid._ p. 53. Calv.
_Opp._ x. p. 207.
[686] ‘Exorsus est Cunzenus longas expostulationes, a quibus ad
gravissimas contumelias prosiliit.’--_Ibid._ p. 49. Calv. _Opp._ p. 203.
[687] ‘Insanientem in extremam rabiem.’--_Ibid._
[688] ‘Nulla pæne syllaba erat, de qua non litigarent.’--Calv. _Opp._
x. p. 204.
[689] ‘Ille nullis rationibus auscultare, sed crudelius semper
debacchari.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 204.
[690] ‘Ex abaco se proripuit; ac toto corpore sic ebulliebat, ut
injecta etiam manu retineri a collegis non posset.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p.
50. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 204.
[691] Farel to Calvin, Sept. 6, 1540.
[692] Calvin to Bullinger. Berne, May 28, 1538.--Archives of Zurich.
Calvin, x. p. 201.
[693] ‘Ac ter una hora revocati.’--Calvin to Bucer. Henry, Beylage, p.
51. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 205.
[694] ‘Recepta autem fuerat a paucis seditiosis eodem decreto, quo in
Rhodanum præcipitari nos oportebat.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 205.
[695] Calvin to Bullinger, Berne, May 20, 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 201.
[696] ‘Constitit non procul mœnibus collocatas fuisse insidias; in ipsa
autem porta considebant armati viginti gladiatores.’--Calvin to Bucer;
Henry, Beylage, p. 52. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 206.
[697] ‘Jam unum milliare ab urbe aberramus, cum obviam prodiit nuntius
qui ingressum interdiceret.’--_Ibid._ The Roman mile is doubtless
meant, which was about 1,614 yards (1,472 mètres, or about one
kilomètre and a half). At this distance from Geneva the messenger met
the deputation, at Sécheron, where the hôtel d’Angleterre formerly
stood, near the country seats Bartholony and Paccard. According to the
first arrangement the reformers were to have stopped at a distance of
about four miles (or about six kilomètres), probably near the road
called du Saugy, leading to Genthod.
[698] Registers, May 22.
[699] Registers of the day. _Hist. MS. de Genève_, by Gautier, book vi.
[700] ‘Tanta gravitate Ludovicus Ammanus, alter legatus et Viretus,
qui Erasmi ac suo nomine loquebatur, causam tractarunt ut _flecti
multitudinis animi ad æquitatem_ viderentur.’--Calvin to Bullinger.
Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 206. Henry, p. 52. Gautier, MS. book vi. Kirchhofer,
_Leben Farels_, p. 249.
[701] ‘Clanculum illos submisit.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52.
Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 207.
[702] Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève_, Mém. d’Arch.
v. p. 414.
[703] ‘Vandelius ille apud multos gloriose in via effutivit se venenum
nobis letale ferre.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. _Opp._
x. p. 207.
[704] ‘Ne antequam ipsi adessemus.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 207.
[705] ‘Illis egressis, unus ex præsidibus senatus articulos nostros
recitare cœpit.’--_Ibid._
[706] ‘Ad conflandum nobis odium.’--_Ibid._
[707] Most dread, most mighty, high and magnificent lords, etc. The
formula employed in addressing the council.
[708] See the _Dict. de l’Acad. française_, and the definition of the
church in all languages.
[709] ‘Ita convenerat, ut illo recitante ad inflammandos animos plebis
acclamarent.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52, Calv. _Opp._ x. p 206.
[710] ‘Valuerunt tamen illa flabella ad accendendos in rabiem omnium
animos.’--_Ibid._
[711] ‘Potius moriendum quam ut ad reddendam rationem
audiremus.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 206.
[712] Registers, 26 June. Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_. Gautier,
_Hist. MS. de Genève_.
[713] ‘Nisi forte quod duplo aut triplo malum, quam antea, deterius
recruduit.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 53. Calv. _Opp._ x. 207.
[714] ‘Ut mature exsurgat.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 54 Calv.
_Opp._ x. 208.
[715] _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 15, 22, 26.
[716] Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi.
[717] ‘Nos nullæ fere veniæ dignos, si tam justam vocationem
abnueremus.’--Calvin to Viret. _Bibl. de Genève._ Calv. _Opp._ x. p.
202.
[718] ‘O scintillantes igne Satanæ oculos et accensum studium in
vestrum ministerium dejiciendum.’--Grynæus to Calvin and Farel. Calvin,
_Epp._ x. 196.
[719] ‘Pro eximio monumento Ecclesiæ nostræ complectimur.’--Grynæus to
Calvin, 1540.
[720] ‘Claudio Feræo quem _mecum vidisti Basileæ_.’--Calvin, _Epp._ p.
25, Mar. 1541, ed. 1575.
[721] ‘Servi simus pacis et concordiæ.’--Calvin, _Epp._ 11. _Opp._ x.
276.
[722] Calvin to Viret, Basel, June 14, 1538. _Bibl. de Genève._
[723] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 9.
[724] Jean Zwick to Bullinger, May 17, 1538.
[725] ‘Veniemus quo tu voles,’ etc.--Calvin, _Epp._ p. 6. _Opp._ x. 67.
[726] Bonnet, _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, i. p. 9.
[727] Bonnet, _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, p. 10.
[728] ‘De integro tamen excusari, quoniam et adhibere non
poteram.’--Calvin to Farel, Henry. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 236.
[729] ‘Classis neocomensis ad ecclesias vicinas.’ April 29, 1541.
[730] ‘Licet valde refragati simus.’--Farel. Pastoribus Tigur. Apr. 30,
1541.
[731] ‘Solitæ tunc festinationi.’--Calvin to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538
(_Bibl. de Genève_). Calv. _Opp._ x. 228.
[732] Calvin, _Préface des Psaumes_.
[733] _Ibid._
[734] ‘Strenue Lutetiæ pro veritate depugnasset.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_.
[735] ‘Miserrimi diei tormenta excipiunt acerbiores noctis
cruciatus.’--Calvin. _Epp._ p. 10. _Opp._ x. 273.
[736] ‘Suspicio cui velim nolim cogor locum aliquem dare.’--_Ibid._
[737] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 23.
[738] Calvin, _Opp._ x. 266.
[739] Rather less than a hundred and fifty francs, which would be
equivalent to more than two thousand francs of the present day; or
about eighty pounds sterling.
[740] Maimbourg, _Histoire du Calvinisme_, book i.
[741] Calvin to Farel. Aug. 4, 1538. _Bibl. de Genève._ Calv. _Opp._ x.
p. 228.
[742] Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 117.
[743] Registers of the Council. Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_. Gautier,
_Hist. MS. de Genève_. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, etc.
[744] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 11. See also Rozet, _Chron. de
Genève_, iv. ch. 26.
[745] Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 275.
[746] _Archives de Genève._ Letters of Farel, of June 19, August 7, and
November 8. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 136. Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 210.
[747] Fl. Raemond, _Naissance de l’hérésie_, book vii. ch. i.
[748] ‘Quibus tamquam lucidis gemmis, illa tua ecclesia
fulgebat.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6.
[749] Bochrich, _Mittheilungen aus der Gesch. der Ev. Kirch des
Elsass_, iii, p. 133.
[750] ‘Gallicam ecclesiam, constituta ecclesiastica disciplina
plantavit.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 288.
[751] Letters of Calvin to Farel, 1538, etc. (_Bibl. de Genève._) Calv.
_Opp._ x. p. 273. Raemond, in _loc. cit._
[752] Calvin’s epistle to Grynæus, prefixed to the Comment. on Ep. to
the Romans.
[753] ‘Theologiam illic docuit magno cum doctorum omnium
applausu.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6.
[754] _De la Cène._ Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 439, 440.
[755] Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 458-460.
[756] ‘Salutabis Sturmium et Johannem Calvinum reverenter, quorum
libellos cum singulari voluptate legi.’--Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 211.
Calv. _Opp._ x. 402.
[757] ‘Helvetii si idem facerent, jam pax esset in hac controversia.’
The same thought was expressed by several churches. (Mecklenburg,
Churpfälz, Würtemberg, Pommern, etc., Kirchenordnungen.)
[758] ‘Quod ex Gallia multi propter Calvinum accesserunt studiosi
adolescentes atque etiam litterati viri.’--Sturm, _Antipapp._ vi. p. 21.
[759] ‘Ea enim mea nunc est conditio, ut _assem_ a me numerare
nequeam.’--Calv. _Epp._ edit. of 1575, p. 12. _Opp._ x. 332.
[760] Calvin to Farel. (_Bibl. de Genève._) _Opp._ x. 315.
[761] Calvin on Romans xii. 10; 1 John v. 1.
[762] Calvin to Bullinger, Strasburg, Mar. 12. (_Bibl. de Genève._)
[763] ‘Quia profectum nullum videt, mortem precatur.’--Calv. _Opp._ x.
p. 331.
[764] ‘Pergamus tamen usque ad ultimum spiritum.’--Calv. _Epp._, Mar.
1539.
[765] Calvin’s Letter to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. 229.
Registers of the Council of Sept. 10, Nov. 28, and Dec. 26, 27, and
31. Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 24. Gautier, _Hist. MS. de
Genève_, book vi. p. 332. Roget, _Hist._ pp. 123, 124.
[766] See their titles, _France Protestante_, vii, p. 60.
[767] Registers of the Council, Dec. 23 and 27, 1538. Rozet, iv. 26.
Roget, p. 140. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 275.
[768] Registers, Dec. 24 and 27 and Jan. 8 and 9. Rozet, Gautier, _loc.
cit._
[769] Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 354. Letter of June 24, 1539, to the Church
of Geneva. ‘Nisi Calvinus serio monuisset ne ob istud ἀδιάφορον litem
moverent.’--Beza, _Calvini Vita_, p. 6.
[770] See second series, vol. ii. book iii. ch. 15.
[771] Book iv. ch. 28. Gautier, book vi. Registers of the day.
[772] Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 27.
[773] ‘Cum Philippo fuit mihi multis de rebus colloquium.’--Calv.
_Epp._, Mar. 1539. _Opp._ x. p. 331.
[774] ‘Iis sine controversia ipse quidem assentitur.’--_Ibid._
[775] ‘Qui crassius aliquid requirunt; atque id tanta pervicacia, ne
dicam tyrannide.’--_Ibid._
[776] ‘Ut in tanta tempestate ventis adversis aliquantum
abscondamur.’--Calv. _Epp._, Mar. 1539. _Opp._ x. p. 331.
[777] ‘Formam quam tenent non procul esse a Judaismo.’--_Epp._, April
1539. _Opp._ x. p. 340.
[778] ‘Nimis abundarent in ritibus illis aut ineptis aut certe super
vacuis.’--_Ibid._
[779] ‘Nec sane justas esse puto discidii causas.’--_Epp._, April 1539.
_Opp._ x. p. 340.
[780] ‘Quod mollitiem animi ejus suspectam habeant.’--_Ibid._ p. 328.
[781] ‘Rex ipse vix dimidia ex parte sapit.’--_Epp._, April 1539.
_Opp._ x. p. 340.
[782] ‘Habet mutilum et semilacerum Evangelium, ecclesiam vero multis
adhuc nugis refertam.’--_Ibid._
[783] John Lambert.
[784] To Farel, June 21, 1540.
[785] ‘Post hoc vexit asinus quidam ... qui fune quodam post se
trahebat Cæsarem et Papam.’--_Corp. Reform._ iii. p. 640.
[786] ‘Asinum stantem duobus pedibus.’--Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 172.
[787] ‘Observata ejus temporis occasione, destitutum tantis pastoribus,
gregem facile se intercepturum arbitratus.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6.
[788] Registers, June 7, 1540.
[789] ‘Sadoletus magna eloquentia homo sed qua imprimis ad opprimendam
veritatis lucem abutetur.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6.
[790] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 38.
[791] See ‘Sadoleti Epistola ad Genevates.’--_Calvini Opera_, v. pp.
365-384. We cite the French edition, published at Geneva, 1860.
[792] Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, p. 353.
[793] ‘Magnum civitati in eo rerum statu damnum.’--Beza, _Vita
Calvini_, p. 6.
[794] Registers, Mar. 27, 28, etc. Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. 28.
Roget, p. 147.
[795] Registers of the day. Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. 28.
Gautier.
[796] Roget, i. p. 163.
[797] Registers, April 29, 1539. Report to the Lords of Berne. Rozet.
Gaberel.
[798] ‘Omnium injuriarum oblitus.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6.
[799] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 39.
[800] The original of this letter is in Latin. See Calv. _Opp._ v. pp.
385-416. Calvin translated it into French in 1540. Edition of Geneva,
1860.
[801] Calvin puts this passage into the mouth of any one of the
reformed appearing before the supreme tribunal:--‘Neque iis qui
prædicatione nostra edocti ad eamdem nobiscum causam accesserint,
deerit quod pro se loquantur quando hæc _cuique_ parata erit defensio:
Ego,’ etc. But there is no doubt that he is relating his own
history.--EDITOR.
[802] ‘Sadoleto optarem ut crederet Deum esse creatorem hominum, etiam
extra Italiam.’--Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 211. _Calvini Opera_, x. p. 402.
[803] ‘Ad tolerantiam adversus improbos ... et ad Dei invocationem
imprimis exhortetur.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 7.
[804] Calvin’s letters to Farel, Sept. 1539, Oct. 8, 1539, and April
10, 1540. Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 374-401.
[805] Ruchat, _Hist. de la Réform._ v. p. 134.
[806] Rozet, _Chron MS._ book iv. ch. xxxiii. Gautier, _Hist. MS._
vi. p. 356, says,--‘There were some ex-priests who visited at certain
houses, and whose proceedings were greatly suspected.’ We quote from
a copy revised by Gautier himself, which belongs to a member of his
family.
[807] Gautier, _Hist. MS._ iv. p. 356.
[808] Registers, Sept. 15 and 22, 1589. Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book
iv. ch. xxxiii. Gautier, book vi. pp. 356, 357. Gaberel, _Pièces
Justificatives_. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 157.
[809] Gautier, interpreting this speech, makes him say,--‘I do not
pride myself on making a sect apart.’
[810] ‘Sed centum potius aliæ mortes quam ilia crux, in qua millies
quotidie pereundum esset.’--Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Mar. 29, 1540.
_Opp._ ix. p. 259.
[811] ‘Cur non potius ad crucem?’--Calvin to Viret, Strasburg, May 19,
1540. _Bibl. de Genève._
[812] Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Oct. 1540. _Bibl. de Genève._
[813] ‘Ut expeditior multis tricis, Domino vacare possim.’--Calv.
_Opp._ ix. Bonnet, _Récits du seizième Siècle_, p. 81.
[814] Calvin on _Ephes._ v. 28-33.
[815] ‘Non sum enim ex insano amatorum genere, qui vitia etiam
exosculantur, ubi semel forma capti sunt.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 348.
[816] ‘Meministi illud Phillippi _cogitare te de_ accipienda
uxore.’--Fontanius to Calvin, Jan. 1541. Bonnet, _Récits_.
[817] ‘Lectissima femina,’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 13.
[818] _Bulletin de Protestantisme français._
[819] Beza-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 4.
[820] ‘Optima socia vitæ.’--Calvin to Viret, April 7, 1549. _Epp._
edition of 1575, p. 84.
[821] ‘Fida quidem ministerii mei adjutrix fuit. Ab ea ne minimum
quidem impedimentum unquam sensi.... Hæc animi magnitudo,’
etc.--_Ibid._
[822] _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, i. p. 28, to Du Tailly, July 1540.
[823] ‘Advenerat illud tempus quo constituerat Dominus Genevensis
Ecclesiæ misereri.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 7.
[824] Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi. p. 341.
[825] Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. xxix. Gautier, _Hist. MS._ book
vi. Registers of the Council.
[826] Registers, July 9, 24, and 25, August 5 and 6. Rozet, book iv.
ch. xxxi. Gautier.
[827] Registers of the day.
[828] Rozet, _Chron._ book iv. ch. xxxv. Registers. Gautier.
[829] Beza-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 44.
[830] Registers. Rozet, Gautier, Roget.
[831] _Chron. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. xxxix. Gautier, Deposition of
Witnesses. Roget.
[832] Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève_, pp. 48-51.
Rozet, _Chron. MS._ ch. xxxix. Gautier, _Hist. MS._
[833] Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. xl.
[834] Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève_, p. 51. See
also Registers, Gautier, Bill of Indictment.
[835] Gautier, _Hist. MS._ book vi. p. 393. Rozet, _Chron. MS. de
Genève_, book iv. ch. xli.
[836] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv, ch. xli.
[837] ‘Zwei Tage später hielten die Sieger (die Frömme) in dem Rathhaus
ein öffentliches Freudenmahl.’--Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, p. 303.
This _Freudenmahl_ is a fable which the German writer too readily
accepted.
[838] ‘His veluti spumæ sordibus ejectis, civitas Farellum suum et
Calvinum cœpit requirere.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 7.
Transcriber’s Note:
1. Obvious spelling, punctuation and printer’s errors have been
silently corrected.
2. Italics are shown as _xxx_, bold print is shown as =xxx=.
3. Unbalanced quotation marks were remedied when the change was
obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.