From 10 A.M. to 4 P.M. to-day the remains may be seen by her many

friends at her late home, on Capitol Hill, and to-night her daughters

go with all that is mortal of a most tender and loving mother to the

family burial-place in her native town of Hebron, Conn.--_Washington

Chronicle._

MRS. GRIFFING TO CATHARINE F. STEBBINS.

WASHINGTON, _June 27, 1870_.

MY DEAR MRS. STEBBINS:--Yours so kind and interesting came duly, and I

thank you. I am sure you have seen how some _genius_, greater, more

powerful than myself control me and forbids me to seek enjoyment in

human friendships. If you comprehend my life, you will pardon long

silence of the _lips_, and join me in the prayer, that the poor all

taken into "Abraham's bosom," I may _enjoy_ those I love, in heaven. I

am pained when I think that not only _you_, but my dear father in his

affliction, has been neglected, for it is now four long weeks since I

have written a word of love and consolation to him. But the days are

so full of work, and the nights of thinking, that all my vitality

seems to be in requisition, and I sometimes think there is no reserve

force left in me. Oh, how I wish our Christianity would be true to

itself, and take to its heart the great questions of humanity, then

would I turn over a precious few of the starving old people now

calling upon God and me for their support, to churches, and enter the

field for woman.

How grandly the tide is lashing the shore on both sides of the

Atlantic, and its voice is the voice of God, commanding once more that

ye "let my people go, that they may serve me." Only the foam and the

surge are seen to-day--"Woman and the Ballot." But there is

overturning and upheaving below, and the great depths shall ere long

become the surface, and what is now seen in the social realm and

believed in, as a _religious creed_, must enter into the formation,

geologically conforming to fossilization and decay; so the last shall

be first, and the first last. The last half century is a grand

prophecy. How _slavery_ went down, carrying away social and religious

systems with it! There they lie, like dust and ashes in the rear. None

are found so poor and benighted as to do homage at their shrine. It

was the moral agitation that gave spiritual birth to the race

enslaved. I remember to have felt great impatience at the tardy and

conservative elements that entered into the struggle side by side with

the radical leaders of 1845, when to me the issue was not with the

Constitution, nor even with the pulpit, nor the Bible, but with

Justice. It was man to man, stripped of all but the Divine within him.

The lessons of moral and political formation in its slow but certain

work, come to strengthen me now. To my mind the issue of to-day in the

woman cause is clearly not what Paul taught and thought, nor what God

has settled upon her as her dower, nor what the marriage contract

makes her, but it is woman as a beneficent genius, next to the angels,

against woman below the beasts, in human society under the heel of the

Law, in the arms of brute force, crushed to death with passion and

lust. Lucy Stone has made it obvious to the world that six plates, six

teacups and saucers, and a guardian for her children, at the time of

her husband's death, are not her only legitimate property. Mrs.

Stanton goes further, and declares that not alone is her property

sacred, and must be restored to her, but that _personal freedom_,

subject to the Moral Law, not to the law of Society, nor of

Government, if those powers contravene or interfere with God's Law as

it is written in her own constitution.

In so much as woman is endowed by the Creator with the most loving and

beneficent genius or nature capable of enduring the agonies of many

deaths, to give life to many souls, in so much she is entitled to

command, not left to obey. So says Mrs. Stanton; I agree with her.

Both Lucy Stone and Mrs. Stanton are skilled workmen. Both

representative women; representing the two wings in the cause of

woman's freedom.

You speak of Mrs. Stanton's view in the McFarland-Richardson case. I

knew but little of the real character of Mrs. Richardson, but if what

is acknowledged to be true of his,--I do agree with Mrs. S. in

declaring this case a forcible argument--not against _marriage_,--such

a thing can not be--but against the marriage _contract_, as

interpreted in the courts. What a burlesque upon insanity! Poor Minnie

Gaines, the colored girl who shot her seducer the other day, in my

neighborhood, was cleared upon as doubtful insanity as McFarland's,

and she enjoys the benefit of the doubt in the insane asylum, where

she will remain unquestionably for a term of years; why does this _man

"go at large"_? Neither of the Associations, nor journals, are ready

to assume the high ground that Mrs. Stanton standing alone and

leading, as she always has on this question, can and will do. With all

my heart, I pray that true women and the angels will stand by and

sustain her in this noble daring.

Our work (the Freedman's work) is as usual, every day painfully

interesting and compensating. _No money comes yet_, and I have to

raise some $2,000 soon, or lose our delightful home. (Yes, it is

delightful). We have a bad city government, the colored people begin

to feel the old rebel spirit. Hundreds thrown out of work, and I have

nothing to hope from the City Council to compensate for my work. Some

good friend said a few days since, that Congress would, if persons of

influence would ask it, pay me. Now would Mr. Ward with Mr. Wade, do

this, and so let me breathe and live? or not?

We can not go out of the city this summer. You will be in Philadelphia

at the Decade meeting I hope, and I shall rejoice to be there too. You

see the Peace Society is in "hot water" over the McFarland-Richardson

discussion in the _Band of Peace_.

Thermometer stood at 107° yesterday, and very hot to-day. Write when

you can, and believe me ever your attached friend,

J. S. GRIFFING.

* * * * *

THE WOMAN'S LOYAL LEAGUE.

LETTERS IN RESPONSE TO THE CALL FOR MEETING OF THE LOYAL WOMEN OF THE

COUNTRY.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

HAMPTON, N. H., _May 4, 1863_.

MISS ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:--I cheerfully respond to the call, published

in _The Liberator_, to the loyal women of the North, to meet on the

14th inst. I am sensible that you will have responses from many whose

words will be more potent, and who can do braver deeds than I can do.

But I want to add my feeble testimony, notwithstanding, to encourage

this first effort of American women, in a national capacity, to

sustain the Government, and help guide it through the perils which

threaten its existence, thus demonstrating not only their loyalty, but

their ability to understand its genius; the quickness of their

perception of the cause and also of the remedies of the dangers which

imperil the nation; and also their fitness to be admitted to take part

in its deliberations. Not long since, men here at the North--loyal

men--men who were not in favor of slavery, denied that they had any

responsibility in regard to its existence. Marvelous, that they could

not see that slavery is a moral pestilence, poisoning all the

fountains of society, spreading infections over all the nation. Now

the war teaches them that they have a responsibility, and that it

would have been better had they seen it earlier. The right to take any

responsibility in regard to it was denied to woman; it was out of her

sphere; it ran into politics, which were unfit for woman, and into

governmental affairs, which she was supposed incompetent to

comprehend. But this painful hour of warfare crowds home upon us the

conviction that woman's interests equally with man's are

imperiled--private as well as public, individual as well as social.

She must not only consent to the sacrifice of husbands and sons

falling in their blood on the enemy's ground; but failing to conquer

them there, these enemies are eager to change the scene of action,

transfer the battle-field to our own doors, spread death and

devastation, and then establish slavery as a legacy to us. Yes, let it

be shown and sent home to the hearts of those who shall meet, that

woman is equally interested and responsible with man in the final

settlement of this problem of self-government.

Wishing that the women of every State may be largely represented by

earnest and faithful representatives, able to give wise counsel and

efficient action, I am very cordially with you in spirit,

CLARISSA G. OLDS.

BRADFORD, N. H., _May 10, 1863_.

MRS. STANTON--MY DEAR MADAM:--I thank you for myself, and for

thousands of women in our State, who may perhaps remain silent, for

the clarion call you have rung through the land for a convention of

the loyal women of the nation, to be held at New York on the 14th of

the present month. God bless you for the rallying cry, and may there

be such a gathering of patriotic women as the times demand. I trust

the women of our State will be well and largely represented. I must

believe that the women nurtured among our granite hills are ready for

all earnest work and brave self-sacrifice, to help bear up and on the

banner of freedom, till it waves in victory over all our beloved

country. I wish you a hearty God-speed in all noble and patriotic

efforts.

Truly yours, MARY J. TAPPAN.

DEBRY, N. H.

We rejoice in your call to the women of our country to do something,

in the great hour of her peril. They are generally too indifferent to

her success or failure, lack zeal and earnestness, and need

enlightenment on the true state of this contest. It is not a mere

matter of triumph of arms, but of principle, which will affect us and

future generations.

H. T. and M. ADAMS.

VERMONT.

RANDOLPH, Vt., _May 9, A.D. 1863_.

_The Ladies of Randolph to the Loyal Ladies assembled at New York,

send Greeting:_--

Thrillingly interested in all that concerns the great cause in which

we, who love the inheritance our fathers bought for us at such a price

of life and treasure, are now all embarked, the ladies of our

Association desire, on this occasion, to manifest their _oneness_ of

_spirit_ with you for everything that may promote loyal devotion to

our country.

We who have offered up on her altars what is dearer to us than

life--our fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers--so that almost every

home has made its sacrifice, and the blood of many from among us has

already been shed, while others come back crippled for life--need

hardly tell you that we are of one heart and mind with them, and ready

to be bound and offered up too.

May the God of our fathers hear our cry, and save our beloved country

from those who would destroy all her liberties.

Very truly yours, MRS. R. PARKINSON.

In behalf of the Ladies' Aid Society.

MASSACHUSETTS.

PITTSFIELD, _May 12, 1863_.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:--In response to the thrilling and

patriotic address of Mrs. "E. C. Stanton on behalf of the Women's

Central Committee," accompanying the "Call for a Meeting of the Loyal

Women of the Nation on the 14th inst.," I beg leave to say that my

heart is with you in the great work of crushing the rebellion.

Our strength, clearly, is not "to sit still" at a time like the

present. Although much has already been done by the women at the

North, in their subordinate sphere, for the relief and comfort of the

soldiers, yet the supineness of many of our sex has exposed us all to

rebukes.

We hear of the enthusiasm of women at the South in aid of the

Slave-holders' Rebellion, and can form some estimate of the

"fierceness of their wrath"; but, God be thanked, the days approach

when their mad passions will recoil upon themselves--the days approach

when their evil cause must die. Let us unitedly pledge ourselves to

stand by the Government, in our legitimate sphere, and _out of it_, if

needs be. Let us, with womanly zeal, help to crush the power of its

iniquitous assailants, remembering that the name of woman is in the

list with those who "subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained

promises, stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire,

escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed

valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens."

Shall we not, in this "crisis of our country's destiny," imitate the

example of these heroic worthies, if "hereunto we are called"?

Very truly yours, MRS. SARAH R. BARNES.

WORCESTER, _April 20, 1863_.

DEAR SUSAN:--I see your call to the loyal women. Will you let me know

distinctly if you propose to commit yourselves to the idea of loyalty

to the present Government? I can not believe you do. But to me there

is something equivocal in the call, if it does not mean that. I am

sorry it is not explicit on that point.

You and I believe if the present Administration had done its duty, the

rebellion would have been put down long ago. Hence, we hold it with

its supporters responsible for the terrible waste of treasure and of

blood thus far, and for that which is to follow. It needs strong

rebuke instead of unqualified sympathy and support.

Hastily, yours as ever, ABBY KELLY FOSTER.

NATICK, _May 8, 1863_.

Every loyal woman in America has a part to perform in this great

struggle for the preservation of the nation. I trust that the coming

meeting in the city of New York will inspire the women of the loyal

States with new zeal and patriotism, and enable them to serve more

efficiently their once prosperous, but now distracted, country.

Yours respectfully, MRS. HENRY WILSON.

CONNECTICUT.

_The Loyal Women of Manchester, Ct., to the Meeting of Loyal Women in

New York, Greeting:_--Patriotism in this town is in the ascendant.

Impelled by the conduct of traitors, dupes, and cowards, the loyal

women of Manchester formed themselves into a League, in which they

resolved to be unconditionally loyal to the Government and its

institutions; to abhor treason and cowardice in every form, and under

every disguise; to encourage and sustain our brave soldiers by

constant tokens of interest; to study carefully the great principles

of civil liberty, which constitute the spirit and life of our

Republican Government; and to publicly wear as the badge of the Loyal

League the Union colors, until the day of our national triumph. We

mean by this to occupy no doubtful position, and to express ourselves

in no ambiguous words. We believe in the Union, one and inseparable,

and stick to the motto, "_E Pluribus Unum_."

We find nothing to justify the rebellion, and have no sympathy with

those who do. We long for peace, but believe in war as the only

legitimate way to reach it; therefore hail the advance of our armies,

and rejoice in every Union victory with unspeakable joy.

We believe, moreover, in the natural rights of man, and intend to

stand by our President in his Emancipation Proclamation. We regard

negro-hate and disloyalty as near akin, and feel that those who would

not employ the black man to save the country are not over-anxious to

save it themselves.

The Loyal League of Manchester numbers some five hundred members, and

we mean by all within our power to cast our influence on the side of

the Union, and its brave defenders.

In true sympathy with all who stand by the Government and repel its

enemies, in behalf of the Executive Committee and members,

MRS. S. M. DORMAN.

NEW YORK.

WATERLOO, N. Y.

I have read Mrs. Stanton's call to the loyal women of America, and can

not resist telling you how valuable such a suggestion appears. For

what is more meet, than that those upon whom fall the direst agonies

of the war should with one voice cry out, "Give us a nation for whose

preservation we may joyfully surrender our heart's dearest treasure;

but swear by the green graves of our slaughtered brethren, that this

sacrifice shall seal the doom of every trafficker in human flesh?"

SARAH HUNT.

UTICA, N. Y., _April 19, 1863_.

We write to assure you that we appreciate the address of Elizabeth

Cady Stanton, published in _The Tribune_ of the 18th. We have long

expected such a call, and regard it as the external manifestation of a

wide-spread demand among women.

MARY DEAN, and Seven other Women.

WATERLOO, _May 4, 1863_.

MY DEAR FRIEND:--I read with great pleasure the "Call for a meeting of

the Loyal Women of the nation." I think such a gathering can not fail

of great and good results. I hope you will have a correct and full

report of the proceedings for the benefit of those who can not be

present to see and hear for themselves.

Sincerely yours, PHEBE B. DEAN.

FREY CHAPEL, _May 1, 1863_.

TO SUSAN B. ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:--In response to the call for a

meeting of the loyal women of the nation in the City of New York, on

Thursday, the 14th of May, the undersigned wish to be represented at

the ten o'clock session.

HARRIET GRAHAM, EMILY FREY, and 88 others.

NEW JERSEY.

OLD BRIDGE, MIDDLESEX COUNTY, N. J.

MRS. E. C. STANTON:--Being unable to attend in person in answer to

your stirring appeal to the loyal women of the nation, and feeling a

deep interest in this cause, we can not forbear answering it in this

manner at least. We do not believe there is a lack of enthusiasm in

the mass of the women of the North; all we want is a common channel in

which to pour it out. Do this, only point us the way, and you will

find our efforts as irresistible as the tides of the ocean.

We believe now, if ever, Halleck's lines apply:

"Strike, till the last armed foe expires,

Strike, for our altars and our fires;

Strike for the green graves of our sires,

God, and our native land."

Hoping God may so direct you that our dear bleeding country may be

cheered through the storm and darkness to a glorious peace, with our

starry flag floating as of old from the Bay of Fundy to the far shores

of the Pacific, and believing that freedom, truth, and right must

prevail,

We are, for ourselves and numerous friends,

Respectfully and truly yours,

MARY E. DISDROW, MARGARET M. WILLIS.

PENNSYLVANIA.

COLUMBIA, PA., _May 8, 1863_.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:--I beg that my name may be recorded with

those of the Loyal Women of the Nation. Though we walk in darkness,

tears, and blood all the days of this generation, let us not shrink;

we have to do the most blessed duty ever laid upon a people. Though we

see not the end, our deed shall be blessed. Let us rejoice that upon

us is laid _the glory of suffering for the good of mankind_. Though

all our dearest fall, though we are wrapt in woe, let us not flinch to

the bitterest end. Right shall triumph. God shall cause the wrath of

man to praise Him. Upon Northern traitors be unutterable and

everlasting contempt. Highest honors, tenderest glory to our heroes,

immortal in the heart of the nation.

SOPHIA LYMAN SMITH.

We wish to obtain the documents of the Ladies' National Union League,

that we may be "transformed into the same image"; and also desire to

wear the same badge.

Yours fraternally, MARY R. H. HAYNES,

_President Richwood Ladies' Union League_.

PENNSYLVANIA STATE NORMAL SCHOOL,

MILLERSVILLE, _May 11, 1863_.

_To the National Convention of Loyal Women_:

LADIES:--I beg leave to introduce to you Miss Fannie W. Willard and

Mrs. Annie V. Mumford, who have been elected by the ladies of this

institution as delegates to represent them in your Convention. Hoping

that, by word and work, your Convention may add strength to the arm

that is now raised in defense of the nation's life, I am,

Yours truly, J. P. WICKERSHAM, _Principal_.

GREEN GROVE, LUZERNE CO., PA., _May 8, 1863_.

DEAR MADAM:--With pleasure I read the "Call," and gladly would respond

to it in person, but must be content with sending my name.

Prospectively I see the places of meeting filled to overflowing,

every eye kindling with enthusiasm, every heart swelling with

patriotism, all determined to aid in preserving our sacred legacy of

liberty. The woman who is not truly loyal is unworthy the protection

of our dear old flag.

May God bless all the efforts made in sustaining the best Government

on earth!

Yours sincerely, SARAH J. VOSBURGH.

_From the Loyal Ladies of Stevensville, Pa., to the Ladies assembled

in Convention in New York_:

DEAR SISTERS:--Although unable to co-operate with you in your noble

efforts in behalf of our country by attending your Convention, we dare

not remain silent when treason is in our very midst, and thousands,

with blind fury, are trying to uproot the fair tree of Liberty which

our fathers planted and watered with their blood. We have already sent

our fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons to defend our country, and

are willing to make still greater sacrifices if necessary. We heartily

sustain the President in every effort he has made to put down the

rebellion, and hope that the war may be prosecuted with renewed vigor,

until every traitor, North or South, shall be subdued. We would

express our sympathy for the brave soldiers in the field and for those

who are languishing in prisons and hospitals, and pray that their

sacrifices and sufferings may not be in vain. May the angel of Peace

soon spread her wings over our unhappy country, is the prayer of your

loyal sisters,

MRS. ANGIE E. L. STEVENS,

_And Twenty-five other Women of Stevensville, Pa_.

WEST AUBURN, PA., _May 9, 1863_.

In compliance with the call for a meeting of the Loyal Women, we, the

undersigned, take this method to manifest our approbation of the

President's Proclamation. Thinking we comprehend the principles

involved in the nation's struggle for existence, we believe it the

duty of every loyal woman to pledge herself to co-operate, in word and

deed, for the benefit and encouragement of our brave men in the field,

until our country is Free.

LUCY A. SEELY,

_And Thirty-five other Women of West Auburn, Pa_.

KENNETT SQUARE, PA.

DEAR MRS. STANTON:--The deep interest I feel in the subject to be

considered in your Convention, prompts me to an expression of my

sympathy in the movement. May you be able to speak God's truth in

tones that shall arouse a nation's heart to a prompt performance of a

nation's duty, will be the earnest prayer of many who are not

privileged to meet with you in solemn convention.

HANNAH M. DARLINGTON.

COLUMBIA, PA.

DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--Let me have the happiness of giving my name where

are my heart and soul, with the loyal women of the nation.

MRS. F. BOARDMAN WELLS.

OHIO.

_To the Loyal Women, assembled in National Meeting in New York, the

Loyal Women of Wilmington, Ohio, send Greeting_:

We have heard your earnest call for a National Meeting of women, and

our hearts respond as one to the call, and our hands willing to do

more than has yet been done. Here, as everywhere in the North, we have

formed societies and united our efforts in contributing what we might

to soothe, encourage, and cheer. But we would not speak of what we

have done, for it is but a mite compared to the need, and a drop among

the millions that have been given our brave ones who are so gloriously

defending our homes. But the wide future with its great destiny is

before us, and we hope after earnest counseling you will decide what

more can be done, and we will gladly work with you as sisters, as

daughters of our kind All-Father, as children of our common country

for the good of all.

We shall be glad to hear of the decision of your meeting, and doubt

not it will waken many who are slumbering to a sense of the duty of

immediate action in a cause so just, and fraught with untold interest,

not only to our own beloved country, but to the whole world.

LOUISE MCGREGOR, Secretary.

MARTINSBURG, OHIO, _May 7, 1863_.

To SUSAN B. ANTHONY:--I was rejoiced and encouraged on reading your

call for an assembly of the loyal women of the nation, and feel

constrained to address you a word. For although I may not be able to

elucidate the principles on which a free government is founded, with

the force and clearness of many others who will doubtless respond to

your call, nor awake enthusiasm with that magic power that some of the

anti-slavery women of the North possess in so high a degree, I shall

at least give to Ohio and my country one more voice in favor of a

united and free republic; and certainly no voice should be silent when

called to speak for liberty.

It was fit that the first work of the women of the North should be for

the comfort of those who are enduring the hardships of the camp,

exposed to sickness, and to the deadly horrors of the battle-field, in

their defence.

But this is not all that should be done by intelligent women living

under a free government, when that government is in danger of being

overthrown by wicked conspirators. Every power and influence granted

us under the social and political regulations of our country should be

unreservedly laid upon the altar of liberty and right. It is necessary

that we fully understand the nature of the conflict in which we are

engaged. Enthusiasm can elevate and sustain but for a moment, unless

upheld by the power of a great principle. Not only is our welfare as a

great nation at stake, but the oppressed of the world look anxiously

and hopefully to us as holding the key to their prison doors, which we

may unlock if we will.

In view of the greatness of the trust committed to us, let us not flag

in our efforts to free our land from slavery and the rebellion

inaugurated by its minions, that they might establish it on a firmer

base.

By meeting as you are about to do, and giving expression to sentiments

in favor of the perpetuation of our Government, and in behalf of those

of our citizens who are denied the rights and privileges of

citizenship, you will strengthen the hearts and hands of all among our

rulers who are endeavoring to execute judgment and justice, and to

save our Government under the guidance of Him who controls the

destinies of nations.

Trusting that this is but the beginning of a good work among the true

women of the nation, I subscribe myself, Yours for the interest of our

common country,

LIZZIE WELSH.

MEDINA COUNTY, OHIO, _May 12, 1863_.

DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--This is no time to be idle now. Every _true woman_

must do her whole duty, and buckle on the strong armor of Faith, to

meet the enemy face to face. Let the traitors of the country hear our

voices, and let Southern tyrants tremble in their high places. Let the

prayers of the loyal women ascend to the throne on high. I trust you

may have a decidedly good meeting--one, too, that will be remembered

in future ages, when war and bloodshed shall have passed forever away,

and sweet peace shall reign again in our beautiful land. We long for

our brave brothers to return to their homes, but not till the Union is

restored, and the traitors receive their just punishment. My heart is

deeply engaged in the cause of human liberty and justice, and I have

given my all in the struggle.

I remain, yours respectfully, EMMA C. HARD.

RICHWOOD, _May 9, 1863_.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY--DEAR MADAM:--In _The New York Tribune_ of April 25,

1863, we observed that a National Convention of the Ladies' Union

League is to be held in the city of New York, on the 14th day of May.

We were truly gratified with this intelligence, and should be very

happy to be present on that occasion; but as that is among the

impossibilities, we deem it a great privilege to represent the

Richwood Ladies' Union League through epistolary correspondence. The

cause is glorious, and is calculated to elevate woman to a higher

sphere. Louder voices and holier motives urge us to duty as never

before. At the time _our_ Ladies' Union League was organized, we knew

not that there was another in the world, or that there ever would be.

Its infancy was feeble, as we must advance cautiously, if we would

surely; but it was as a city set on a hill. The good work is still

progressing.

INDIANA.

ANGOLA. IND., _May 6, 1863_.

MISS ANTHONY:--The call for a Convention in New York to express the

feelings of woman in view of the condition of the country, is timely.

I regret that I can not be present to share the inspiration of the

occasion, and as far as possible to aid in making an impression worthy

of the hour. We call this an alarming crisis because it is a struggle

involving our lives, our liberty, and our happiness. It must be borne

in mind that this nation is great not simply from the number of States

it has held in union, but from its creative genius. We are told that

this is the best expression of a republican form of government. It is

so because it is self-sustaining, self-reliant, and therefore may be

self-governing. The stern, smooth-faced Puritan fled from religious

persecution in the Old World to find room for an idea in the New; and

the planting of one religious idea has yielded a rich harvest of

sects, each an improvement on the last.

Yesterday politics had its center in a party; to-day, in the nation;

to-morrow, it will find an equilibrium in the individual. This is a

stern work, wearing furrows in the cheeks of statesmen, shaking the

frame-work of the Government, letting the blood and drinking the

treasure of the nation. It can not be avoided. God has said, "And unto

you a child is born," and his name shall be called Liberty, Equality,

Fraternity, the Holy of Holies, the Universal Republic. And as God

rested after the first creation, so shall this nation find its Sabbath

of rest when this struggle for freedom is over, and from the little

child to the bowed-down man, all shall breathe through the new

Constitution a fresher, more glorious life. Viewed from the daily

papers, the battle is long, terrific, and uncertain. Go to the

stricken hearthstones, and we exclaim, "Oh, that this cup might pass

from us!" Visit the solemn battle-field, and in anguish we murmur, "My

God, why hast Thou forsaken us?" Retiring to the high mountain of our

faith, we see in this painful view the magnitude of our cause, and

that slowly but surely this contest will end triumphantly. From this

point we mark the milestones that show we have made indelible

foot-prints toward Liberty and Union.

The choice by the people of a Republican President, the firing on

Sumter, the defeat at Manassas, the recognition of Hayti, the treaty

with England for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, the

abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the decision of

Attorney-General Bates in favor of universal citizenship, the

conversion to the anti-slavery sentiment of Dickinson and Butler, the

President's Proclamation, and the arming of the blacks, are signs in

the political zodiac, showing our revolution certain as that of the

rolling suns in the material heavens. Only Liberty can be our

watchword henceforth! To this standard alone will the country, both

North and South, rally when a few more days of leadership are over.

God saw to this in the frame-work of every living thing, when He made

his wants to be a blessing with freedom and a curse without it. Open

the cage-door to the pining fox, loathing his master's beef and

pudding, and see if his instincts are not true as the needle to the

pole. Lay the sweet babe before the starved lion, and his want will

not bow to your compassion. So in slaves; it matters not whether

slaves to rebellion or to aristocracy. So in all men and in all women,

the want of liberty, as the want of bread, is a vital principle in the

blood. It is the motive power. Without it man is but a log, and is

suited to rule over frogs only; or, like the silent water, becomes a

loathsome stagnation. You may suppress, but you can not appease or

destroy this divine inheritance in man. On this uniform idea the laws

of society depend, and union can have no other. Raise the banner of

freedom to all, and you have an imperishable Constitution, supported

by the gushing blood of the millions, and immortalized in the spirit

of the nation. This is our work: To comprehend liberty, to establish a

constitution, and perpetuate union. We began at union, the right-hand

figure, borrowing ten, as in mathematics, from the next higher order,

observing the rule of maintaining an equal difference by paying what

is borrowed.

We saw that fighting for union and slavery left us just what we began

with. So we borrowed from the Constitution Fremont's Proclamation, and

carried the popular response to the next Congress, and under the

second period we wrote the liberty of three millions! We have now to

work out the main principle or highest order, to test the virtue of

the people, to see whether, when rebellion is put down, the nation can

survive; and there is now left us no escape from death or disgrace

except in the announcement of freedom as a principle. Do this, and you

have enlisted new recruits from men who will nobly dare to die, but

never will retreat. Do this, and the mothers of the country will

continue to lay their precious sons upon the altar, not as "Union

soldiers," as before, but as heroes of a new republic. Do this, and

woman, the subtle architect of society, will teach you how to walk the

very verge of death with an unflinching hope of life; her faith will

separate your light from darkness, truth from error, liberty from

slavery. She will demonstrate for you that self-reliance is the

condition of all creations, that as "the flower looks to no power

outside itself to unfold its tendrils and accomplish its mission," so

this nation is self-sufficient. In its warm beating heart lies its

folded banner, and each man and woman must unfurl it as the seaman

unfurls his sail. Nail Freedom to your banner, and it shall bring a

prostrate nation to its staff, and together with their loud applause,

"the morning stars shall sing, and all the sons of God shall shout for

joy."

JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING.

_To the Meeting of Loyal Women to be held in New York the 14th of

May:_

MISS S. B. ANTHONY:--Not being able to attend your meeting, I desire

to convey to you personally my heartfelt appreciation of your work.

If, as the call implies, your object is to help create and keep alive

a loyal public sentiment, it is truly praiseworthy. This is what we

need--a public sentiment that will not tolerate disloyalty anywhere.

We want the rebel sympathizer to feel the society of intelligent women

a constant rebuke to their unfaithfulness; we want to go still

further, and make them feel that they can not be admitted to the

social circle of loyal women; we want to make them feel that we will

not patronize them in business relations; in short, that we will hold

no communion with them whatever, except it may be to reform them as

fallen brethren. As the Spartan mothers of old, as the mothers of the

Revolution, did not shrink from whatever of trial, of sacrifice, and

of toil was theirs to endure, so may we of the XIXth century, the

mothers of the soldiers of freedom, grasp heroically the sword of

truth, and wield it with a power that shall make the tyrant tremble.

It is not enough that we scrape lint, make hospital stores, knit

socks, make shirts, etc., etc.; all this we should do by all means,

but we have also other duties connected with this war. Let us endeavor

to perform them all faithfully. As the war is working out for woman a

higher and nobler life, while it is destined in the providence of God

to free the slave, it will also bring about in a great measure the

enfranchisement of woman. Let us prove that women are intellectually

and morally capable of laboring side by side with our brothers in the

great struggle, and heaven will bless our efforts.

Yours in the great work, MARY F. THOMAS.

RICHMOND, Ind., May 11, 1863.

PECOR, WABASH VALLEY, IND.

To the "Call for a meeting of the Loyal Women of the Nation," we most

heartily respond. It is precisely what is needed at this time. There

is a lack of enthusiasm here as elsewhere--not that our "Aid

Societies" are not quite flourishing: but that we do after the manner

of Miss Ophelia, "from a sense of duty." A lady says to me, "What more

can be expected of women if men fail to some extent in our military

affairs?" Well, they can arouse the smouldering fires of patriotism,

help to raise the trailing banner, and stand devotedly by the dear old

flag. If they enter into the work heart and soul, good results will

follow. There is here a strong secession element; copperheads abound;

the sky looks dark and threatening; but Gov. Morton's vigorous policy

and Gen. Burnside's "Order No. 38," will show the traitors that we

have a government--a strong one, too--that will bring them straight up

to the mark.

Those who are disposed to criticise your meeting, who have a word to

say about women taking part in political or public affairs, should

have their memories refreshed a little. From a great many who have

ruled in affairs of State, I select one who lived a long time ago. The

record is from the highest authority. Deborah, the wife of Lapidoth,

who judged Israel, had her canopy of State under the palm-tree in

Mount Ephraim. At this time the children of Egypt had been mightily

oppressed for twenty years by Jabin, King of Canaan. Hope is almost

extinguished in Israel; not one man scarcely seems awake to his

country's wrongs; patriotism is slumbering in every manly breast, yet

glows brightly in the heart of woman; and as the tribunal of judgment

is deserted by manly virtue, ability, and zeal, Deborah takes the

place, not by usurpation, but divine appointment. She instructs the

people in the law and testimony of the living God, and inspires them

with more than a common enthusiasm to go with Barak against the mighty

host of Canaan. They go forth, and are victorious, completely routing

the enemy. Sisera, the commander-in-chief of the great army of Jabin,

is slain by the hand of woman! The mighty arm of the Lord of Hosts is

seen in this conflict, for JEHOVAH HAS NO ATTRIBUTE THAT WILL TAKE

SIDES WITH THE OPPRESSOR!

Would it not be well for the women of to-day to emulate Deborah in her

zeal and love of country? I trust your meeting will be productive of

great good in arousing us to more correct views of our duties and

responsibilities as members of the Republic. As Burke says, "_I love

agitation when there is a cause for it_." The alarm-bell which

startles the inhabitants of a city from their midnight slumbers, saves

them from destruction.

May 11, 1863. Truly yours, ELIZA B. TERRELL.

E. M. WILKINSON, on behalf of the Soldiers' Aid Society in Laporte

County, Ind., writes:

"We will labor with all our might, mind, and strength for a free

country, where there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary

servitude. As our mothers stood by the Government in the Revolution,

so we, like them, will stand by the present Administration. We believe

the sin of slavery to be the cause of this horrid war, therefore we

hailed with gladness the ninth section of the Confiscation law, and

the Proclamation of Freedom by the President."

ILLINOIS.

ROSEMOND, CHRISTIAN COUNTY, ILL., _May 5, 1863_.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY--_My Dear Christian Friend:_--I observed with

deep interest, in _The Independent_ of April 16th, an article on

"Women and the War," stating that meetings would be held in your city

on the 14th of May, "to consider how woman's services may be more

effectually engaged in promoting the war, supporting the Government,

and advancing the cause of Freedom and the Union."

At that meeting I shall be most cordially present in _spirit_, while I

am necessarily in body far from you; and for the result of your

deliberations there I shall watch with eager interest. _What can woman

do?_ has been with me from the beginning of this war a question of the

uppermost importance. I have asked it with tears again and again, and

have watched every intimation upon this point in our journals, and

from soldier friends, with a willing heart and ready hand; though I

have sometimes observed with pain, that those who had given least for

this great cause were least solicitous on this question, and less

disposed to do, and to continue to do, than those very ones who, as

they would say, had surely done enough, when they had given up husband

or son, father or brother, or all of these, for the bloody conflict.

But no, it is those who like me have given up their all, and perhaps

like me are left by this war widowed and alone, helpless and in feeble

health; such it is that cry, What can woman yet do for this sacred

cause? Such may silently bear their lonely anxiety and sorrow,

patiently toil and struggle to take care of themselves, and of those

dependent upon them, as best they can, uncomplaining, asking not aid

or sympathy, and all the while cheering their beloved ones yet spared

in the conflict, and holding up their hands by words of encouragement

and blessing. But such can not sit still, and feel that they have done

enough. Such can not look with indifference upon the flowing tide of

blood all around us; upon the thousands of hearths and homes as

desolate as their own; upon the hardships and sufferings of our brave

soldiers in field, or hospital, or camp; upon the hundreds of

thousands of those poor freedmen, women and children, that have just

begun to emerge from the house of their bondage, and come out empty,

ignorant, and degraded, yet seeking liberty, protection, instruction,

and offering their strong right arms for the defense of that wise and

beneficent Government that has bid them go free. Methinks, every

mother and every teacher should now take special care to instill into

the minds of those committed to their instruction a holy and devoted

patriotism; the sacred principles of liberty; liberty for all; the

inestimable value of our free institutions; and the perpetuation of

these as an end worthy of their highest ambition. Teach them to honor

the name of soldier, and to cherish sacredly the memory of those who

have given their life's blood for the cementing and maintenance of

this Union, and to be ready to stand up bravely for the right, when

their turn may come.

I have written from the fullness of my heart, yet in much weakness and

sorrow. My own beloved and noble husband was among the very first to

offer his services at his country's call, and in less than one short

year his sacrifice was owned of God, to whom he had early consecrated

his life, and from the strife of the battle-field (at Donelson, in

February, 1862) he was called up higher to rest in peace. In feeble

health, I have returned to the asylum of a father's house, to which

one beloved brother has just returned with his discharge, having

wasted nearly to a skeleton in Southern hospitals, and two brothers

are yet in the army. Should you have any printed circular of the

result of your meetings, a copy would be very gratefully received; and

if there is any way in which ladies at so great a distance can

co-operate with you, in measures you may devise, you may be sure that

this little town of Rosemond will furnish her full share of loyal

women. I will almost venture to say, no other can be found here.

In behalf of all that makes our country

"The land of the free and the home of the brave,"

I am, yours very cordially, E. P. WEEKS.

AURORA, ILL., _May 8, 1863_.

There never was a time in the world's history when the strength and

efforts of women, as well as men, were so imperatively demanded as

now. Never before in the annals of time has there been a struggle of

such momentous import, not only at home, but abroad, as this. The eye

of every principality and power on the face of the earth is upon us,

anxiously watching and awaiting the success or defeat of our armies to

prove or disprove the practicability of a republican form of

government. Let us work for the right and true

"All we can,

Every woman, every man."

For Freedom and Union, ELLEN BEARD HARMAN.

WASHINGTON, TAZEWELL COUNTY, ILL., _May 12, 1863_.

LADIES:--Quickened by a call from our national metropolis, and

prompted by the same loyalty that issued the call, a few of the women

of this place have organized themselves into a Union League, for the

maintenance of our Government and the encouragement and succor of our

soldiers in the field. Our organization occurred too late, we fear, to

enable us to report ourselves to the National Committee at the

appointed meeting; but having opened, we propose to go forward,

soliciting the co-operation of every individual woman of the place, so

long as our Government is in peril and rebellion utters its voice in

the nation.

Yours in the same cause,

MRS. S. W. FISH, Sec'y. MRS. H. N. KELLOGG, Pres't.

ASBURY, LASALLE COUNTY, ILL., _May 8, 1863_.

MADAM ANTHONY:--I call myself a loyal woman, and am glad that there is

about to be made some extra effort by woman for the strengthening and

upholding of our common Government in this present rebellion. For my

own part, I should rather work hard and fare poor for a number of

years, that the Government may have a share of my industry, than that

we fail in this present war. Drops form the ocean; and if we all can

be made to feel the greatness of small things added together, we can

present a truly strengthening arm in this struggle; and I would

suggest that we all lay aside our vanity and love of extravagance in

dress, and save the money from some of our intended purchases for a

war fund. Almost every person can spare five, ten, or twenty dollars.

Let some one take the lead in every city and village by stimulating

the people to a little self-denial, and I think we can raise a grand

sum, to be applied where it is most needed. Just set this ball in

motion in New York, and it may roll all over the North.

I do not wonder that woman lacks enthusiasm in matters of Government,

for our laws, though they may be nearly just to white men, are very

oppressive to women, particularly those that deprive married women of

the right to hold property and do business themselves. I think that

man and woman both would live more happily if the laws were more

equal; but as they are, they are a shame to this enlightened age. They

make a married woman a beggar all her life, although she may have a

rich husband, and a most pitiable one, if he is poor. Wipe out the law

entirely that gives us a third of our husband's property; we can make

better bargains than that ourselves with our husbands. The one-third

law does us not a mite of good, unless our husband dies, and we do not

all of us want to part with them, although the laws do make them our

oppressors. But notwithstanding the mean position that we are

compelled to occupy, I feel like upholding the Government as the best

that is, feeling quite sure that the kindness and good sense of our

rulers will give us something a little more like justice after a

while.

MARIAM H. FISH

WISCONSIN.

_To the Meeting of Loyal Women in the City of New York, Greeting:_

It is now nearly three months since the loyal women of Madison, Wis.,

desiring to express their equal interest in the preservation of the

Union and Government, and their abhorrence of all who by word and deed

encourage the unholy rebellion which has filled our land with

mourning, organized the first Ladies' Union League in the country, and

pledged themselves, during the continuance of the war, to such

individual persistent effort and self-sacrifice as should prove to our

soldiers and their families that we have made common cause with them.

Without delay we issued our preamble and constitution in the form of a

circular-letter, inviting the co-operation of all loyal women of the

State in the formation of similar organizations. Copies of this

circular, inviting a full expression of feeling, and statement of

cases of individual necessity, were sent to every company of infantry,

artillery, and cavalry that have gone from the State; and the most

gratifying letters from the army have proved the value which they put

upon our efforts. We organized visiting committees, renewed every

week, who examine into and report upon all cases of want in soldiers'

families, many of whom have been cared for and relieved through the

agency of these committees, thus obviating one of the most productive

causes of discontent in the army. The ignorant woman who does not know

what are the proper steps to take in securing her bounty, allotment,

and pension; the discouraged wife who hears the low murmurs of treason

to the Government on every side, whose appeals to her soldier in the

field increase when they do not create the same feeling, are alike the

objects of our care.

In addition to, and of more importance even than these home efforts,

are those we make in encouraging the soldiers by correspondence. Does

some officer distinguish himself by an act of personal bravery in the

army of the West? we save the newspaper notices, cut these out, and

inclose them, with a few hearty, earnest words, to some member of the

army of the Potomac, and thus become a medium for the diffusion of all

that can stimulate and inspire courage and loyalty.

We have deemed this brief statement of our organization and mode of

operation the best expression of our sympathy with your meeting. We

joyfully hail the formation of such associations in the great centers

of influence, and believe that a cause to which the women of the

country as _one soul_ devote their time, their energies, and all they

love best, will stand vindicated as the cause of God, of justice and

humanity, before the whole world.

MRS. W. A. P. MORRIS, _President_.

MRS. E. S. CARR, _Secretary_.

MADISON, WIS., _May 9, 1863_.

CASSVILLE, WIS., _May 4, 1863_.

Lately noticing in the _New York Tribune_ a call for a meeting of the

loyal women of this nation, and believing woman as responsible for its

destiny as man, I feel it my duty to make known to you my most sincere

wishes for its success. As loyal women, and being under so much

responsibility, it seems necessary that some effort should be made to

exchange our views and form resolutions on this subject. Let us

remember then our duty; let us unite ourselves by associations, that

we may act in concert in our country's cause. We must not forget that

knowledge is power, and that the minds of this country are molded and

governed by the press; let us therefore, in whatever sphere we move,

aid and encourage the reading and circulation of loyal newspapers and

public speakers of both sexes that labor for our country (the best

diplomatists of Europe have confessed that the State papers of the

Revolution did almost, if not quite as much, for us as our soldiery);

and let us at the same time discountenance all disloyal reading, all

disloyal sentiments, and all disloyal persons of whatever standing or

relation, and let our object be our country, our whole country, and

nothing but our country.

MRS. URSULA LARNED.

BARABOO, WIS., _May 11, 1863_.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY--_Dear Madam:_--I can not tell you with what joy I

received through the _Anti-Slavery Standard_ the account of the

formation of the "Loyal Women's League of Hartford, Ct." I forthwith

communicated with the women met for sanitary purposes, and we

organized a "Loyal Women's League" here. Forty women signed at once,

and others now are constantly added. All over this region the women

seem to be waiting, longing for some soul to animate the body of work

with which we have been so long and lovingly busying ourselves. We

shall do what we can to encourage and inspire our soldiers, to comfort

and cheer their families, and to make our influence tell on the right

side at home and wherever it is felt. Our organization is auxiliary to

the Madison League. We have adopted mainly their Constitution. We

would be glad to be represented in person in the National Convention,

where the true woman's heart of the nation will utter itself; but this

may not be so. We send you this our pledge. The bells are ringing and

guns firing for joy for our military victories. Thank God for them.

But our woman's work of educating the children into the idea and

practice of true and universal justice is ever to be done. Oh that we

may be wise and faithful In our work, till our priceless heritage of

liberty be enjoyed by every human being in our land.

Cordially yours, MARIA P. CODDING.

IOWA.

COUNCIL BLUFFS, IOWA.

Most gladly does my heart respond to the call, and most earnestly do I

hope that the deliberations on that occasion will result in much good

to women and to the cause you meet to promote. The women of the North

are charged by the press with a lack of zeal and enthusiasm in the

war. This charge may be true to some extent. Though for the most part

they are loyal to their Government, and in favor of sustaining its

every measure for putting down the rebellion; yet they do not, I fear,

enter fully into the spirit of the women of the Revolution. There are

many women in whose hearts the love of country and of justice is

strong, and who are willing to incur any loss, and make almost any

sacrifice, rather than the rebellion should succeed and the chains of

the bondman be more firmly rivetted. If they manifest less enthusiasm

than their patriotic brothers, it is because they have not so great

opportunity for its exercise. The customs of society do not permit any

strong or noisy demonstration of feeling on the part of woman; but the

blood of Revolutionary sires flows as purely in her veins, and she can

feel as deeply, suffer as intensely, and endure as bravely as her more

favored brothers. But I would have her do more than suffer and endure;

I would that she should not only resolve to stand by the Government in

its work of defeating the schemes of its enemies, but that she should

let her voice go forth in clear and unmistakable tones against any

peace with rebels, except upon the basis of entire submission to the

authority of the Government. Against the schemes and plans of the

Peace party in the North, let loyal women everywhere protest. That

your deliberations may be characterized by good judgment, sound

wisdom, and true patriotism, is my heartfelt prayer.

AMELIA BLOOMER.

MINNESOTA.

HOKAH, HOUSTON CO., MINN., _May 13, 1863_.

To SUSAN B. ANTHONY--_Dear Madam:_-- ... While the women of the South,

with a heroism and self-denial worthy a better cause, have no doubt

aided in fanning the flame of rebellion, it appears to me eminently

proper that the loyal women of the North should meet in council to

express their sentiments in regard to the great principles of humanity

and justice. Many of us have sons and brothers on the tented field,

and while we deplore the stern necessity that drew them from the

endearments of home; while we tremble with anxiety lest the mournful

tidings that have saddened so many hearts should fall with crushing

weight on ourselves, a voice from the army comes to us with thrilling

earnestness that awakens with redoubled vigor the feeling of

patriotism within us. Our noble soldiery are taking a stand on the

broad platform of universal liberty and justice. With scathing words

they have rebuked the traitors in our midst; and they now breathe out

threatenings and slaughter to the _miscreants_ who would rend the fair

heritage transmitted to us by the heroes of the Revolution.

May every patriotic woman in the land do her utmost to uphold and

strengthen the holy purpose that inspires the loyal heart of the army.

For myself, I regard no sacrifice too great that will conduct to the

comfort of the brave men who are risking life and limb in the sacred

cause of freedom; and I am proud to say that this is the sentiment of

every lady within the circle of my acquaintance. I most sincerely hope

that some lady in your Convention will offer a resolution touching a

great wrong that has been practiced toward our sick and wounded

soldiers in some of the hospitals, namely, the neglect of the proper

officers to affix their signatures to discharges made out, in many

instances for a long time, until the hope of once more seeing the dear

ones at home has faded from the heart of the poor soldier, and he has

laid him down to die among strangers, when but for this cruel neglect

his life might, perhaps, have been spared to bless the dear ones at

home, or at least have given them the great boon of smoothing his

passage to the grave. I believe this thing has done much to discourage

enlistments. Is there no remedy? I leave it to those of more influence

and superior judgment to decide.

With sentiments of respect, I subscribe myself a loyal woman,

MARY C. POUND.

KANSAS.

QUINDARO, KANSAS, _May 4, 1863_.

MY DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--Your call to the loyal women of the nation

meets my hearty response. I have been feeling for months that their

activities, in the crisis which is upon us, should not be limited to

the scraping of lint and concocting of delicacies for our brave and

suffering soldiers. Women, equally with men, should address themselves

to the removing of the wicked cause of all this terrible sacrifice of

life and its loving, peaceful issues. It is their privilege to profit

by the lessons being taught at such a fearful cost. And discerning

clearly the mistakes of the past, it is their duty to apply themselves

cheerfully and perseveringly to the eradication of every wrong and the

restoration of every right, as affecting directly or indirectly the

progress of the race toward the divine standard of human intelligence

and goodness. _No sacrifice of right, no conservation of wrong_,

should be the rally-call of mothers whose sons must vindicate the one

and expiate the other in blood! Negro slavery is but one of the

protean forms of disfranchised humanity. Class legislation is the one

great fountain of national and domestic antagonisms. Every ignoring of

inherent rights, every transfer of inherent interest, from the first

organization of communities, has been the license of power to robbery

and murder, itself the embodiment of a thievish and murderous

selfishness.

That the disenfranchisement of the women of '76 destroyed the moral

guarantee of a pure republic, or that their enfranchisement would

early have broken the chains of the slave, I may not now discuss. Yet

it may be well to note that ever since freedom and slavery joined

issue in this Government, the women of the free States have been a

conceded majority, almost a unit, against slavery, as if verifying the

declaration of God in the garden, "I will put enmity between thee

(Satan) and the woman." Every legal invasion of rights, forming a

precedent and source of infinite series of resultant wrongs, makes it

the duty of woman to persist in demanding the right, that she may

abate the wrong--and first her own enfranchisement. The national life

is in peril, and woman is constitutionally disabled from rushing to

her country's rescue. Robbery and arson invade her home; and though

man is powerless to protect, she may not save it by appeals to the

ballot-box.

A hundred thousand loyal voters of Illinois are grappling with the

traitors of the South. If the hundred thousand loyal women left in

their homes had been armed with ballots, copperhead treason would not

have wrested the influence of that State to the aid and comfort of

the rebellion. If the women of Iowa had been legally empowered to meet

treason at home, the wasteful expense of canvassing distant

battle-fields for the soldiers' votes might have been saved. And it

would have been easier for these women to vote than to pay their

proportion of the tax incurred. Yankee thrift and shrewdness would

have been vindicated if Connecticut had provided for the

enfranchisement of her women by constitutional amendment, instead of

wasting her money and butting her dignity against judicial vetoes in

legislating for the absent soldiers' vote.

This war is adding a vast army of widows and orphans to this already

large class of unrepresented humanity. Shall the women who have been

judged worthy and capable to discharge the duties of both parents to

their children, be longer denied the legal and political rights held

necessary to the successful discharge of a part even of these duties

by men? With these few hasty suggestions, and an earnest prayer for

the highest wisdom and purest love to guide and vitalize your

deliberations, sisters, I bid you farewell.

C. I. H. NICHOLS.

BUSINESS MEETING.

_New York Tribune's Report of the Adjourned Business Meeting of the

Woman's Loyal National League, held Friday Afternoon, May 15, 1863._

The Business Committee of the Loyal League of Women, with a number of

ladies who take an interest in the formation of such a society, met

yesterday afternoon in the Lecture-Room of the Church of the Puritans,

for the purpose of agreeing upon some definite platform, and of

determining the future operations of the League.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY, as President of the Business Committee, took

the chair, and at 3 o'clock called the meeting to order.

Mrs. ELIZABETH CADY STANTON rose to decline accepting the nomination

she had received on Thursday, as President of the League. She

could not pledge herself to unconditional loyalty to the

Government--certainly not if the Government took any retrogressive

step. As President of the National League, many might object to her on

account of what they termed her _isms_, her radical Anti-Slavery and

Woman's Rights, her demand for liberty and equality for women and

negroes. She desired the vote by which she had been made President

might be reconsidered.

Miss ANTHONY thought there were fears of the Government retrogressing

in the policy of Freedom. The question is every day discussed in the

papers as to what terms the South shall be received back again. She

could not be Secretary of a League which was pledged to unconditional

loyalty to the Government, until the Government was pledged to

unconditional loyalty to Freedom. Miss Anthony then read the following

pledge and resolutions, which had, on Thursday, been partially agreed

to:

THE PLEDGE.

We, the undersigned women of the nation, do hereby pledge ourselves

loyal to justice and humanity, and to the Government in so far as it

makes the war a war for freedom.

RESOLUTIONS.

_Resolved_, That we rejoice in the local Women's Leagues already

formed, and earnestly recommend their organization throughout the

country; and that we urge the women everywhere to take the highest

ground of patriotism--OUR COUNTRY RIGHT, not wrong.

_Resolved_, That we hail the Conscription Act as necessary for the

salvation of the country, and cheerfully resign to it our husbands,

lovers, brothers, and sons.

_Resolved_, That inasmuch as this war must bring freedom to the black

man, it is but just that he should share in the glory and hardships of

the struggle.

Miss ANTHONY explained what a National League was, and what business

and pecuniary responsibilities it entailed.

Mrs. ANGELINA G. WELD suggested that before entering on other matters,

the question of officers should be settled.

Miss ANTHONY:--Will some one put the motion?

Mrs. LOVELAND took the floor. She stated that she had come there the

day before with one idea--only one--and that she retained that one

idea still, and that was that the women of the nation should pledge

themselves to stand by the Conscription Act. Mrs. Loveland trusted

that the League would co-operate with the laws of the land, and

strengthen the hands of the President in his efforts to vigorous

prosecute the war. She thought the Government had made great advances

in the path of progress. If the pledge required the war to be waged

for freedom, that was all that was necessary. It would be desirable to

secure the experience and ability of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony in

the offices to which they have been elected, she did not believe their

isms would do any hurt. They were earnest and efficient workers, and

the League needed them.

Miss WILLARD, of Pa., thought there was a way to get over the

difficulty. The pledge is conditional to the extent of requiring the

war to be a war for freedom. Miss Willard said she was a true patriot.

She loved her country. She had borne with its defects, though she

confessed she had sometimes desired to remove them. She believed in

sustaining the Government, though if Vallandigham should chance to be

elected President, she really didn't know what she should do.

Miss WILLARD seemed to think that the pledge offered would do under

the existing Administration. When there is a change, we can have

another League. She believed if the President was slow he was sure,

and that he was the Moses who was to lead this people to their

promised land of freedom.

Several desultory remarks were made in the audience. Presently an

elderly lady--a Mrs. Maginley--arose and expressed her opinions. She

had confidence in Mr. Lincoln, but denounced Gen. Banks, who, she

said, was a hero in one place and a slave-driver in another. As next

President, we may get a ditch-digger--(Mrs. M. evidently intended this

as a sly allusion to a distinguished military chieftain)--and then

what are we to do? She wished to know who, loving the black man, could

take this pledge?

Miss ANTHONY read the pledge over previous to putting it on its

passage. It was adopted without opposition.

Miss ANTHONY read the resolutions again.

Mrs. SPENCE asked if the Government had acted in a way to inspire

confidence. She was not satisfied with the Emancipation Proclamation.

Mrs. STANTON had faith that the Government was moving in the right

direction.

Mrs. SPENCE objected to Mr. Lincoln's grounds for issuing the

Proclamation.

Mrs. WELD stated that he said he did it on the ground of justice.

Miss WILLARD believed Mr. Lincoln was working as fast as he could. A

man going a journey of a mile did not do it all in one jump. He had to

get over the ground step by step. Just so with the President. We must

not expect him to do all at once.

The first resolution was unanimously passed. The resolution in regard

to the Conscription Act was then taken up.

Mrs. SPENCE asked (for information) whether they were willing to

receive the Conscription law as it was? What did they think of the

$300 clause about substitutes? Some lovers (Mrs. Spence said lovers,

not husbands) would certainly buy themselves off.

Mrs. STANTON would accept the Conscription law because it was

necessary--not because it was just in all its provisions.

Mrs. SPENCE: If your husbands propose to pay three hundred dollars,

would you urge them to go themselves?

Mrs. STANTON: We shall urge them to go as to the post of glory.

Mrs. LOVELAND would urge her husband. She was very severe on the

skedaddlers to Canada and Europe. Still, all the European conscription

laws permitted some kind of substitution. Her idea was that as the men

must go to the war now, the women should give tone to its music.

A LADY: If the men would give themselves, why not freely? Is a

conscription itself consistent with freedom?

Miss WILLARD, while believing in certain cases of exemption, liked the

conscription because it would take in the copperheads. (Applause).

The LADY: What kind of soldiers would copperheads make?

Mrs. LOVELAND: Good soldiers! Men who have the courage they have to

brave public opinion, would make good soldiers if put in the ranks

with bayonets behind them. (Applause).

Mr. GILES B. STEBBINS, of Rochester, reported, as information, the

mistake lately made in _The New York Times_ that the $300

substitution indemnity was in the discretion of the Secretary of War.

The resolution was thereupon moved by Miss Willard, seconded by Mrs.

Stanton, and passed unanimously.

An address to the soldiers, prepared by Angelina Grimké Weld, was then

read.

_Soldiers of our Second Revolution--Brethren_:--A thousand of your

sisters, in a convention representing the Loyal Women of the Nation,

greet you with profound gratitude. Your struggles, sufferings, daring,

heroic self-devotion, and sublime achievements, we exult in them all.

To you, especially, whose terms of service have expired, or are soon

to expire, we desire to speak of the shifting scenes now acting in the

nation's tragedy. This war of slavery against freedom did not begin

with the first shot at Sumter, it did not begin when the slaveocracy

broke up the Charleston Convention, in order to secure the election of

Mr. Lincoln, and thus palm upon the Southern masses a false pretense

for rebellion. It did not begin with nullification in 1832, nor in the

Convention that framed the Federal Constitution; nor yet in that which

adopted the Articles of Confederation; but it began in 1620, when the

_Mayflower_ landed our fathers on Plymouth Rock, and the first

slave-ship landed its human cargo in Virginia. Then, for the first

time, liberty and slavery stood face to face on this continent. From

then till now, these antagonisms have struggled in incessant conflict.

Two years since, the slaveocracy, true to their instincts of violence,

after long and secret plotting, crowned their perfidy by perjury, by

piratical seizures of Government property that cost $100,000,000, and

then burst into open rebellion.

This war is not, as the South falsely pretends, a war of races, nor of

sections, nor of political parties, but a war of _Principles_; a war

upon the working-classes, whether white or black; a war against _Man_,

the world over. In this war, the black man was the first victim; the

workingman of whatever color the next; and now _all_ who contend for

the rights of labor, for free speech, free schools, free suffrage, and

a free government, securing to _all_ life, liberty, and the pursuit of

happiness, are driven to do battle in defense of these or to fall with

them, victims of the same violence that for two centuries has held the

black man a prisoner of war. While the South has waged this war

against human rights, the North has stood by holding the garments of

those who were stoning liberty to death. It was in vain that a few at

the North denounced the system, and called the people to repentance.

In vain did they point to the progress of the slave power, and warn

the people that their own liberties were being cloven down. The North

still went on, throwing sop after sop to the Cerberus of slavery that

hounded her through the wilderness of concession and compromise, until

the crash of Sumter taught her that with the slaveocracy _no_ rights

are sacred. The Government, attacked by assassins, was forced to fight

for its own life. The progress of the war has proved that slavery is

the life-blood of the rebellion. Hence the necessity of the

President's Proclamation of Freedom to the slaves.

The nation is in a death-struggle. It must either become one vast

slaveocracy of petty tyrants, or wholly the land of the free. The

traitors boast that they have swept from the national firmament

one-third of its stars, but they have only darkened them with clouds,

which the sun of liberty will scatter, revealing behind them the

eternal pillars of Justice, emblazoned with liberty, equality,

fraternity.

Soldiers of this revolution, to your hands is committed the sacred

duty of carrying out in these latter days the ideal of our fathers,

which was to secure to ALL "life, liberty, and the pursuit of

happiness," and to every State "a republican form of government." To

break the power of this rebellion, calls for every available force.

You know how extensively black men are now being armed. Some regiments

are already in the field; twenty more are now under drill. Will you

not, in this hour of national peril, gratefully welcome the aid which

they so eagerly proffer, to overthrow that slave power which has so

long ruled the North, and now, that you spurn its sway, is bent on

crushing YOU? Will you not abjure that vulgar hate which has conspired

with slavery against liberty in our land, and thus roll from the

sepulcher, where they have buried it alive, the stone which has so

long imprisoned their victim? The army of the North will thus become

the angel of deliverance, rescuing the nation from the shifting sands

of compromise, and refounding it upon the rock of justice.

Some of you have been mustered out of service; many more are soon to

return to your homes. All hail to you! Honor and gratitude for what

you have done and suffered! Enough _if_ you have only been fighting

for the Union as it _was_. But is it enough, if the work for which the

war is _now_ prosecuted is not accomplished? Your country needs your

power of soldierly endurance and accomplishment, your hard-earned

experience, your varied tact and trained skill, your practiced eye and

hand--in a word, all that makes you veterans, ripe in discipline and

educated power. Raw recruits _can not_ fill your places. Brave men!

your mission, though far advanced, is _not_ accomplished. You will

not, can not, abide at home, while your brethren in arms carry victory

and liberty down to the Gulf.

With joy and admiration we greet you on your homeward way, while your

loved ones await your coming with mingled delight and pride. When,

after a brief sojourn, you go back again, convoyed by the grateful

acclaim and God-speed of millions, to consummate at Freedom's call her

holy work, the mightiest of all time, and now so near its end, with

exultant shouts your brothers in the field will hail your coming to

share with them the glory of the final victory. It will be the victory

of free government, sacred rights, justice, liberty, and law, over the

perfidies, perjuries, lying pretenses, and frantic revelries in

innocent blood, of the foulest national crime that ever reeked to

heaven--the overthrow of the most atrocious yet the meanest despotism

that ever tortured the groaning earth.

In behalf of the Women's National Loyal League.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary._ E. CADY STANTON, _President._

Mrs. STANTON: I suppose it is known to all present that Angelina

Grimké Weld is the representative from South Carolina. Contrast her

eloquent pleadings for freedom, throughout the sittings of our

Convention, with the voice of South Carolina, when, at the framing of

the Constitution, slavery, with its cruel creeds and codes, was

fastened on the Republic just struggling into life. Here, for the

first time in our history, have the women of the nation assembled to

discuss the political questions of the day, and to decide where and

how to throw the weight of their influence. I am proud to feel that

from this meeting goes forth a united demand for freedom to all, for a

TRUE REPUBLIC, in which the rights of every citizen shall be

recognized and protected.

THE PLATFORM OF THE LEAGUE.

_Resolved_, That our work as a National League is to educate the

nation into the true idea of a Christian Republic.

This is the resolve finally adopted. Considerable preliminary debate,

in which many ladies joined, took place on details of form and

phraseology. The resolve as it stands was constructed by Mrs. Stanton,

with the exception of the word "Christian."

There was an earnest discussion on the introduction of the word

Christian; some argued that a _true Republic_, where every human

being's rights were recognized, could but be Christian. A Mrs.

McFarland seemed to settle the question, by stating a fact of history,

that in olden times there were Pagan Republics.

Miss ANTHONY said: No matter if it were a mere tautology: it required

repetition to make this nation, so steeped in crime against humanity,

understand. She then spoke of the awful lie of this nation, in naming

itself Civilized, Republican, Christian, while it had made barter of

men and women, bought and sold children of the Good Father, and paid

their price to send missionaries to the Fejee Islands and the remotest

corners of the earth, while it stood bound to fine and imprison any

man or woman who should teach any one of _four millions_ of its own

citizens at home to read the letters that spell the word God. It would

take long years to educate this nation into the idea and _practice_ of

a true, Christian Republic. It was a momentous work the women of this

National Loyal League had undertaken. And she hoped one and all would

take in its full import, and dedicate themselves fully and earnestly

to the work.

OFFICERS OF THE WOMEN'S LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE.--President, Mrs. E.

Cady Stanton; Vice-Presidents, Mrs. Col. A. B. Eaton, Mrs. Edward S.

Bates, Mrs. Mary S. Hall; Secretary, Susan B. Anthony; Corresponding

Secretary, S. E. Draper; Treasurer, Mrs. H. F. Conrad; Executive

Committee, Miss Mattie Griffith, Miss R. K. Shepherd Mrs. B. Peters,

Mrs. C. S. Lozier, M.D., Mrs. Mary A. Halsted, Mrs. Laura M. Ward,

M.D., Mrs. Mary F. Gilbert.

PLAN OF WORK ADOPTED BY THE WOMEN'S LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE.--At a

meeting of the Women's Loyal National League, held at their office,

room 20, Cooper Institute, May 29, the following resolutions were

adopted:

_Resolved_, That the following be the official title and the pledge of

the League--the pledge to be signed by all applicants for membership:

"Women's Loyal National League, organized in the city of New York, May

14, 1863."

We, the undersigned, women of the United States, agree to become

members of the Women's Loyal National League, hereby pledging our most

earnest influence in support of the Government in its prosecution of

the war for freedom and for the restoration of the national unity.

_Resolved_, That for the present this League will concentrate all its

efforts upon the single object of procuring to be signed by one

million women and upward, and of preparing for presentation to

Congress, within the first week of its next session, a petition in the

following words, to wit:

"_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

The undersigned, women of the United States, above the age of eighteen

years, earnestly pray that your honorable body will pass, at the

earliest practicable day, an act emancipating all persons of African

descent held to involuntary service or labor in the United States."

_Resolved_, That in furtherance of the above object the Executive

Committee of this League be instructed to cause to be prepared and

stereotyped a pamphlet, not exceeding four printed octavo pages,

briefly and plainly setting forth the importance of such a movement at

the present juncture--a copy of the said pamphlet to be placed in the

hands of each person who may undertake to procure signatures to the

above petition, and for such further distribution as may be ordered by

the said Executive Committee.

_Resolved_, That to a committee of nine, to be hereafter appointed by

the President and Secretary of this League, be intrusted the duty of

procuring subscriptions to defray the expenses connected with the

preparation, and signature, and presentation of the said petition.

JUNE 5.

_Resolved_, That all bills be submitted for approval to the Executive

Committee, and if approved, shall be certified as such by the Chairman

of that Committee.

_Resolved_, That for the amount of each bill so approved the Secretary

shall draw on the Treasurer in favor of the person presenting such

bill.

JUNE 12.

_Resolved_, That as nearly the same labor and expense are required to

obtain signatures of women alone as of both men and women, the

Secretary be requested to prepare and circulate petitions for men

also.

JUNE 26.

_Resolved_, That the probable expense of preparing, circulating, and

presenting our petitions, will amount to not less than one cent for

each name; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we request those who circulate the petition, to

solicit of each person signing a contribution of one cent, and forward

the same with petition and signatures to our Secretary, Susan B.

Anthony, Room No. 20, Cooper Institute, New York.

_Resolved_, That the Central League in New York will bestow their

badge and membership, as a gift, upon each boy or girl, under

eighteen, who shall collect and forward to them fifty or more names,

and as many cents.

_Resolved_, also, That the Central League will bestow a handsomely

bound copy of each of the celebrated and recently published works of

Augustin Cochin on Slavery and Emancipation, on the person who shall

collect and forward the largest number of signatures from any city of

the Union having a population of twenty-five thousand; also, on the

person who shall collect the largest number of names in any of the

States, _outside_ of said cities.

_Resolved_, That each lady to whom the pledge and petition blanks are

inclosed be requested to bring them to the notice of the clergymen and

teachers in her vicinity, with a request that they shall take some

action in the matter.

_Resolved_, That such ladies are earnestly requested to organize

Auxiliary Leagues in their towns and neighborhoods, for the purposes

of correspondence with the Central League, and of collecting and

forwarding with facility names and money for the furtherance of the

grand object in view; also, for holding meetings to discuss and

elucidate the necessity of our demand for an act of Universal

Emancipation.

A hearty co-operation from our women in all parts of the loyal States

is most earnestly invited. We would urge upon them the formation of

auxiliary Leagues, which shall receive from us blanks for petitions,

and pledges, as well as any information or advice they may need. We

ask them not only to form Leagues in their own towns and

neighborhoods, but to send us up long lists of names as members of the

Grand Central League.

We beg them also to solicit and send contributions, small and large,

as they may be able, for the promotion of the object of the League,

viz: to end this fearful war by the removal of its exciting

cause--Slavery.

In making this call upon loyal women, we feel sure of meeting with a

warm response from those whose hearts and energies have already so

nobly sprung to meet their country's need in her hour of trial.

E. CADY STANTON, _President of the League_.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_.

COMMENTS OF THE PRESS.

The _New York Tribune_ thus speaks of this enterprise:

A VAST ENTERPRISE PROPOSED BY WOMEN.

The "Women's Loyal National League," recently organized in this city,

at a meeting held by them yesterday at the Cooper Institute, adopted

the following resolutions:

_Resolved_, That for the present this League will concentrate all its

efforts upon the single object of procuring to be signed by one

million women and upward, and of preparing for presentation to

Congress within the first week of its next session, a petition in the

following words, to wit:

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:_ The

undersigned, women of the United States, above the age of eighteen

years, earnestly pray that your honorable body will pass, at the

earliest practicable day, an act emancipating all persons of African

descent held to involuntary service or labor in the United States.

_Resolved_, That in furtherance of the above object the Executive

Committee of this League be instructed to cause to be prepared and

stereotyped a pamphlet, not exceeding four printed octavo pages,

briefly and plainly setting forth the importance of such a movement at

the present juncture--a copy of the said pamphlet to be placed in the

hands of each person who may undertake to procure signatures to the

above petition, and for such further distribution as may be ordered by

the said Executive Committee.

The women of the League have shown practical wisdom in restricting

their efforts to one object, the most important, perhaps, which any

Society can aim at; and great courage in undertaking to do what, so

far as we remember, has never been done in the world before, namely,

to obtain ONE MILLION of names to a petition. If they succeed, the

moral influence on Congress ought and can not fail to be great. The

passage by the next Congress of an act of general emancipation would

do more than any one thing for the suppression of the rebellion. As

things now stand with slaves declared free in eight States of the

Union, with two more States (Virginia and Louisiana) partly free and

partly slave, and with the Border States still slave, we have a state

of affairs resulting in interminable confusion, and which, in the very

nature of things, can not continue to exist. Congress may find a way

out of such confusion by an act of Compensated Emancipation, with the

consent of these States and parts of States. God speed the circulation

and signatures of the Women's Petition! The pledge of the League is

commendably brief and to the point, reading as follows:

"We, the undersigned, women of the United States, agree to become

members of the 'Women's Loyal National League,' hereby pledging our

most earnest influence in support of the Government in its prosecution

of the war for freedom and for the restoration of the national unity."

The office of the League is Room No. 20, Cooper Institute. Let all

loyal women, friendly to Emancipation, join their ranks, and devote

what spare time they may have to this noble work.

_The New York Times_ published the following:

A MONSTER PETITION PROPOSED.

_To the Editor of the New York Times:_

Until the advent of the present struggle, the word _loyalty_ was

hardly known among us, and though we often spoke of the Union, we

seldom used the term national unity. With new phases of society new

terms come into vogue. We have now, springing up everywhere, Loyal

National Leagues, and great good they are doing. They have, so far,

been chiefly set on foot by men, but women are now bestirring

themselves in the same direction. Quite recently, a Woman's Loyal

National League has been organized in this city....

The prudence of the members of this League is to be commended, first,

in selecting a single object on which to concentrate their exertions,

and secondly, in selecting as that object the of procuring an act of

Congress declaring general emancipation, than which nothing is more

needed at the present time, not only as an endorsement of the

President's Proclamation, but also as a remedy for the utter confusion

produced by the present state of affairs, under which it would puzzle

the shrewdest lawyer to determine who, among the fugitives that are

daily flocking to us across the lines, is free, and who still a slave.

As a permanent arrangement, no one believes that a few counties in one

State, and a few parishes in another, can remain slave, while all

around them emancipation has been accomplished; nor that slavery can

endure, except for a brief season, along a narrow border-strip,

bounded North and South by freedom.

Whether these ladies will succeed in the task of procuring _one

million_ of names to their petition, depends chiefly on their business

talent in organizing the machinery of so great an undertaking. R.

_The New York Evening Post_ says:

AN IMPORTANT UNDERTAKING.

It has sometimes been made a reproach to the women of the Northern

States, that while their sisters of the South are the very life of the

rebellion, exceeding the men in zeal and devotion and self-sacrifice,

they, with a noble cause against a base one, show less zeal, less

earnestness, do less to animate and inspire the combatants; in short,

are less active in maintaining the Union than the ladies of the Slave

States in working to destroy it.

If, however, the members of the "Women's Loyal National League," an

association recently commenced in this city, succeed in what they have

just undertaken, it will go far to show that there is neither

lukewarmness nor lack of energy in the women of the North; and that,

in practical industry exerted in aid of the war and the Government,

they are not to be outmatched by the zeal of the fair mischief-makers

who oppose both....

We learn that the League has already obtained several thousand names

and addresses of persons and societies throughout the Northern and

Border States who are favorable to emancipation, to whom they propose

to address their circulars; and that they are organizing, after a

business fashion, the machinery necessary to effect their object in

the six months still intervening before the meeting of Congress. It is

a great undertaking, this obtaining of one million signatures, such an

undertaking as has seldom if ever been carried out before. If it

succeeds it will obtain record in the history of the time as an

enterprise most honorable to the sex which conceived and completed it.

The pledge of the League is well worded and judicious....

Such Leagues ought to be, and we trust will be, organized all over the

country, in aid of the mammoth petition. Without having made any

accurate calculation, we doubt whether less than four stout men could

carry the roll comprising a million names into the House to which it

is addressed.

_The Philadelphia Press_ says:

SPIRIT OF NORTHERN WOMEN.

It is a great country, this of ours. Great events occur in it. Great

things are to be found in it. Where shall we find another Niagara?

Where a cave of dimensions equal to those of the Mammoth Cave of

Kentucky? Since California has been added we have her gigantic pines,

towering above all other trees in the world. We can not make war, but

we must carry it on upon a scale unknown since the days of Xerxes. Our

women, too, it would seem, catch the spirit of the country. Until now

they have chiefly been known, throughout the great national struggle,

in the capacity of sisters of mercy, tenders in hospitals, collectors

of comforts and of little luxuries for our sick and wounded. We find

them laboring now in a new field. They, called the weaker sex, and

properly so called, if thews and sinews constitute strength, have

undertaken to do more than to care for the sick and wounded. They seek

to aid in striking at the root of the evil whence has arisen the

strife which causes the sickness of the hospital and the wounds of the

battle-field. They have undertaken a task beyond that which the sturdy

Chartists of England performed. The Chartist Petition, if we remember

aright, had seven or eight hundred thousand names--the largest number

ever obtained to a petition. But our Northern women have undertaken to

procure _one million_ of names to a Petition for Emancipation, and to

complete their task in the next six months. The article from _The

Tribune_, elsewhere, will be read with interest.

_The National Anti-Slavery Standard_ comments:

THE WOMEN'S LOYAL LEAGUE--MAMMOTH PETITION TO CONGRESS.

The Women's Loyal National League, at a meeting held at their Room in

the Cooper Institute on Friday, the 29th ult., changed the form of

their pledge, so that it now reads as follows:

"We, the undersigned, women of the United States, agree to become

members of the 'Women's Loyal National League,' hereby pledging our

most earnest influence in support of the Government in its prosecution

of the war for freedom and for the restoration of the national unity."

This, it strikes us, is a much happier wording than that of the former

pledge....

The women of the League have embarked in an enterprise worthy of their

energy and devotion, and we will not allow ourselves to doubt that

they will meet with complete success. It will require some money and a

great deal of hard work, but their courage and patience will be found

adequate to the task. They will find a helper in every woman who loves

justice and humanity, and realizes that there can be no permanent

peace for the country until slavery is exterminated root and branch.

The moral influence upon Congress and the nation of such a petition,

signed by a MILLION of women, will be incalculable; while the

agitation attending the effort will be of the greatest benefit.

Women willing to aid in circulating the petition should send their

address at once to Susan B. Anthony, Secretary of the League, 20

Cooper Institute, New York.

OFFICE OF THE WOMEN'S LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE, }

Room No. 20, Cooper Institute, New York, _January 25, 1864_. }

_The Women's Loyal National League, to the Women of the Republic:_--We

ask you to sign and circulate this petition for the entire abolition

of slavery. We have now one hundred thousand signatures, but we want a

million before Congress adjourns. Remember the President's

Proclamation reaches only the slaves of rebels. The jails of loyal

Kentucky are to-day "crammed" with Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama

slaves, advertised to be sold for their jail fees "according to law,"

precisely as before the war! While slavery exists anywhere there can

be freedom nowhere. There must be a law abolishing slavery. We have

undertaken to canvass the nation for freedom. Women, you can not vote

or fight for your country. Your only way to be a power in the

Government is through the exercise of this, one, sacred,

constitutional "right of petition"; and we ask you to use it now to

the utmost. Go to the rich, the poor, the high, the low, the soldier,

the civilian, the white, the black--gather up the names of all who

hate slavery--all who love liberty, and would have it the law of the

land--and lay them at the feet of Congress, your silent but potent

vote for human freedom guarded by law.

You have shown true courage and self-sacrifice from the beginning of

the war. You have been angels of mercy to our sick and dying soldiers

in camp and hospital, and on the battle field. But let it not be said

that the women of the republic, absorbed in ministering to the outward

alone, saw not the philosophy of the revolution through which they

passed; understood not the moral struggle that convulsed the

nation--the irrepressible conflict between liberty and slavery.

Remember the angels of mercy and justice are twin-sisters, and ever

walk hand in hand. While you give yourselves so generously to the

Sanitary and Freemen's Commissions forget not to hold up the eternal

principles on which our republic rests. Slavery once abolished, our

brothers, husbands, and sons will never again, for its sake, be called

to die on the battle-field, starve in rebel prisons, or return to us

crippled for life; but our country, free from the one blot that has

always marred its fair escutcheon, will be an example to all the world

that "righteousness exalteth a nation." The God of Justice is with us,

and our word, our work--our prayer for freedom--will not, can not be

in vain.

E. CADY STANTON, _President_.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_ W. L. N. League,

Room 20, Cooper Institute, N. Y.

OFFICE OF THE WOMEN'S LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE, }

Room No. 20, Cooper Institute, N. Y., _April 7, 1864_. }

_Dear Friend:_--With this you will receive a Form of a Petition to

Congress, the object of which you can not mistake nor regard with

indifference. To procure on it the largest possible number of adult

names, at the earliest practicable moment, it is hoped you will regard

as less a duty than a pleasure. Already we have sent one installment

of our petition forward, signed by one hundred thousand persons; the

presentation of which, by Senator Sumner, produced a marked effect on

both Congress and the country. We hope to send a million before the

adjournment of Congress, which we shall easily do and even more, if

you and the twenty thousand others to whom we have sent petitions will

promptly, generously co-operate with us. For nearly three years has

the scourge of war desolated us; sweeping away at least three hundred

thousand of the strength, bloom, and beauty of our nation. And the

war-chariot still rolls onward, its iron wheels deep in human blood!

The God, at whose justice Jefferson long ago trembled, has awaked to

the woes of the bondmen.

"For the sighing of the oppressed, and for the crying of the needy,

now will I arise, saith the Lord." The redemption of that pledge we

now behold in this dread Apocalypse of war. Nor should we expect or

hope the calamity will cease while the fearful cause of it remains.

Slavery has long been our national sin. War is its natural and just

retribution. But the war has made it the constitutional right of the

Government, as it always has been the moral duty of the people, to

abolish slavery. We are, therefore, without excuse, if the solemn duty

be not now performed. With us, the people, is the power to achieve the

work by our agents in Congress. On us, therefore, rests the momentous

responsibility. Shall we not all join then in one loud, earnest,

effectual prayer to Congress, which will swell on its ear like the

voice of many waters, that this bloody, desolating war shall be

arrested and ended, by the immediate and final removal, by Statute Law

and amended Constitution, of that crime and curse which alone has

brought it upon us? Now surely is our accepted time. On our own heads

will be the blood of our thousands slain, if, with the power in our

own hands, we do not end that system forever, which is so plainly

autographed all over with the Divine displeasure. In the name of

justice and of freedom then let us rise and decree the destruction of

our destroyer. Let us with myriad voice _compel_ Congress to

"Consign it to remorseless fire!

Watch till the last faint spark expire;

Then strew its ashes on the wind,

Nor leave one atom wreck behind."

In behalf of the Women's League, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_.

FORM OF PETITION.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in

Congress assembled:_

The undersigned, citizens of ----, believing slavery the great cause

of the present rebellion, and an institution fatal to the life of

Republican Government, earnestly pray your Honorable Bodies to

immediately abolish it throughout the United States; and to adopt

measures for so amending the Constitution, as forever to prohibit its

existence in any portion of our common country.

MEN. | WOMEN.

_Anniversary Meeting, May 14, 1864._--The adjourned meeting convened

in the lecture-room of the Church of the Puritans, Saturday P.M., May

14th. The President in the chair.

The Secretary read the report of the Executive Committee, which was

unanimously adopted. The resolutions were then read, and motion taken

to act upon them separately. The 2d, 7th, and 8th elicited a long and

earnest discussion, but were at last adopted, with but one or two

dissenting votes.

The Committee then presented a list of women to serve as officers the

coming year, who were unanimously elected.

Officers of the Women's National League:--_President_, Elizabeth Cady

Stanton; _Vice-Presidents_, L. M. Brownson, Mary Bates, Mrs. Col. A.

B. Eaton, S. A. Fayerweather; _Corresponding Secretary_, Charlotte B.

Wilbour; _Recording Secretaries_, Susan B. Anthony, Elvira Lane;

_Treasurer_, Mary F. Gilbert; _Executive Committee_, Mrs. L. M.

Brownson, Mrs. H. M. Jacobs, Mary O. Gale, Mattie Griffith, Redelia

Bates, Rebecca K. Shepherd, Frances V. Halleck, Mrs. C. S. Lozier,

M.D.; Laura M. Ward, M.D.; Malvina A. Lane.

_The Women's National League to its Members and Friends_:--The

folding, directing, and sending out 20,000 petitions, then the

assorting, counting, and rolling up, each State by itself, 300,000

signatures, has been an herculean task, that only those who have

witnessed it could fully appreciate. Remember that paper, printing,

postage, office, and clerks, all require money. At the last meeting of

the Executive Committee we resolved to ask each of our 5,000 members

to send us the small sum of fifty cents to carry on the work.

Let the petitions be thoroughly circulated during the summer,

throughout the country, that the people may speak in thunder-tones to

our next Congress at its earliest sittings. Neither the Emancipation

or Amendment bill has yet passed the House, and the recent vote on the

Montana question shows the animus of the Administration. If the

majority of our voters propose to re-elect such men to rule over us,

those who believe in free institutions must begin the work of

educating the nation into the idea that a stable government must be

founded on justice--that freedom and equality are rights that belong

to every citizen of a republic.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_, 20 Cooper Institute.

_Amend the Constitution._--The Women's National League have just sent

out, all through the States, fifteen thousand petitions, with an

appeal to have them filled up and returned as speedily as possible.

The bill to amend the Constitution so as to prohibit the holding of

slaves in any part of the country has passed the Senate. Now comes the

struggle in the House. If every one of the fifteen thousand

persons--at least ten thousand of them ministers--will but gather up

one hundred or more names, _a million-voiced petition_ may yet pour

into the Representatives' Hall; and such a voice from _the people_ can

not but make sure the vote, and leave the bill ready for the

President's signature, and Congress disposed to recommend that a

special session of each State Legislature be called immediately to act

upon the question; and thus the hateful thing--Slavery--be buried out

of sight before the opening of the Presidential campaign. Let the

petitions be mailed to Washington, direct, to some member, or to Hon.

Thomas D. Eliot, Chairman of Committee on Slavery and Freedmen. There

is not a day to be lost. Let all work.--_The National Anti-Slavery

Standard_, May 28, 1864.

_The World._

NEW YORK CITY, _July 25, 1864_.

WOMEN'S LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE.

_The Necessity for Funds--The Delinquency of the Friends of the

Negro--Miss Anthony on the Constitution--Fighting, a Barbaric way of

Settling Questions._--About fifteen ladies and half a dozen gentlemen

were present at the meeting of the Woman's League, yesterday. Although

more than one of the speakers bewailed the delinquency of the "friends

of the negro" in failing to supply the League with the necessary

funds, yet the piles of post-paid circulars on the tables, ready for

the mail, were larger than ever. There was also a bundle of tracts on

emancipation as the only means of peace.

The meeting being called to order, a committee reported a series of

resolutions, the gist of which was that, whereas the League is

continually receiving from its friends to whom it applies for

pecuniary assistance communications stating that the day for petition

and discussion is past, and that the bullet and bayonet are now

working out the stern logic of events; nevertheless the League

considers that such day is not past, and it urges the friends of the

negro to come forward boldly and pour out of their abundance liberally

for its aid.

SPEECH BY MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY.

Miss Susan B. Anthony made a speech arguing that the decision of the

anti-slavery question should not be left to the "stern logic of

events" which is wrought by the bullet and the bayonet. More knowledge

is needed. The eyes and the ears of the whole public are now open. It

should be the earnest work of every lover of freedom to give those

eyes the right thing to see and those ears the right thing to hear. It

pains her to receive in answer to a call for assistance and funds,

letters saying that the day for discussion and petition is past. It

looks as if we had returned to the old condition of barbarism, where

no way is known of settling questions except by fighting. Women, who

are noted for having control of the moral department of society and

for lifting the other half of the race into a higher moral condition,

should not relapse into the idea that the status of any human being is

to be settled merely by the sword. Miss Anthony then spoke of the

constitutional right of Congress to pass an emancipation law. She read

a letter from a lady who, on receiving documents from the League,

first doubted the power of Congress to pass such a law; then she

thought perhaps it had; then she compared the petition and the

Constitution; then she thought it had no such power, and finally she

concluded to circulate the petition anyhow. Miss Anthony proceeded at

some length to expound the Constitution, showing that it does not say

that slaves shall not be emancipated, and therefore concluding that

they may. But if Congress can not emancipate slaves constitutionally,

it should do so unconstitutionally. She does not believe in this

red-tapism that can not find a law to suppress the wrong, but always

finds one to oppress the innocent. If she was a mayor, or a governor,

or a legislator, and there was no law to punish mobocrats, she thought

she should go to work to make one pretty quick. She requested the

opinion of some gentleman.

A gentleman present related a number of touching incidents about the

recent mobbing of negroes in this city, most of which have already

appeared in print in this and other papers. Miss Anthony held up two

photographs to the view of the audience. One represented "Sojourner

Truth," the heroine of one of Mrs. H. B. Stowe's tales, and the other

the bare back of a Louisiana slave. Many of the audience were affected

to tears. "Sojourner Truth" had lost three fingers of one hand, and

the Louisiana slave's back bore scars of whipping. She asked every one

to suppose that woman was her mother, and that man her father. In that

case would they think the time past for discussion and petition? The

resolutions were at once unanimously passed. The meeting adjourned.

MISS ANTHONY IN CHICAGO.

Miss Susan B. Anthony is now on her homeward way from Kansas, where

she has been spending several of the past months, and where she has

performed much excellent service in the cause of the freedmen of the

country generally. She has recently visited Chicago and given a

lecture, which is highly commended by the _Tribune_ and _Republican_

of that city, the latter giving an extended report of it in its

columns, besides pronouncing upon it very flattering encomiums,

concluding with these words: "The audience dwelt with thoughtful and

marked interest upon her words, and when occasionally her remarks

called forth an irrepressible burst of feeling, the applause was

marked and emphatic, without descending to a noisy disturbance." Of

the lecture in general, the Chicago _Tribune_ thus speaks:

Last evening Miss Susan B. Anthony, of Rochester, N. Y., addressed an

audience composed chiefly of colored people, in Quinn's Chapel. Her

subject was "Universal Suffrage." Mrs. Jones, the President of the

Ladies' Aid Society, in introducing her, said: "She was one of their

old and firm friends; not one who had believed in sitting down to the

communion first, and letting the negro come last. She was not one who

needed to have her father or brothers starved in Southern prisons, to

make her aware of the humanity of the black man."

Miss Anthony is a clear, logical speaker, earnest and truthful, and

has long considered the questions of the day. Few _men_ in this or any

other city could more ably present the subject, or more closely chain

the audience that listened to her noble utterances, and one could not

but wish that she had spoken to thousands rather than hundreds. Miss

A. is recently from Leavenworth, Kansas, where she has been spending

some months past, aiding as she had opportunity, in the elevation of

the freed people, and occasionally by lectures, contributing to form a

true public sentiment in that new State. Consequently, she speaks from

absolute knowledge of the present state of the freedmen. Her criticism

of the theories of reconstruction was masterly, showing that the

fundamental principles of this Government are set aside and really

endanger all that we have seemed to gain by the war, and that nothing

but the admission of the black man to the franchise can save the

nation from future disgrace and ultimate ruin.--_National Anti-Slavery

Standard_, August, 1865.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XVIII.

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS, 1866 AND 1867.

_Report made to the Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention._

BY CAROLINE H. DALL.

For the last five years the women of the United States have held few

public discussions. They have done wisely. Circumstances have proved

their friend. Nothing ever had done, nothing ever will do again, so

great a service to woman in so short a time, as this dreadful war out

of which we are so slowly emerging. Respect for woman came only with

the absolute need of her, and so many women of distinguished ability

made themselves of service to the Government, that we had no single

woman to honor as England had honored Florence Nightingale. With us

her name was _legion_. But with the prospect of peace comes the old

duty of agitation, and we find ourselves again summoned to a

Convention, and again anxiously awaiting its results--_anxiously_, for

a convention of women is an object which still attracts the gaze of

the curious, and the smallest indiscretion on the part of a single

speaker has a retrograde effect which few women seem able to measure.

Our reform is unlike all others, for it must begin in the family, at

the very heart of society. If it be not kindly, temperately, and

thoughtfully conducted, men everywhere will be able to justify their

remonstrances. Let us rather justify ourselves. My last report to any

Convention was made to those called in Boston in 1859 and 1860.

Between that time and 1863 I printed five volumes, which are nothing

but reports upon the various interests significant to our cause.

During the last four years I have watched the development of American

industry in its relation to women, and have, through the newspapers,

aroused public feeling in their behalf. My labor is naturally classed

under the three heads of Education, Labor, and Law. A proper education

must prepare woman for labor, skilled or manual; and the experience of

a laborer should introduce her to citizenship, for it provides her

with rights to protect, privileges to secure, and property to be

taxed. If she is a laborer, she must have an interest in the laws

which control labor. In considering our position in these three

respects, it is impossible to offer you a digest of all that has

occurred during the last six years. What I have to say will refer

chiefly to the events of the last two.

EDUCATION.

I wish it were in my power to furnish you with reports of the present

condition of all the female colleges in the United States; but, while

I receive from various foreign sources such reports, and am promptly

informed of any educational movement in Europe, it never seems to

occur to the government of such institutions in the United States that

there is any necessary connection between them and the interests which

this Convention represents. We are, consequently, dependent upon

newspapers for our information.

The most important educational movement of the last year has been the

formation of an American Social Science Association, with four

departments, and two women on its Board of Directors. Subsequently,

the Boston Social Science Association was organized, with seven

departments, and seven women on its Board of Directors, one woman

being assigned to each department, including that of law. Any woman in

the United States can become a member of this Association. If the

opportunities it offers are not seized, it will be the fault of women

themselves.