_Resolved_, That we congratulate the National Prohibitory

Reform party upon its adoption of woman suffrage in its

platform, and upon the similar action recently taken by that

party in several States; also upon the admission of women to

the Prohibitory caucuses of Massachusetts by the unanimous

invitation of its State Convention, and upon the subsequent

nomination of the same candidates by the woman suffragists

of that State.

_Resolved_, That we rejoice at the beneficent results of

woman suffrage in Wyoming, and at its successful

establishment in the Granges, in the Good Templar Lodges,

and in other co-operative organizations.

WHEREAS, The Constitution of Colorado provides that the

question of extending suffrage to women shall be submitted

to the voters; therefore,

_Resolved_, That the American Woman Suffrage Association

will extend to the Association of Colorado all the aid

possible to secure the desired result.

Rev. B. F. BOWLES, of Philadelphia, was opposed to the adoption,

of the first resolution on the ground that the attempt to obtain

for women a voice and vote in the party caucuses was unwise and

impracticable. Until women were voters no such right should be

demanded. To do so was to begin at the wrong end. A caucus was

and ought to be a conference of voters.

Dr. JOHN CAMERON, of Delaware, doubted the propriety of the

action recommended in the first resolution. Mr. BLACKWELL spoke

briefly in its support.

Mrs. SMITH, of Pittsburgh, stated that as a member of the

Prohibition party of Pennsylvania, she had repeatedly taken part

in the caucuses, and that the same was true elsewhere. By general

consent the further discussion was postponed. Dr. CAMERON, of

Delaware, at the evening session, said that on a more careful

consideration he was convinced that the action proposed was

right, and he should vote in its favor.

Mrs. ABIGAIL SCOTT DUNIWAY supported it by a story of the mice

who planned to bell the cat.

Mr. BLACKWELL spoke at length in favor of making a concerted

effort to secure the admission of women to the nominating

caucuses, and predicted the success of any party which should

adopt that measure, and all the resolutions were then adopted.

Mrs. JULIA WARD HOWE spoke of the determination which exists in

the present age for investigating everything to its utmost

extent, but questioned, however, whether this system of

investigation was not carried too far, when woman suffrage was

refused on the ground that it was not known what women would do

with it when they had it. She said that John Bright was opposed

to woman suffrage, but he did not show any reason why it was not

a good object.

It was said that his opposition arose from the fact that he had

married a woman who was opposed to woman's rights, and if this

were the case, it was an additional reason why women should work

among their own sex in promotion of this object. One important

feature of the British Parliament is, that if the men of the

country are dissatisfied with its action, they have the power to

put the Government out of office, but the women of the country

had only to sit passively by if they are not satisfied with the

administration. Freedom with its concomitants does not promote

despotism in either sex. The ignorant women of to-day, left in

their ignorance, will continue to bring forth slavery, and to

educate their children as the tools of despotism. It was said

that inequality of property is complained of among women, but

that it exists just as much among men. But what is complained of

among women is not inequality of property, but absence of

representation.

Addresses were made by Rev. John Snyder, of St. Louis; Lucy

Stone; Mrs. Duniway, of Oregon, and Mrs. Livermore; after which

the audience rose and united in singing the doxology, and the

meeting adjourned.

In November, 1877, the American Woman Suffrage Association issued

the following:

TO WOMAN SUFFRAGISTS.--We mail to every subscriber of the

_Woman's Journal_ a blank petition to Congress for a XVI.

Amendment. Also, in the same envelope, a woman suffrage

petition to your own State Legislature--Please offer both

petitions together for signature. Thus, with the same amount

of labor, both objects will be accomplished.

Respectfully, LUCY STONE,

_Chairman Ex. Com., Am. Woman Suffrage Assoc._

BOSTON, Nov. 24, 1877.

Later appeared in the _Woman's Journal_ a paragraph to the

effect:

Every subscriber has received from us, by mail, two forms of

petitions; the one addressed to the State Legislature, the

other to Congress. We consider State action the more

important, but signatures to both petitions can be obtained

at the same time.

These petitions should be circulated at once, and sent back

to No. 4 Park St., Boston, by the middle of January. We hope

for more signers than ever before. Friends of woman

suffrage, circulate the petitions!

The result was a petition, sent by the Executive Committee of the

American Woman Suffrage Association into Congress, enrolling

6,000 names.

* * * * *

The Ninth Annual Meeting of the American Woman Suffrage

Association assembled in Masonic Hall at Indianapolis, in 1878.

There was a full attendance of delegates. The evening before the

convention an informal reception was held at the residence of Mr.

and Mrs. M. H. McKay. Among those who called in the course of the

evening to pay their respects, may be named: Judge Martindale,

Mr. and Mrs. George W. Julian, Mr. and Mrs. Addison Harris, Mrs.

Henry Bowan, Governor and Mrs. Baker, Professor and Mrs. Benton,

Professor Brown, and Professor Bell.

The convention was called to order by Mrs. Dr. Thomas, of

Richmond, President of the State Suffrage Association. The

services of the day were formally opened with prayer by Dr. J. H.

Bayliss, of Roberts Park Church. The resolutions[203] were

presented by the Business Committee.

Mrs. I. C. FALES, of Brooklyn: What is needed is an amelioration

of the nature and conditions of man by a powerful moral influence

brought to bear upon all classes and conditions so that the

conscience and the intellect may both be quickened to perceive

and redress the wrongs, with their consequent sufferings, which

inhere in the social structure. The moral sentiment must go into

harness and be thoroughly trained in order to do its work

effectually. The corruptions of to-day are the legitimate results

of the want of woman's influence in the formation of public

opinion. That influence is comparatively ineffectual because it

is narrowed to the small sphere of domestic life. No one can

suppose that an opinion unsupported by authority can have weight

enough to grapple with evils which have their root in the lawless

part of man's uneducated, undeveloped nature. The most that such

a sentiment can do is to enlarge itself by discussion, and every

other available method, until it is strong enough to incorporate

itself into legislative enactments, from whence it may shape and

modify daily life.

While much can be done in molding and directing public opinion,

the consummating force of legislation must be brought into play.

If woman possessed the elective franchise, her influence would be

greatly strengthened by her political power. The desire of reform

would naturally express itself in the selection of candidates who

would embody those ideas. Legislators chosen by men and women

together, would represent a higher level of thought, and would

tend to legislate more directly in favor of reform than if chosen

by men alone, for woman represents the moral principle, even as

man the intellectual, and knowing that the tone of legislation

rarely, if ever, rises higher than the moral level of the people

by whom the legislators are chosen, we insist upon the absolute

necessity of that principle being allowed to officially express

itself. Maudsley justly remarks "that great as is the intellect,

the moral nature is greater still;" that "the impulses of

evolution which move the world come not from the intellect, but

from the heart."

Long and cordial letters were read from William Lloyd Garrison

and Mrs. Frances D. Gage. At the first evening session addresses

were made by Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Stone, and Mrs. Campbell, of

Maine. The reports from the different State societies were

listened to the next morning. After the report from Massachusetts

had been given by Mr. Blackwell, Miss LELIA PATRIDGE, of

Pennsylvania, spoke as follows: To one advocating this matter of

equal suffrage, one of the noticeable things is the monotony of

the objections brought against it, although each one is brought

forward as if just evolved from the inner consciousness of the

objector and never thought of before. One of these most commonly

heard is that women do not want to vote. Suppose they do not,

gentlemen; that is no excuse for you, for it is a matter out of

their jurisdiction--a thing which you control, and as they have

no power, they have no responsibility, and you can not shift it

thus from your shoulders. But they do want it; the best, most

intelligent, thoughtful women--those of whom we are proud--do

want it, and it is only those who are either ignorant or selfish

who say, "I have all the rights I want." This sounds hard, but it

is true. Because a woman is so shut in, protected and happy that

she does not feel the need of the ballot for herself, it is sadly

selfish for her to fail to consider that all women are not so

fortunate. But if she could once experience the great gain which

woman suffrage would be to all the great questions of morals and

reform which have seemed to belong particularly to those who are

wives, mothers and sisters, she would hesitate no longer, but

hasten to join that grand army of noble women who are pleading

for equal political rights. There is hardly a large-brained,

large-hearted woman either in this country or England who is not

a pronounced suffragist. How can women who are indifferent upon

this subject, so keep back the coming of right and justice to

their sex, when such women as Lucy Stone and others are giving

their lives to the cause? She is no more a woman than we. Some

men say, with the one in Colorado: "Now, I'm agin suffrage. I

believe that the Almighty made one spear for wimmin and one spear

for men, and I b'l'eve that the wimmin orter keep to her'n, and

the men ort to keep to his'n;" and I agree. But who shall decide

as to "spears?" Are the men alone to say?

At the afternoon session LUCY STONE presented to the audience

Prof. R. T. BROWN, who has never failed to lift his voice in

favor of the recognition of woman's equal right to a collegiate

education, and who received the public thanks of many ladies of

this city recently, as a testimonial of their appreciation of the

step taken by him in resigning his chair in the Medical College

Faculty, because women were to be henceforth debarred entrance

thereto.

Dr. BROWN said: I have been engaged in this work for forty years.

When I began, I stood absolutely alone. I worked ten years and

made only one proselyte, and that was my wife. All mathematicians

know that if they can establish one or two points in a curve,

they can project that curve to its completion. In this way we

have established several points in our great work of suffrage,

and now we can see how to complete it. The work must go on. Truth

is immortal and will prevail. From the boasted civilization of

ancient Greece and Rome, which was nothing but an aristocracy, we

trace the gradual development of woman up to the present time.

During all that time the right of suffrage has been extended, and

now we have a male oligarchy. And we call this a republic! This

is not a popular government, as it has been called. Only one half

its citizens have a voice in its management. Now, we are trying

to make this a strictly popular government, and, to do this, the

right of suffrage must be extended to woman. The great object of

all government is the higher development of its citizens. The

government can not be an entire success until women have the same

rights as men.

Mrs. Dr. MARY F. THOMAS, of Indiana, said: In behalf of the woman

doctors of the State, I will say that Prof. Brown has stood up

for their advancement for the last twenty-five years. A few years

ago the women of Indiana petitioned for a local-option temperance

law. To-day I believe that they demand a prohibitory law, and

nothing short of that will satisfy them. I am in favor of woman

suffrage. To secure to us this right we must work for it. What

women can do when they try, was shown by the women's exhibit at

the late State Fair. Public sentiment is increasing on our side,

and we intend to show our power at the next Legislature.

Mrs. H. M. TRACY CUTLER said: Many of us have grown old in this

work, and yet some people say, "Why do you still work in a

hopeless cause?" The cause is not hopeless. Great reforms develop

slowly, but truth will prevail, and the work that we have been

doing for thirty years has paid as well as any work that has ever

been done for humanity. The only hope of a nation's salvation

from miserable demagogy lies in woman suffrage. With the

advancement in education and civilization, I say to myself--the

glory of the Lord is shining on women. With the advance in

womanhood there will be an advance in manhood, and this will be

one of the grand results of equal suffrage.

A long argument was then made by Hon. George W. Julian. After the

Convention was called to order at the evening session, the

Committee on Nominations[204] reported.

Miss MARY F. EASTMAN, of Massachusetts, spoke as follows: It has

been said that the greatest study of mankind is man. I do not

know but we shall all believe, before we get through the three

days' session of this congress, that the greatest study of

womankind is woman! Indeed, from being a good deal overlooked in

various ways, she has come to be almost the topic of the age, and

strangely enough is she considered. According to the standpoint

of the observer, woman is a riddle to be solved, a conundrum to

be guessed, a puzzle to be interpreted, a mystery to be

explained, a problem to be studied, a paradox to be reconciled.

She is a toy or a drudge, a mistress or a servant, a queen or a

slave, as circumstances may decide. She is at once an

irresponsible being, who must accept the destiny which comes to

her with as little power of resistance as the thistle-down upon

the wind, or the sea-weed which the tide leaves to bleach on the

rocks or sucks back to engulf in its own unfathomed depth--or she

is responsible for everything, from Adam's eating of the apple in

Paradise to the financial confusion which agitates us to-day; the

first because she coveted so much knowledge, the second because

she wants so many clothes. I wish we could, as speedily as

possible without a general crash, lay aside this nonsense

(regardless of the great loss of sirens and angels, which really

never seemed to me exactly adapted to earthly conditions), and

learn to regard woman as simply a human being, plus the powers

and gifts peculiar to her sex, just as man is a human being, plus

the powers and gifts peculiar to his sex. Here is a common basis

of likeness sufficient to give community of interests and

pursuits, with a variation which makes them mutually attractive

and serviceable, each recognizing in the other the complement of

himself and herself....

Speeches were also delivered by Mrs. S. E. Franklin, Rev. Fred.

A. Hinckley, and Mrs. J. Ellen Foster. The Rev. John Snyder, of

St. Louis, the last speaker of the evening, although the hour was

late, highly entertained the audience with an address on the

rights of all humanity.

* * * * *

The Tenth Annual Meeting of the American Woman Suffrage

Association was held at Cincinnati, November 4th and 5th, 1879.

The hall had been tastefully decorated. Over the platform in

large letters were inscribed, "Equal Work;" "Equal Wages;"

"Welcome;" while around the entire hall ran evergreens in loops

and circles. Elias Longley, the constant and true friend of

suffrage for women, had taken charge of the advertising, and it

was most effectively done. The newspapers showed good will in

advance by pleasant local notices. Mrs. Margeret V. Longley, who

has been a member of the American Association from the time it

was organized, who is clear-eyed and true-hearted, took charge of

arrangements for entertainment and hospitality. She was aided in

this by Mrs. E. A. Latta, who has come later to the work, but who

has brought her heart and conscience to it, and in her church

and out of it she remembers the rights of women; Mrs. Morse, of

Walnut Hills, and other ladies co-operated, so that as delegates

arrived they were assigned to pleasant homes. At the appointed

hour on Tuesday evening a full hall greeted the speakers. The

Cincinnati _Gazette_ said:

The first meeting of the American Woman Suffrage Association

at the Melodeon Hall last evening, was one that would do

credit to any cause. The large hall was nearly filled with

people who would rank high in intelligence and good standing

in this cultured community. And the fact that the larger

portion were women meets the objection often made to this

movement, that the women themselves are not in favor of

suffrage for themselves.

Rev. W. C. WENDTE, the first speaker of the evening, said: Woman

should not only be allowed a fair chance so far as business and

the administration of an estate is concerned; every woman ought

to have the ballot. Many will say, I believe woman ought to have

the right to equal education, wages, carry on business, and

choose any vocation she wants, but doubt after all whether it is

best to put upon her the responsibility of the ballot. We have

not a very exalted opinion of our right to vote, and this

objection is often made with a kindly, honest, and earnest fear

that she will drag herself down to the low filth of politics.

Leave out the ballot, and woman's rights is like a pyramid

without the apex, or, better still, like building a temple

without the corner stone. I have no Utopian notions concerning

the immediate effect of woman's voting. I do not think the

millennium is coming when she can vote. But if women could vote

it would not be possible for those disreputable shows on Vine

street, the foulest and filthiest that ever disgraced a Christian

city, to continue one day longer. They would be put down by the

overwhelming power of moral sentiment of the mothers, sisters,

wives, and sweethearts, expressed at the ballot-box; and the men

who are now so derelict, careless and indolent, will be wakened

up to some earnestness against those exhibitions.

I will say, in conclusion, that I most heartily welcome these

women among us, some of whom, like Mrs. Lucy Stone, have labored

long and faithfully. I would say that you may come up like Moses

of old, and see the promised land, and unlike him, unless all

signs fail, you shall enter and receive the just reward of all

your toil. The time is coming when women will have the ballot.

State after State is wheeling into the line. In Massachusetts

they have the right of the ballot for school committee. Step by

step they are climbing up, and soon the time will come when the

American people will rise up in new-found manhood and say: "My

sister, we will not ask you to receive the ballot from our hands

as a condescending privilege, but will ask you to go forward and

take it as your inalienable right."

Mrs. REBECCA N. HAZARD, of St. Louis, President of the

Association, spoke as follows: As one after another the

milestones are reached which mark the progress of our cause, we

pause to examine the ground upon which we stand. If to our

impatient vision in looking forward the journey seems long, we

have only to look back to see how much of the way has been left

behind. To those who have borne the burdens of this undertaking

the work may appear to move slowly. But this is always the case

where enduring principles are to be planted. "What the ancients

said of the avenging gods, that they are shod with wool," says

Lieber, "is true of great ideas in history. They approach softly.

Great truths always dwell a long time in small minorities."

Growing in unobserved places, they take root and become strong

before their spreading branches attract the public gaze.

To many the pursuit of an abstract principle under so many

difficulties seems an absurdity. They therefore impute motives

more or less unworthy to those who are willing to immolate

themselves for an idea. There are always at least two ways of

looking at any question, and I have sometimes placed myself in

the position of those who take an unfavorable view of woman

suffrage, and who reason in this wise: "These women are

discontented. They must have been unfortunate. They seek to

overstep the limits which nature and circumstance have placed

about them. Not content with the round of domestic duties which

has hitherto constituted the sum total of woman's life, they seek

to perform the functions which custom has allotted to man. They

desire to be independent, self-sustaining--strong, while the more

attractive ideal woman is fragile, clinging, dependent. Why

should they desire to overturn the existing order of things? The

world gets on pleasantly enough, why introduce these disquieting

questions, when by patient acquiescence we might have

tranquillity, and, perhaps, more of the pleasant things of life?"

or as I once heard it formulated by a lady: "Why should Mrs. A.

want to vote when she has such an indulgent husband." This is one

view of the subject and there are times in the life of every

woman when such reasoning has more or less weight.

But there is another side to this question, and how changed the

picture. The whole scope and meaning of this wonderful woman's

movement here dawns upon us. We find a new order of things

indeed. We behold amid the changing dynasties of the world a new

government arise--a republic based, not upon the will of the

strongest, not upon property, but upon the rights of the

individual. With a code of political ethics more perfect than any

the world has yet seen, we find it still hesitating to put these

principles to the test. As a consequence it struggles in the

waves of political disorder like a ship without ballast.

Recognizing as vital doctrines the equality of the race, and the

value of the family as the political unit, we find the woman

principle, the mother element, subdued, subjected, deprived of

any fair expression in the conduct of the government. As a result

we have corruption in high places, fraud, public distrust, and

their host of accompanying evils. We find forces at work which

threaten the security of our homes, the manhood of our sons, the

purity of our daughters; in a word, the whole social structure of

society. Reflecting on these things we begin to understand the

meaning of the ballot for woman. Scrutinizing closely, we find

that it means justice, integrity, peace, purity, temperance,

sweeter manners, wiser laws.

Lucy Stone made the next and last speech of the evening, on "The

Meaning of the Woman Suffrage Movement, the What and the How."

The session of Wednesday morning was devoted to business, the

election of officers,[205] and hearing of reports of the

auxiliary societies. At the afternoon session, Dr. Mary F.

Thomas, of Indiana, Dr. Hannah Tracy Cutler, of Illinois, Rev.

Thomas J. Vater, of Ohio, and Rev. Sarah M. Perkins, of Vermont,

made earnest and able addresses. Mrs. Perkins had come fresh from

the Women's Christian Temperance Union in Indianapolis, baptized

with its earnest spirit of work. Rev. T. J. Vater appealed to the

women to strive for solid excellence, leaving forever the tinsel

and the show which have been held as appropriate to woman. His

speech excited discussion, and added much interest to the

afternoon session. The Business Committee reported the following

resolutions:

_Resolved_, That in the death of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, who

signed the "Call" for the meeting which formed this

Association, who was an officer in it from the beginning,

and its President last year, the cause of equal rights has

suffered an irreparable loss.

_Resolved_, That suffragists everywhere owe a debt of

gratitude to the memory of Angelina Grimke Weld, lately

deceased, who as one of the first women speakers, prepared

the way and opened wide the door for all other women to be

heard in their own defense.

Dr. Mary F. Thomas and Lucy Stone spoke feelingly to these

resolutions, which were adopted by a standing vote of the

meeting. At the last evening, Mrs. Cutler read a letter from Mrs.

Frances D. Gage.

_Friends of the American Woman Suffrage Association, of my

dear native State, Ohio:_

WITH what joy and gladness I would lift my heart to the

All-good, All-true, and All-beautiful, if I could be with

you to-day, and speak my emphatic yes and amen in the behalf

of all true efforts for woman suffrage. But what word can I

speak that will not be better spoken? What argument is not

already familiar to the reading and thinking mind? Are not

"the truths as self-evident" to-day to the intelligent

public as they were a century ago? That all people, "not men

only," are born equal and endowed by the Creator with

inalienable rights, among which are those to life, liberty,

and pursuit of happiness. Has the human race ever been made

more miserable for one progressive step toward liberty since

the days when Christ was hung upon the cross for daring to

say, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you do ye

the same unto them." What else does woman suffrage mean?

What else is needed but this principle to settle the vexed

question of "Solid North" or "Solid South"? What else but

its recognition to drive every liquor-saloon from the land,

making temperance universal? What but this to bring about

the great system of social morality--making it as heinous a

crime for man to do wrong as for woman....

FRANCIS D. GAGE.

_Bunker Hill, McCoupin Co., Ill., Oct. 23, 1879._

Mrs. Cutler continued in a pertinent speech. Miss Hindman

followed with an able argument to show why and where women need

the ballot. Mrs. E. Dickerson, of St. Louis, Dr. Wilson, of

Cincinnati, and Lucy Stone followed. Each of these in their

special way showed how to secure justice to women. Mrs. Dickerson

answered objections, and put phases of the law as applied to

women in fine contrast with the law as applied to men. Dr.

Wilson, in a wide-awake lively speech, advised women to try a new

method, and starve out the men who would not concede their

rights. He said, "Give them no coffee for breakfast, nor steak

for dinner, and nothing good for supper until they put the ballot

in your hands." He gave deserved blame to women for not being

more active in their own behalf. This breezy speech was often

applauded, and good-natured criticism followed, putting the

heaviest duty on the shoulders of men who have the power to free

women, but still do not do it. The last speech of the evening was

made by Lucy Stone, who showed the dreary helplessness implied in

disfranchisement, and who sought to arouse women to a proper

resentment against such degradation of position. Then was sung,

"Praise God, from whom all blessings flow," and thus closed the

tenth annual meeting of the American Woman Suffrage Association.

* * * * *

The Eleventh Annual Meeting of the American Woman Suffrage

Association held its sessions in 1880 at Washington, D. C.

Delegates were present from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode

Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio,

Indiana, Missouri, and Iowa. A large and intelligent audience

nearly filled the body and galleries of the large hall. The

meeting was called to order by the President, HENRY B. BLACKWELL,

who said: Fellow-citizens, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Annual

Meeting of the American Woman Suffrage Association is not a mere

mass meeting of individuals. It is a body of delegates from State

and local societies assembled in a representative capacity, and

as such I welcome you to-night. We meet for the first time in

this capital city of the republic, to promote a great social and

political change. We propose to substitute for the existing

political aristocracy of men alone, a government founded upon the

united suffrages of men and women. We urge the enfranchisement of

women, not in a spirit of antagonism between man and woman, but

as the common interest of both. We urge the enfranchisement of

woman as an act of political justice, and also as a measure of

the highest expediency. Women need the ballot for their own

protection and self-respect. Men equally need the votes of women

as an added power for order, temperance, purity, and peace.

Mr. BLACKWELL read a dispatch from Gov. Hoyt, of Wyoming

Territory:

GREEN RIVER, W. T., Dec. 15, 1880.

_To the Committee on Woman Suffrage_:--Your kind invitation

was delayed, so that my acceptance is impossible.

Understand, however, that I fully recognize the justice of

the cause you represent, and wish you and your co-laborers

God-speed in the great work of its furtherance.

JOHN W. HOYT.

Mrs. LUCY STONE was the last speaker. She spoke with a quiet

earnestness that showed the depth of her convictions, and how

greatly her heart was in her work. Her address was an entirely

argumentative one, abundant illustrations being used to clinch

her statements. She said that she felt keenly the degradation of

being disfranchised. To bring about a change in the present state

of affairs, she would have every mother impress upon her

children, when they were as young as nine years of age, that

women have as much right to govern as their fathers; then the

boys would grow up on the side of their mothers and the girls

would become advocates of the cause. Personally she cared more

for woman suffrage than anything else under the sun. In

conclusion, she urged the people of Washington to help them in

obtaining from Congress a XVI. Amendment to the Constitution,

giving women the right to vote, and for the enactment of a law

giving women suffrage in the Territories.

The following letter was read:

WASHINGTON, Dec. 5, 1880.

MY DEAR MRS. HOWE:--My time is to be so crowded with

occupations for the next ten days that I must decline your

courteous invitation to speak at the annual meeting of the

American Woman Suffrage Association.

I shall be very glad to take some fitting opportunity

publicly to reaffirm my conviction, which grows stronger

with every year's experience, that the admission of woman to

her full and equal share in the Government is essential to a

perfect republic.

I am, yours very truly, GEO. F. HOAR.

Letters were read from W. G. Elliot, President of the University

of Missouri, Lorepiza Haynes, Frances D. Gage, Emma C. Bascom,

Mrs. Mary F. Henderson, and George B. Loring.

Mrs. HELEN M. GOUGAR, of Lafayette, Ind., read a carefully

prepared statement of objections, and answered them with force

and spirit. Her address was happily conceived and gracefully

delivered. Her voice is a clear soprano, distinct, well

modulated, with not a little melody in its pure, soft tones.

Miss EASTMAN read a form of memorial which had been prepared to

be presented to Congress to-day. It was adopted.

Miss GREW moved that the President of the association be

requested to take steps to present it at once. Adopted.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress

assembled:_--The American Woman Suffrage Association at its

annual meeting of delegates, convened in Washington, Dec.

16, 1880, respectfully pray your honorable bodies to enact a

law securing to women, citizens of the United States,

resident in the Territories, the same political rights as

are exercised by the male citizens of the United States

resident therein.

(Signed) H. B. BLACKWELL, _President_.

LUCY STONE, _Chairman Ex. Com._

MATILDA HINDMAN, _Secretary_.

(The names of the Executive Committee, thirty in number,

were also added).

Mrs. LUCY STONE, chairman of the Executive Committee, read the

tenth annual report of the American Woman Suffrage Association.

After which reports from the different States were given. At the

afternoon session, after a statement by Mrs. STONE, in regard to

the finances of the meeting, an invitation was extended to become

members of the Association by the payment of $1. Mrs. Antoinette

Brown Blackwell, of Somerville, N. J., made an address upon the

right and necessity of granting woman suffrage. Mrs. Blackwell

read from her manuscript, and made a quiet but effective appeal

for the cause.

Miss MARY GREW, of Pennsylvania, was the next speaker. She

maintained that the chief reason women were disfranchised was

that men did not think about it, and the women did not either.

She urged her hearers hereafter to think about it. This right

should be conferred on women in accordance with the principles of

this Government. But it is asked: What do you want of the ballot?

And the speaker said that she wanted it to do with it the same as

men did, and for the protection of her rights and those of other

women. She could not say how women would vote if they got the

ballot, but she supposed they would use it much as other citizens

had done.

At the evening session, before the regular programme of speeches

was begun, the resolutions[206] were read and adopted.

As the last resolution was put, Mrs. Lucy Stone arose and paid

very graceful and eloquent tributes to the memories of Lucretia

Mott, Mrs. Child, and Mr. Nathaniel White.

Marshal DOUGLASS was then introduced, and said he was not there

to make a speech, but to show his sympathy with the cause. He was

so entirely in love with it that he thought it deserved the

highest eloquence and the profoundest earnestness it could

command to advance it. He knew of no reason why a man should vote

and a woman not. The republic needed the good qualities of its

citizens to help it, and recognizing the intelligence and heart

of women he was in favor of opening every avenue by which their

moral worth could be utilized for the benefit of the country. It

was an injury to keep any person in this country from the ballot

when suffrage was universal. It was a degradation. If you want to

keep a man out of the mud, black his boots. If you want to

develop woman's best qualities, give her the ballot.

Mrs. MARY E. HAGGART, of Indiana, followed with a bold and

brilliant argument, presenting the claims of her sex to the

ballot.

Mrs. MARY A. LIVERMORE asked how it was that women to-day are

exposed to a hotter fire than ever before. Women are not as much

toasted at banquets or flattered with extravagant compliments as

a few years ago. She warned her hearers that if woman continued

to make of herself a peg to hang millinery goods on, she would be

riddled with the shafts of ridicule. If she entered the sphere of

man, and sought, by the cultivation of her intellect, to elevate

both herself and man, she would equally expose herself to satire.

The times were different now from the past. The question of woman

suffrage in one form or another was constantly coming up

everywhere.

Officers[207] were elected for the ensuing year.

Mrs. LIVERMORE said, as this was a political meeting of men and

women, she hoped it would be closed after the usual fashion, by

singing the doxology. The whole audience rose and sang it, and

the Convention adjourned.

A memorial, signed by the officers of the American Woman Suffrage

Association, asking Congress to establish suffrage for women in

the Territories, was presented to the Senate by Hon. George F.

Hoar, and referred to the Committee on Territories, which was to

give a hearing to a committee from the Suffrage Association. But

no quorum of the Senate Committee came together, and the

opportunity was lost.

On Friday afternoon Mrs. Hayes received the members of the

Suffrage Association with a cordiality and grace most becoming

to her, and most delightful to us; our hearty sympathy with her

good stand for temperance opened the way for conversation, and a

very pleasant two hours were spent at the White House. Mrs. Hayes

took us through the large conservatories, which, she said, had

few flowers, as she "had most of them cut off for the Children's

Hospital Fair." But there were a great many rare and beautiful

flowers remaining. She cut and distributed some among us, and

showed us the private family rooms, the new china ordered for the

White House, and the writing desk made from the wreck of the ship

that went in search of Sir John Franklin, which was presented by

Queen Victoria to the President of the United States. In

numberless ways she showed herself a fine hostess, as well as an

accomplished lady. When at last we separated it was to carry away

the memory of this pleasant visit, and of an excellent meeting.

* * * * *

Nothing could have been finer than the reception given by

Louisville to the American Woman Suffrage Association, which met

in that city October, 1881. The need of extending the outposts,

and of winning new friends to the cause, had decided the

executive committee of the Association to hold its Twelfth Annual

Meeting in Louisville. It was an experiment which the result more

than justified. Success was due in a great degree to the fairness

and friendliness of the press. Mr. Watterson, of the

_Courier-Journal_, said in advance that his paper would give full

and accurate reports. Mr. Clark, of the _Commercial_, personally

expressed his purpose to deal justly by the proceedings of the

meetings. This was all that was needed. Any true statement of the

claim of suffragists is sure to command the respect of right

minded people.

The first session was for business. It was thinly attended by the

citizens of Louisville, there being not more than a hundred and

fifty or two hundred people present. But each succeeding session

increased in numbers until on the last evening, the Grand Opera

House had not seats to hold the great and sympathetic audience,

which completely filled the body and galleries of the house, and

left rows of men and women standing all around against the walls.

The _Courier-Journal_ gave nine columns of verbatim report of the

first day and evening, together with philosophic and friendly

editorials. The _Commercial_, not so large in size, and hence

with less space to use, yet did editorially and by its reports

excellent service, by giving to its readers a true idea of the

work which was sought to be done.

Delegates had come with encouraging reports in most cases, of the

work in twelve States by auxiliary societies. Local societies in

towns sent letters, and letters from individuals--a very large

number--came to hand, all showing how widely woman suffrage ideas

are spreading, and how earnestly its advocates strive to advance

their cause. All these reports the Louisville _Courier-Journal_

published entire, together with the letters of Gov. Long, Gov.

St. John, John G. Whittier, Wendell Phillips, President Bascom,

President Eliot, and others, along with full reports of each

session to the last, and crowned the whole by friendly editorials

the morning after the close of the meetings.

Col. J. W. Ward, of Louisville, had kindly attended to

preliminary arrangements, seconded by Mrs. Sylvia Goddard and

Mrs. Col. Carr. At the opening session, Col. Ward called the

meeting to order, and introduced Dr. Mary F. Thomas, of Indiana,

the President of the association. Rev. Mr. Jones opened the

meeting with prayer. The speaking was excellent; the tone of the

meeting just what we should desire. Col. Ward, Mrs. Mary B. Clay,

and Miss Laura Clay, daughters of Cassius M. Clay, took part. The

two first-named arraigned the laws of Kentucky for their

injustice to women. The old Common Law to a great extent prevails

there still. Dr. T. S. Bell, one of the oldest and most justly

celebrated physicians of Louisville, sat on the platform,

supporting the cause by his presence. People from New Albany and

Evansville, Indiana, crossed the river to attend the sessions.

Lawyers, physicians, clergymen, the educated, the wealthy and the

plain people made up the audiences which crowded the Opera House,

where the earlier and the later advocates of this sacred cause

united to forward it in this new field. At the last of the six

sessions, Rev. Mr. Ashill, in a brief speech, indorsed our

principles, and after prayer by Rev. Mr. Fyler, and the singing

of the doxology, the meeting, which had been one of the most

successful ever held, adjourned, having elected for its president

next year, Hon. Erasmus M. Correll, of Nebraska, who so nobly

championed the suffrage amendment in the State Legislature last

winter, and who now, by speech and pen, devotes himself to secure

its final success.

The seed sown had fallen on good ground--as appears in the fact

that at the last session an invitation was given to all who

desired to form a woman suffrage society to meet in adjoining

rooms the next morning at nine o'clock. At the appointed time, a

fine group of men and women came together, who proceeded at once

to the organization of a "Kentucky Woman Suffrage Society." A

constitution was adopted, which was subscribed to by every person

present, with a dollar membership. Miss Mary B. Clay was chosen

president, and the society made auxiliary to the American Woman

Suffrage Association. The formation of this strong and live

society is of great value, as the organized beginning of the

movement at the South.

The citizens and public institutions of Louisville extended

unsolicited courtesy to the members of the association, who were

officially invited to the Home for the Widows and Orphans of

Masons, the only home of the kind in the United States; to the

House of Refuge; to the Hospital for Women and Children; and to

the High School. Not the least pleasant thing was an interview

with Henry Watterson, the morning after the close of the

meetings. His friendly attitude, his comprehensive view of the

whole situation and question, with his position of large

influence as editor of the _Courier-Journal_, made even those who

have grown old in the service of this cause hopeful of living to

see it victorious. Another mile stone is passed, and the end of

this long bloodless strife comes daily nearer. Let us thank God

and take courage.

FOOTNOTES:

[179] The history of this Association from its formation is compiled

by Harriot E. Stanton, from reports in _The Agitator_ and _Woman's

Journal._

[180] Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, of Chicago; Mrs. Caroline M. Severance,

of Boston; A. J. Boyer, of Dayton; Mrs. H. T. Hazard, of Missouri;

Mrs. C. G. Ames, of California; and H. B. Blackwell, of New Jersey.

[181] Mrs. Frances D. Gage, of N. J.; George W. Curtis, of N. Y.;

George F. Downing, of the District of Columbia; Rev. Henry Blanchard,

of Indianapolis; William Lloyd Garrison, of Boston; Mattie M.

Griffith, of Iowa; Rev. R. Fisk, Canton, N. Y.; A. N. Fretz, of

Virginia; Rev. Edward Eggleston, of Chicago; Hon. Sharon Tyndale, and

Hon. George Fisher, of Illinois.

[182] New Hampshire--Nathaniel White, Armenia S. White, Miss Dr. Hunt,

of Concord; Miss H. A. Simons, of Manchester. Massachusetts--Julia

Ward Howe, Rev. Rowland Connor, Boston; Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, T.

C. Severance, West Newton; Rev. Phebe A. Hanaford, Reading; Stephen S.

Foster, Worcester; Rev. A. Bronson Olcott, Concord; Miss Ellen E.

Miles, Waltham; F. B. Sanborn, Springfield. Rhode Island--Col. T. W.

Higginson, Newport. New York--Mrs. Celia Burleigh, Mrs. Anna C. Field,

A. E. Bradley, Miss Mary Hillard, Mrs. A. E. Bradley, N. Y. City; Mrs.

Jennie F. Culver, Syracuse; Ira E. Davenport, Buffalo. New

Jersey--Mrs. Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell, Newark; Mary F. Davis,

Andrew Jackson Davis, Orange; Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Somerville;

John Gage, Portia Gage, Vineland. Pennsylvania--John K. Wildman and

Mrs. Charles Pierce, Philadelphia. Delaware--Dr. John Cameron,

Isabella H. Cameron, and Samuel D. Forbes, Wilmington. Ohio--Dr.

Hannah M. Tracy Cutler, Mrs. D. R. Tilden, Miss Edwards, Mrs. Dr.

Merrick, Mrs. H. H. Little, Miss Deane, Cleveland; Mrs. M. V. Longley,

Miss Helen J. Wolfe, Cincinnati; A. J. Boyer, Dayton; Mrs. M. M. Cole,

Sydney; Jane O. DeForest, Findlay; Rev. H. J. McConnel, Yellow

Springs; Mrs. Joshua R. Giddings, Ashtabula; Mrs. Esther Walters,

Oberlin; Mrs. Lucinda Poole, Brownville; Rev. G. S. Abbott,

Willoughby; Mrs. Jennie R. M. Eagleson, Cadiz; Mrs. Mercy B. Lane,

Braceville; Mrs. C. T. Crain, J. J. Belville, Dayton; Mrs. E. D.

Stewart, Springfield; Mrs. Lyon Jefferson. Indiana--Amanda M. Way,

Rev. Charles H. Marshall, Mrs. Emi Swank, Indianapolis; J. T. Sage,

Danville; Miss Lizzie M. Boynton, Crawfordsville; Dr. Alice B.

Stockham, Lafayette; Nettie M. Pease, New Albany. Illinois--Myra

Bradwell, Hon. James B. Bradwell, Mrs. E. J. Loomis, Mary A.

Livermore, Chicago; Rev. J. B. Harrison, Bloomington; Mrs. A. Steward,

Plano; Mrs. M. S. Severance, Dixon. Michigan--Rev. Dr. J. B. Stone,

Mrs. L. H. Stone, W. S. Blakeman, Mrs. D. C. Blakeman, Kalamazoo;

Giles B. Stebbins, Catharine A. F. Stebbins, Mrs. Dr. S. L. Jones,

Mrs. Booth, Detroit; Mr. and Mrs. T. J. Sanford, Ann Arbor.

Wisconsin--Lillie Peckham, Julia Ford, Milwaukee; E. L. Cassels, Lone

Rock; Harriet Leland, Elkhorn. Minnesota--Mrs. Addie L. Ballou.

Iowa--Capt. Judson N. Cross, Lyons. Missouri--Mrs. W. S. Hazard, Mrs.

Ida S. Fialla, Miss Ellen Palmer, St. Louis. Florida--Henry S.

Campbell, St. Augustine. Kansas--Gov. J. P. Root, Lawrence.

California--Mrs. C. G. Ames and Mrs. Jennie B. Ritter.

[183] From Ohio--Dr. Hannah M. Tracy Cutler, Chairman. Florida--Henry

T. Campbell. Indiana--Amanda M. Way. Illinois--Mary A. Livermore.

Massachusetts--F. W. Sanborn. Rhode Island--Colonel T. W. Higginson.

New York--Celia Burleigh. New Jersey--Henry B. Blackwell.

Pennsylvania--Mrs. C. Pierce. Michigan--Rev. Dr. Stone.

Wisconsin--Lilie Peckham. Minnesota--Addie L. Ballou. Missouri--Mrs.

W. T. Hazard. California--Mrs. C. G. Ames. New Hampshire--Mrs. A.

White. Delaware--Dr. John Cameron.

[184] _President_--Thomas Wentworth Higginson, of Rhode Island.

_Secretaries_--Mrs. Myra Bradwell, of Illinois; Mrs. Mary F. Davis, of

New York.

_Vice-President_--Hon. Nathaniel White, of New Hampshire; Mrs.

Caroline M. Severance, of Massachusetts; Mrs. Annie C. Field, of New

York; Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, of New Jersey; John K. Wildman,

of Pennsylvania; Dr. John Cameron, of Delaware; Rev. Charles H.

Marshall, of Indiana; Hon. James B. Bradwell, of Illinois; Rev. H. K.

McConnell, of Ohio; Mrs. Addie L. Ballou, of Minnesota; Miss Lilie

Peckham, of Wisconsin; Dr. L. H. Jones, of Michigan; Mrs. Ida Fialla,

of Mississippi; Mrs. Ritter, of California; Captain Judson F. Cross,

of Iowa; Mrs. Henry F. Campbell, of Florida.

_Treasurer_--William N. Hudson, of the Cleveland _Leader_.

[185] The discussions were participated in by Rev. Antoinette Brown

Blackwell, A. Bronson Alcott, Messrs. Bellville, Foster, Gage,

Blackwell, Marshall, Connor, McConnell, Mesdames Ames, Howe,

Livermore, Cutler, Stone, and Hanaford.

[186] Rev. James Freeman Clarke, Rev. Oscar Clute, Mrs. and Miss

Beecher, Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe, T. W.

Higginson, Mary A. Livermore, Rev. Phebe A. Hanaford, Celia Burleigh,

Antoinette B. Blackwell, Miriam M. Cole, Margaret V. Longley,

Elizabeth K. Churchill, Margaret Campbell, Mrs. Oscar Clute, Agnes

Kemp, Mary F. Davis, Andrew Jackson Davis, G. B. Stebbins, H. M. Tracy

Cutler, Oliver Johnson, A. J. Boyer, Aaron M. Powell, Hon. George W.

Julian, "Grace Greenwood," and others.

[187] WHEREAS, the Democratic party, in the days of Jefferson,

abolished the political aristocracy of wealth and established "a white

man's government;" and

WHEREAS, the Republicans have recently abolished the political

aristocracy of race and established "manhood suffrage;" therefore

_Resolved_, That the progressive tendencies of the age demand the

abolition of the political aristocracy of sex by a XVI. Amendment to

the Federal Constitution, extending suffrage to women.

_Resolved_, That pending the adoption of the XVI. Amendment, we urge

the friends of woman to work in their respective States for the

establishment of this reform by State legislation, especially as the

ratification of any Constitutional Amendment must finally depend upon

the State Legislatures.

_Resolved_, That the American Woman Suffrage Association seeks a

thorough organization of the friends of the cause throughout the

country by the following method, viz.: A central organization (already

existing), organized by delegates from State societies; they in turn

being organized by delegates from local societies, and the whole

originating in primary meetings of the friends of woman suffrage in

every locality.

_Resolved_, That we remonstrate against the proposition now pending in

the Senate of the United States to disfranchise the women of Utah, as

a movement in aid of polygamy, against justice, and a flagrant

violation of a vested right.

_Resolved_, That we congratulate the friends of woman suffrage upon

the unexampled progress of the cause during the past year; upon the

enfranchisement of women in Wyoming and Utah; upon the submission of

the question in Vermont; upon its discussion in eleven State

Legislatures, in numerous public meetings and in newspapers; upon the

introduction of the XVI. Amendment in Congress; upon the extension of

municipal suffrage to the women of Great Britain, and the passage of a

bill to a second reading in Parliament removing all political

disabilities on account of sex, and upon the rapid growth of public

opinion in favor of woman's equality throughout the civilized world.

[188] Ohio--Mrs. M. V. Longley, Mrs. M. M. Cole, Mrs. J. O. De Forest,

Mrs. R. A. S. Janney, Mrs. Mary Graham, Mrs. Harvey Sharpe, Mrs. Mary

L. Strong, J. J. Belville, Mrs. H. M. Little, Miss Rebecca Rice, Mrs.

Currier Brown, Mrs. Emmett, Mrs. Esther Wattles, Mrs. S. E. Newton,

Mrs. E. Calt, Mary A. Currier, Olive C. Atkinson, Rebecca Ream, A. J.

Boyer, Mrs. Hannah M. Clarke, Mrs. Agnes Cook; New York--Mrs. Celia

Burleigh, Mrs. Rogers; Massachusetts--Margaret W. Campbell, Mrs.

Hewitt, Lucy Stone, H. B. Blackwell; Rhode Island--T. W. Higginson;

New Hampshire--Armenia S. White, Mrs. S. C. Pipher; New Jersey--Judge

Whitehead, John Gage, Rev. Oscar Clute, Miss E. L. Bush;

Missouri--Mrs. W. T. Hazard, Fanny Holy; Pennsylvania--John K.

Wildman, Gulielma M. Jones, Dr. H. T. Child, Mrs. Ellen M. Child,

Sarah Pearce, Miss M. W. Abbott, Mrs. E. S. Chapel, John Finlayson;

Indiana--Mrs. Dr. Ellen B. Ferguson, Miss M. F. Burlingame, Miss

Amanda M. Way; Michigan--Catharine A. F. Stebbins, Sarah C. Owen;

Illinois--Hon. J. B. Bradwell, William D. Babbitt, Mrs. E. O. G.

Willard, George M. Campbell; Delaware--S. D. Forbes, Mrs Forbes;

Louisiana--Laura L. D. Jacobs; Nevada--Mary C. Hart. Total number of

States represented, fourteen.

[189] 1. _Resolved_, That the ballot in government means power and

freedom for all; that adult citizens in this republican country can

not be free without it, or be properly clothed with the necessary

means for their own protection; that woman needs this power and

freedom, and therefore should be enfranchised.

2. _Resolved_, That the primary object of the American Woman Suffrage

Association is to secure the ballot for woman, and its general object

includes the establishment of her equality of rights in all

directions.

3. _Resolved_, That the officers of this Association and of each of

the auxiliary State Associations be requested to memorialize Congress

for a XVI. Amendment to the Federal Constitution, prohibiting

political distinction on account of sex. Also, that each State society

be requested to memorialize its Legislature for a change in the

organic law, so as to secure the extension of suffrage to women.

4. _Resolved_, That the ballot for woman means stability for the

marriage relations, stability for the home, and stability for our

republican form of government.

5. _Resolved_, That we recommend the appointment of a Committee of

Conference, of like number with the one appointed by the Union

Suffrage Association, with a view to the union of both organizations.

[190] 3. _Resolved_, That it is the duty of every woman to resent the

cowardly indignity which classes educated, virtuous women as the

political inferiors of the meanest and most degraded men; and that she

should demand the ballot in order to help to make good laws and elect

worthy representatives.

5. _Resolved_, That we recommend a concerted effort on the part of the

woman suffragists to obtain from their respective Legislatures an act

authorizing women to vote at the next Presidential election under the

authority conferred by the first section of the second article of the

Constitution of the United States.

6. _Resolved_, That we cordially approve of the effort to obtain

suffrage for women in the District of Columbia, in Michigan, and

elsewhere, under the provisions of the XIV. and XV. Amendments.

7. _Resolved_, That we urge upon Congress the passage of a XVI.

Amendment, prohibiting political distinctions on account of sex, and

also of a law conferring legal and political equality.

8. _Resolved_, That the claim of woman to participate in making the

laws she is required to obey, and to equality of rights in all

directions, has nothing to do with special social theories, and that

the recent attempts in this city and elsewhere to associate the woman

suffrage cause with the doctrines of free love, and to hold it

responsible for the crimes and follies of individuals, is an outrage

upon common sense and decency, and a slander upon the virtue and

intelligence of the women of America.

[191] 8. _Resolved_, That the Executive Committee be instructed to

address memorials in behalf of woman suffrage to Congress, and to the

national conventions of every political party.

[192] _Resolved_, That suffrage means equality in the home, and

therefore means greater constancy and greater permanency in marriage.

_Resolved_, That the agitation of the peace, temperance, and other

reforms of the day is valuable as a means of creating a public

sentiment in favor of woman suffrage, not only by convincing the men

engaged in them of the necessity of co-operation at the ballot-box,

but by educating woman to a sense of her obligation to avail herself

of every power to secure their consummation.

_Resolved_, That the Executive Committee of the American Woman

Suffrage Association be requested to appoint a deputation to address

the Legislatures of the several States on the subject of woman

suffrage, with the co-operation of the State societies.

[193] 3. WHEREAS women, as a class, have special interests to protect

and special wrongs to remedy, and, as individuals, have peculiar

feminine characteristics and developments in which they differ from

man; therefore,

_Resolved_, That a government of men alone is neither republican nor

representative, but is an aristocracy of sex inconsistent alike with

the highest welfare of man, of woman, and of society.

4. And WHEREAS, The National Republican platform of 1872 affirms that

the admission of woman to wider spheres of usefulness is viewed with

satisfaction, and the honest demand of woman for additional rights

should receive respectful consideration; and

WHEREAS, The Republicans have a large majority in both houses of

Congress; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we call upon Congress to enact a law establishing

impartial suffrage for all citizens irrespective of sex, in the

District of Columbia and the Territories; also to declare woman

eligible to all offices under Government, with equal pay for equal

work: also to submit a XVI. Constitutional Amendment prohibiting

political distinctions on account of sex.

5. _Resolved_, That we demand from the State Legislatures laws

establishing equal suffrage for women in choosing electors of

President and Vice-President of the United States, also in choosing

municipal and State officers, in every case where the qualifications

of voters are not restricted by the State Constitutions; also to amend

the State Constitutions so as to establish equal rights for all.

6. And WHEREAS, many women have recently applied for registration as

voters, and in some cases, have actually voted, and are now being

prosecuted on the charge of having voted illegally; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we call upon the State and Federal courts to

interpret all legal provisions that will admit of such a construction

in favor of the equality of women.

8. _Resolved_, That the Executive Committee be instructed to address

memorials to Congress, and State Legislatures, and National

Conventions of every political party, in behalf of the legal and

political equality of woman.

9. _Resolved_, That we rejoice at the recognition of the rights of

woman in the National Republican platform, and at the explicit

indorsement of woman suffrage by the Republican Convention of

Massachusetts; we congratulate the Republican party upon having

enlisted the heart and intellect and conscience of woman in its

support, and we call upon the party, in this hour of victory, to

consolidate its supremacy by establishing impartial suffrage for all

citizens, irrespective of sex.

[194] _President_--Thos. Wentworth Higginson, R. I.

_Vice-Presidents at Large_--Julia Ward Howe, Hon. Henry Wilson, Mary

A. Livermore, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Mass.; Hannah M. Tracy Cutler, Ill.;

Geo. Wm. Curtis, N. Y.; Mrs. M. T. Hazard, Missouri; Margaret V.

Longley, Ohio.

_Chairman of Executive Committee_--Lucy Stone, Mass.

_Foreign Corresponding Secretary_--Kate N. Doggett, Ill.

_Corresponding Secretary_--Henry B. Blackwell, Mass.

_Treasurer_--John K. Wildman, Pa.

_Recording Secretaries_--Mary Grew, Pa.; Amanda Way, Kansas.

_Vice Presidents Ex Officio_--Mrs. Oliver Dennett, Me.; Armenia S.

White, N. H.; Hon. C. W. Willard, Vt.; Jas. Freeman Clarke, Mass.;

Elizabeth B. Chace, R. I.; Celia Burleigh, Conn.; Oliver Johnson, N.

Y.; John Whitehead, N. J.; Passmore Williamson, Pa.; Mrs. Elizabeth

Smith, Del.; Miriam M. Cole, Ohio; Mary F. Thomas, M.D., Ind.; Robert

Collyer, Ill.; Augusta J. Chapin, Wis.; Stephen L. Brigham, Mich.;

Mrs. A. Knight, Minn.; Mrs. Helen E. Starrett, Kansas; Amelia Bloomer,

Iowa; Mrs. Beverly Allen, Mo.; Hon. Guy W. Wines, Tenn.; Seth Rogers,

Fla.; Gen. Rufus Saxton, Oregon; Rev. Charles G. Ames, Cal.; Hon. John

C. Underwood, Va.; Rufus Leighton, Wash. Ter.; A. K. P. Safford,

Arizona; Sarah Jane Lippincott (Grace Greenwood), D. C.; Hon. D. K.

Chamberlain, S. C.

_Executive Committee Ex Officio_--Mrs. T. B. Hussey, Me.; Hon.

Nathaniel White, N. H.; Albert Clarke, Vt.; Margaret W. Campbell,

Mass.; Mary F. Doyle, R. I.; Phebe A. Hanaford, Conn.; Anna C. Field,

N. Y.; Mrs. C. C. Hussey, N. J.; Annie Shoemaker, Pa.; John Cameron,

Del.; Mrs. Rebecca A. S. Janney, O.; Martha N. McKaye, Ind.; Myra

Bradwell, Ill.; Mrs. Frank Leland, Wis.; Lucinda H. Stone, Mich.; Abby

J. Spaulding, Minn.; Hon. Isaac H. Sturgeon, Mo.; John Ritchie, Kan.;

Mrs Lizzie B. Read, Iowa; Rev. Charles G. Woodbury, Tenn.; Miss Lottie

Rollin, S. C.; Fannie B. Ames, Cal.; Col. Edward Daniels, Va.; Mrs.

Matilda G. Saxton, Oregon; Rev. Frederick Hinckley, D. C.; Mrs. C. I.

H. Nichols, Cal.; Hon. John A. Campbell, Wyoming.

[195] Mrs. Howe was elected President.

[196] _Resolved_, That our thanks are due to the twenty-two United

States Senators who, at the last session of Congress, voted and paired

in favor of woman suffrage in the Territory of Pembina, and we rejoice

at the submission of woman suffrage to the people by the Legislatures

of Michigan and Iowa, as acts of enlightened statesmanship, which can

not fail, whatever may be the immediate result, to hasten the day of

woman's enfranchisement.

_Resolved_, That the recent indorsement of woman suffrage by the

Methodist Convention of Michigan, by the Conferences of Iowa, and by

various other religious bodies of these and other States, is evidence

that the value of woman's work in the churches begins to be

recognized, and in view of the fact that three-fourths of American

church members are women, we cordially invite the aid of Christians of

all denominations in securing woman's enfranchisement.

_Resolved_, That the recognition of the right of women to vote and

hold office, by the Patrons of Husbandry in their Granges, by the

Sovereigns of Industry in their Councils, and by the Good Templars in

their Lodges, entitles us to regard these societies as practical

auxiliaries of the woman suffrage movement.

_Resolved_, That we protest against the appropriation by Congress or

by State Legislatures of one dollar of the public money, which is paid

in part by women who are taxed without consent, for the purpose of

celebrating the Centennial anniversary of a political independence in

which women are not allowed to participate.

[197] President--Bishop Gilbert Haven, D.D.

[198] Among those on the platform were Bishop Gilbert Haven, Mrs. Lucy

Stone, Miss Mary F. Eastman, Mrs. S. R. Hewitt, Mrs. Maria F. Walling,

Thomas J. Lothrop, and H. B. Blackwell, of Mass.; Mrs. Rebecca Morse,

Mrs. Margaret E. Winchester, Mrs. Halleck, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Rev.

Dr. Thompson, of New York; Mrs. Mary F. Davis, Rev. Antoinette Brown

Blackwell, Mrs. Henrietta W. Johnson, of New Jersey; Mrs. Margaret V.

Longley and Miss Jane O. De Forest, of Ohio; Mrs. Emma Malloy, of

Indiana; Lelia E. Patridge and C. C. Burleigh, of Pa.; Mrs. Armenia S.

White and Hon. Nathaniel White, of New Hampshire; Mrs. Frances E. W.

Harper, of Md.; S. D. Forbes, of Delaware; and Charles Bradlaugh, of

England.

[199] 1. The American Woman Suffrage Association, in its seventh

annual meeting assembled, re-affirm the great self-evident principle

of equal rights for women, and demand its practical application in the

public and private life of the nation. We declare that women who obey

laws should have a voice in their enactment; that women who pay taxes

should have a voice in their expenditure. We protest against the

subjection and disenfranchisement of woman as injurious to society,

destructive of morals, corrupting to politics, and a reproach to

civilization. We attribute the alarming increase of insults and

personal outrages inflicted upon women to a public sentiment hostile

to their individuality and equality of rights. We affirm that a

Government of the people, by the people, for the people, must be a

Government composed impartially of men and women, and that the

co-operation of the sexes is essential alike to a happy home, a

refined Society, a Christian Church, and a Republican State.

2. In view of the approaching Presidential election, in which a great

party will struggle to retain possession of power, while all the

elements of opposition are organizing for its overthrow, we urge our

friends in each State to petition their Legislature for the enactment,

next winter, of a law enabling women to vote in the Presidential

election of 1876.

3. In view of the evident disintegration of parties, we rejoice at the

steady growth of the new issue of woman suffrage, at its successful

establishment in Wyoming and Utah, in England, Holland, Austria, and

Sweden, and at the recent promise of the Republicans of Massachusetts,

at their State Convention, that they "will support all measures

regarding the promotion of equal rights for all American citizens,

irrespective of sex."

And whereas, on the second day of July, 1776 (two days before the

Declaration of Independence), the Provincial Congress of New Jersey,

assembled at Burlington, extended suffrage to all inhabitants, men and

women; therefore,

_Resolved_, That in commemoration of that notable event we hold a

woman suffrage Centennial celebration at Burlington, N. J., on the 2d

day of July, 1876, or at such other place as the Executive Committee

may select.

_Resolved_, That heroic deeds done for justice and human rights

deserve and should receive commemorative tribute from all those who

love justice and respect human rights; that a Centennial celebration

on the Fourth of July next, of the one-hundredth Anniversary of the

Independence of the United States is in the highest degree proper, and

is due to the brave dead who periled all they had to secure the right

to govern themselves; nevertheless,

_Resolved_, That men who use their political and personal power to

deprive women of their right to govern themselves, can not with

consistency have any share in that Centennial celebration.

[200] President: Mrs. Mary A. Livermore.

[201] These facts are given in the chapter on New Jersey, Vol. I.

[202] Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,

Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,

West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Texas,

Michigan, Iowa, Minnesota, Colorado, California, Oregon, District of

Columbia.

[203] WHEREAS, The United States Courts have affirmed that the

regulation of suffrage belongs exclusively to the States, and that

"women are citizens and, as such, may be made voters by appropriate

State legislation;" and,

WHEREAS, A sixteenth amendment to the Federal constitution abolishing

political distinctions on account of sex, although just and necessary,

can be more easily obtained when several States have set the example;

therefore,

3. _Resolved_, That we urge every existing State association to

renewed effort upon the next and each following State Legislature; and

in every State where no such association exists, we urge individual

effort and the immediate formation of a State Society.

[204] President--Mrs. Rebecca N. Hazard, of Missouri.

[205] The President chosen for the ensuing year was Henry B.

Blackwell.

[206] 1. _Resolved_, That we urge upon Congress the performance of

three important duties in behalf of the women of America--

First, To enact a law giving women citizens of the United States,

resident in the Territories, the same political rights as are

exercised by the male citizens of the United States resident therein.

Second, To reform the laws affecting the rights of married women in

the District of Columbia and the Territories.

Third, To submit to the States a constitutional amendment prohibiting

political distinction on account of sex.

2. _Resolved_, That we advise our auxiliary State societies to

petition their respective Legislatures to enact a law this winter

conferring suffrage on women in Presidential elections under Section

2, Article 2, of the Federal Constitution.

WHEREAS, Since the last annual meeting of the Association, three

eminent advocates of the claim of women for equal political rights

have passed away--Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria Child, and Nathaniel

White--therefore,

3. _Resolved_, That the American Woman Suffrage Association records

its grateful appreciation of their invaluable service and its sense of

irreparable loss, now that the eloquent voice is silent, the ready pen

dropped, and the generous hand is cold in death. In the wealth of

their matured character and great achievement they have left us the

permanent inspiration of a noble example.

[207] President, Dr. Mary F. Thomas, of Indiana.

APPENDIX.

CHAPTER XVI.

WOMAN'S PATRIOTISM IN THE WAR.

_House of Representatives_ (_46th Congress_, _3d Session_. Report No.

386).

ANNA ELLA CARROLL.

_March 3, 1881._--Committed to the Committee of the Whole House, and

ordered to be printed.

Mr. Bragg, from the Committee on Military Affairs, submitted the

following Report (to accompany bill H. R. 7,256):

_The Committee on Military Affairs, to whom the memorial of Anna Ella

Carroll was referred, asking national recognition and reward for

services rendered the United States during the war between the States,

after careful consideration of the same, submit the following:_

In the autumn of 1861 the great question as to whether the Union could

be saved, or whether it was hopelessly subverted, depended on the

ability of the Government to open the Mississippi and deliver a fatal

blow upon the resources of the Confederate power. The original plan

was to reduce the formidable fortifications by descending this river,

aided by the gun-boat fleet, then in preparation for that object.

President Lincoln had reserved to himself the special direction of

this expedition, but before it was prepared to move he became

convinced that the obstacles to be encountered were too grave and

serious for the success which the exigencies of the crisis demanded,

and the plan was then abandoned, and the armies diverted up the

Tennessee River, and thence southward to the center of the Confederate

power.

The evidence before this Committee completely establishes that Miss

Anna Ella Carroll was the author of this change of plan, which

involved a transfer of the National forces to their new base in North

Mississippi and Alabama, in command of the Memphis and Charleston

Railroad; that she devoted time and money in the autumn of 1861 to the

investigation of its feasibility is established by the sworn testimony

of L. D. Evans, Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of Texas, to the

Military Committee of the United States Senate in the 42d Congress

(see pp. 40, 41 of memorial); that after that investigation she

submitted her plan in writing to the War Department at Washington,

placing it in the hands of Thomas A. Scott, Assistant Secretary of

War, as is confirmed by his statement (see p. 38 of memorial), also

confirmed by the statement of Hon. B. F. Wade, Chairman of the

Committee on the Conduct of the War, made to the same Committee (see

p. 38), and of President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton (see p. 39 of

memorial); also by Hon. O. H. Browning, of Illinois, Senator during

the war, in confidential relations with President Lincoln and

Secretary Stanton (see p. 39, memorial); also that of Hon. Elisha

Whittlesey, Comptroller of the Treasury (see p. 41, memorial); also by

Hon. Thomas H. Hicks, Governor of Maryland, and by Hon. Frederick

Feckey's affidavit, Comptroller of the Public Works of Maryland (see

p. 127 of memorial); by Hon. Reverdy Johnson (see pp. 26 and 41,

memorial); Hon. George Vickers, United States Senator from Maryland

(see p. 41, memorial); again by Hon. B. F. Wade (see p. 41, memorial);

Hon. J. T. Headley (see p. 43, memorial); Rev. Dr. R. J. Breckinridge

on services (see p. 47, memorial); Prof. Joseph Henry, Rev. Dr.

Hodge, of Theological Seminary at Princeton (see p. 30, memorial);

remarkable interviews and correspondence of Judge B. F. Wade (see pp.

23-26 of memorial).

That this campaign prevented the recognition of Southern independence

by its fatal effects on the Confederate States is shown by letters

from Hon. C. M. Clay (see pp. 40-43 of memorial), and by his letters

from St. Petersburgh; also those of Mr. Adams and Mr. Dayton from

London and Paris (see pp. 100-102 of memorial).

That the campaign defeated National bankruptcy, then imminent, and

opened the way for the system of finance to defend the Federal cause,

is shown by the debates of the period in both Houses of Congress (see

utterances of Mr. Spalding, Mr. Diven, Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, Mr.

Roscoe Conkling, Mr. John Sherman, Mr. Henry Wilson, Mr. Fessenden,

Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Foster, Mr. Garrett Davis, Mr. John J. Crittendon,

etc., found for convenient reference in appendix to memorial, pp.

47-59. Also therein the opinion of the English press as to why the

Union could not be restored).

The condition of the struggle can best be realized as depicted by the

leading statesmen in Congress previous to the execution of these

military movements (see synopsis of debates from _Congressional

Globe_, pp. 21, 22 of memorial).

The effect of this campaign upon the country and the anxiety to find

out and reward the author are evidenced by the resolution of Mr.

Roscoe Conkling, in the House of Representatives 24th of February,

1862 (see debates on the origin of the campaign, pp. 39-63 of

memorial). But it was deemed prudent to make no public claim as to

authorship while the war lasted (see Colonel Scott's view, p. 32 of

memorial).

The wisdom of the plan was proven, not only by the absolute advantages

which resulted, giving the mastery of the conflict to the National

arms and evermore assuring their success even against the powers of

all Europe should they have combined, but it was likewise proven by

the failures to open the Mississippi or win any decided success on the

plan first devised by the Government.

It is further conclusively shown that no plan, order, letter,

telegram, or suggestion of the Tennessee River as the line of invasion

has ever been produced, except in the paper submitted by Miss Carroll

on the 30th of November, 1861, and her subsequent letters to the

Government as the campaign progressed.

It is further shown to this Committee that the able and patriotic

publications of memorialist, in pamphlets and newspapers, with her

high social influence, not only largely contributed to the cause of

the Union in her own State, Maryland (see Governor Hicks' letters, p.

27, memorial), but exerted a wide and salutary influence on all the

Border States (see Howard's report, p. 33 and p. 75 of memorial).

These publications were used by the Government as war measures, and

the debate in Congress shows that she was the first writer on the war

powers of the Government (see p. 45 of memorial). Leading statesmen

and jurists bore testimony to their value, including President

Lincoln, Secretaries Chase, Stanton, Seward, Welles, Smith,

Attorney-General Bates, Senators Browning, Doolittle, Collamer, Cowan,

Reverdy Johnson, and Hicks, Hon. Horace Binney, Hon. Benjamin H.

Brewster, Hon. William M. Meredith, Hon. Robert J. Walker, Hon.

Charles O'Conor, Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, Hon. Edward Everett, Hon.

Thomas Corwin, Hon. Francis Thomas, of Maryland, and many others found

in memorial.

The Military Committee, through Senator Howard, in the Forty-first

Congress, third session, document No. 337, unanimously reported that

Miss Carroll did cause the change of the military expedition from the

Mississippi to the Tennessee River, etc.; and the aforesaid Committee,

in the Forty-second Congress, second session, document No. 167, as

found in memorial, reported, through the Hon. Henry Wilson, the

evidence and bill in support of this claim.

Again, in the Forty-fourth Congress, the Military Committee of the

House favorably considered this claim, and General A. S. Williams was

prepared to report, and being prevented by want of time, placed on

record that this claim is incontestably established, and that the

country owes to Miss Carroll a large and honest compensation, both in

money and honors, for her services in the National crisis.

In view of all the facts, this Committee believe that the thanks of

the nation are due Miss Carroll, and that they are fully justified in

recommending that she be placed on the pension rolls of the

Government, as a partial measure of recognition for her public

service, and report herewith a bill for such purpose and recommend its

passage.

Hon. E. M. Stanton came into the War Department, in 1862, pledged to

execute the Tennessee campaign.

_Statement from Hon. B. F. Wade, Chairman of the Committee on the

Conduct of the War, April 4, 1876._

DEAR MISS CARROLL:--I had no part in getting up the committee; the

first intimation to me was that I had been made the head of it. But I

never shirked a public duty, and at once went to work to do all that

was possible to save the country. We went fully into the examination

of the several plans for military operations then known to the

Government, and we saw plainly enough that the time it must take to

execute any of them would make it fatal to the Union.

We were in the deepest despair, until just at this time Colonel Scott

informed me that there was a plan already devised that if executed

with secrecy would open the Tennessee and save the National cause. I

went immediately to Mr. Lincoln and talked the whole matter over. He

said he did not himself doubt that the plan was feasible, but said

there was one difficulty in the way, that no military or naval man had

any idea of such a movement, it being the work of a _civilian_, and

none of them would believe it safe to make such an advance upon only a

navigable river with no protection but a gun-boat fleet, and they

would not want to take the risk. He said it was devised by Miss

Carroll, and military men were extremely jealous of all outside

interference. I plead earnestly with him, for I found there were

influences in his Cabinet then averse to his taking the

responsibility, and wanted everything done in deference to the views

of McClellan and Halleck. I said to Mr. Lincoln, "You know we are now

in the last extremity, and you have to choose between adopting and at

once executing a plan that you believe to be the right one, and save

the country, or defer to the opinions of military men in command, and

lose the country." He finally decided he would take the initiative,

but there was Mr. Bates, who had suggested the gun-boat fleet, and

wanted to advance down the Mississippi, as originally designed, but

after a little he came to see no result could be achieved on that mode

of attack, and he united with us in favor of the change of expedition

as you recommended.

After repeated talks with Mr. Stanton, I was entirely convinced that

if placed at the head of the War Department he would have your plan

executed vigorously, as he fully believed it was the only means of

safety, as I did.

Mr. Lincoln, on my suggesting Stanton, asked me how the leading

Republicans would take it--that Stanton was so fresh from the Buchanan

Cabinet, and so many things said of him. I insisted he was our man

withal, and brought him and Lincoln into communication, and Lincoln

was entirely satisfied; but so soon as it got out, the doubters came

to the front, Senators and Members called on me, I sent them to

Stanton and told them to decide for themselves. The gun-boats were

then nearly ready for the Mississippi expedition, and Mr. Lincoln

agreed, as soon as they were, to start the Tennessee movement. It was

determined that as soon as Mr. Stanton came in the Department, that

Col. Scott should go out to the western armies and make ready for the

campaign in pursuance of your plan, as he has testified before

committees.

It was a great work to get the matter started; you have no idea of it.

We almost fought for it. If ever there was a righteous claim on earth,

you have one. I have often been sorry that, knowing all this, as I did

then, I had not publicly declared you as the author. But we were fully

alive to the importance of absolute secrecy. I trusted but few of our

people; but to pacify the country, I announced from the Senate that

the armies were about to move, and inaction was no longer to be

tolerated, and Mr. Fessenden, head of the Finance Committee, who had

been told of the proposed advance, also stated in the Senate that what

would be achieved in a few more days would satisfy the country and

astound the world.

As the expedition advanced, Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Stanton, and myself,

frequently alluded to your extraordinary sagacity and unselfish

patriotism, but all agreed that you should be recognized for your most

noble service, and properly rewarded for the same. The last time I saw

Mr. Stanton he was on his death-bed; he was then most earnest in his

desire to have you come before Congress, as I told you soon after,

and said if he lived he would see that justice was awarded you. This I

have told you often since, and I believe the truth in this matter will

finally prevail.

B. F. WADE.

FROM HON. ELISHA WHITTLESEY.

_Found among his private papers, and transmitted to Miss Carroll in

1874._

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE, }

_February 20, 1862_. }

This will accompany copies of two letters written by Miss Anna Ella

Carroll to the War Department.

Having informed me of the contents of the letters, I requested her to

permit me to copy her duplicates. When she brought them to me she

enjoined prudence in their use. They are very extraordinary papers as

verified by the result. So far as I know or believe, our unparalleled

victories on the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers may be traced to her

sagacious observations and intelligence. Her views were as broad and

sagacious as the field to be occupied. In selecting the Tennessee and

Cumberland Rivers instead of the Mississippi, she set at naught the

opinions of civilians, of military and naval men.

Justice should be done her patriotic discernment. She labors for her

country and her whole country.

ELISHA WHITTLESEY.

LETTERS TO MISS CARROLL FROM HON. BENJAMIN F. WADE.

Hon. Benjamin F. Wade, who during the war was Chairman of the

Committee on the Conduct of the War, and during the last period of his

services, after the assassination of President Lincoln had elevated

Andrew Johnson to the Presidency, was acting Vice-President and

President of the Senate, was a friend of Miss Carroll. He addressed

the following letter to her in 1869, just before the close of his last

Congressional session:

WASHINGTON, _March 1, 1869_.

MISS CARROLL:--I can not take leave of my public life without

expressing my deep sense of your services to the country during the

whole period of our National troubles. Although a citizen of a State

almost unanimously disloyal and deeply sympathizing with secession,

especially the wealthy and aristocratic class of her people, to which

you belonged, yet, in the midst of such surroundings, you emancipated

your own slaves at a great sacrifice of personal interest, and with

your powerful pen defended the cause of the Union and loyalty as ably

and effectively as it has ever yet been defended.

From my position on the Committee on the Conduct of the War, I know

that some of the most successful expeditions of the war were suggested

by you, among which I might instance the expedition up the Tennessee

River.

The powerful support you gave Governor Hicks during the darkest hour

of your State's history, prompted him to take and maintain the stand

he did, and thereby saved your State from secession and consequent

ruin.

All those things, as well as your unremitted labors in the cause of

reconstruction, I doubt not, are well known and remembered by the

members of Congress at that period.

I also well know in what high estimation your services were held by

President Lincoln: and I can not leave the subject without sincerely

hoping that the Government may yet confer on you some token of

acknowledgment for all these services and sacrifices.

Very sincerely, your friend, B. F. WADE.

On the 28th of February, 1873, three years after his leaving public

life, Judge Wade addressed the following letter:

_To the Chairman of the Military Committee of the United States

Senate:_

DEAR SIR:--I have been requested to make a brief statement of what I

can recollect concerning the claim of Miss Carroll, now before

Congress. From my position as Chairman of the Committee on the Conduct

of the War, it came to my knowledge that the expedition that was

preparing, under the special direction of President Lincoln, to

descend the Mississippi River, was abandoned, and the Tennessee

expedition was adopted by the Government in pursuance of information

and a plan presented to the Secretary of War, I think the latter part

of November, 1861, by Miss Carroll. A copy of this plan was put into

my hands immediately after the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson. With

the knowledge of its author I interrogated witnesses before the

Committee to ascertain how far military men were cognizant of the

fact. Subsequently President Lincoln informed me that the merit of

this plan was due to Miss Carroll; that the transfer of the armies

from Cairo and the northern part of Kentucky to the Memphis and

Charleston Railroad was her conception, and was afterwards carried out

generally, and very much in detail, according to her suggestions.

Secretary Stanton also conversed with me on the matter, and fully

recognized Miss Carroll's service to the Union in the organization of

this campaign. Indeed, both Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stanton, the latter

only a few weeks before his death, expressed to me their high

appreciation of this service, and all the other services she was

enabled to render the country by her influence and ability as a

writer, and they both expressed the wish that the Government would

reward her liberally for the same, in which wish I most fully concur.

B. F. WADE.

We give extracts from letters written Miss Carroll by Judge Wade,

after his retirement from public life:

JEFFERSON, OHIO, _Sept. 9, 1874_.

This Congress may be mean enough to refuse to remunerate you for your

services, but thank heaven they can not deprive you of the honor and

consciousness of having done greater and more efficient services for

the country in the time of her greatest peril than any other person in

the Republic, and a knowledge of this can not long be suppressed,

though I do not underrate the mighty powers that may be arrayed

against you.

B. F. WADE.

JEFFERSON, OHIO, _Aug. 14, 1876_.

I rejoice that you are to have the testimony in your case published by

Congress, as I can not but believe that Congress, when they have the

facts properly before them, will be shamed into doing you justice,

though late.

I fully appreciate and deeply regret the injustice done you as though

the case were my own. The country almost in her last extremity was

saved by your sagacity and unremitted labor; indeed your services were

so great that it is hard to make the world believe it. Many have been

most generously rewarded for services having no more proportion to

yours than a mole hill to a mountain--and that all this great work

should be brought about by a woman is inconceivable to vulgar minds,

but I hope and believe that justice will triumph at last.

B. F. WADE.

JEFFERSON, OHIO, _Oct. 3, 1876_.

The truth is, your services were so great that they can not be

comprehended by the ordinary capacity of our public men, and then

again your services were of such a character that they threw a shadow

over the reputation of some of our would-be great men. No doubt great

pains has been taken in the business of trying to defeat you; but it

has been an article of faith with me that truth and justice must

ultimately triumph.

Ever yours truly, B. F. WADE.

FROM REVERDY JOHNSON.

WESTMINSTER PALACE HOTEL, }

LONDON, _Nov. 29, 1875_. }

MY DEAR MISS CARROLL:--I remember very well that you were the first to

advise the campaign on the Tennessee River in November, 1861. This I

have never heard doubted, and the great events which followed it

demonstrate the value of your suggestions. That this will be

recognized by the Government sooner or later I can not doubt....

Sincerely your friend, REVERDY JOHNSON.

FROM ORESTES H. BROWNSON.

QUINCY, ILL., _Sept. 17, 1873_.

MISS A. E. CARROLL:--During the progress of the war of the rebellion,

from 1861 to 1865, I had frequent conversations with President Lincoln

and Secretary Stanton in regard to the able and efficient part you had

taken in behalf of the country, in all of which they expressed their

admiration and gratitude for the patriotic and valuable services you

had rendered the cause of the Union. In the hope that you would be

adequately recompensed by Congress....

I am your obedient servant, O. H. BROWNSON.

LETTER OF HON. THOMAS A. SCOTT TO HON. JACOB M. HOWARD, Chairman of

the Senate Military Committee upon Miss Carroll's claim for a pension

after the close of the war:

HON. JACOB M. HOWARD, UNITED STATES SENATE:--On or about the 30th

of November, 1861, Miss Carroll, as stated in her memorial,

called on me as Assistant Secretary of War, and suggested the

propriety of abandoning the expedition which was then preparing

to descend the Mississippi River, and to adopt instead the

Tennessee River, and handed me the plan of the campaign as

appended to her memorial, which plan I submitted to the Secretary

of War, and its general ideas were adopted. On my return from the

South-west in 1862, I informed Miss Carroll, as she states in her

memorial, that through the adoption of this plan, the country had

been saved millions, and that it entitled her to the kind

consideration of Congress.

THOS. A. SCOTT.

LETTER OF HON. THOMAS A. SCOTT TO HON. HENRY WILSON, Chairman of the

Military Committee, United States Senate:

PHILADELPHIA, _May 1, 1872_.

MY DEAR SIR:--I take pleasure in stating that the plan presented by

Miss Carroll, in November, 1861, for a campaign up the Tennessee River

and thence southerly, was submitted to the Secretary of War and

President. And, after Secretary Stanton's appointment, I was directed

to go to the western armies and arrange to increase their effective

force as rapidly as possible. A part of the duty assigned to me was

the organization and consolidation into regiments of all the troops

then being recruited in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, for the

purpose of carrying through _this campaign_, then inaugurated.

This work was vigorously prosecuted by the army, and as the valuable

suggestions of Miss Carroll, made to the Department some months

before, _were substantially carried out through the campaigns in that

section_, great successes followed, and the country was largely

benefited in the saving of time and expenditure.

I hope Congress will reward Miss Carroll liberally for her patriotic

efforts and services.

Very truly yours, THOMAS A. SCOTT.

HON. HENRY WILSON,

_Chairman of the Military Committee, United States Senate_.

LETTER FROM HON. THOMAS A. SCOTT TO MRS. GAGE.

NO. 233 SOUTH FOURTH ST., }

PHILADELPHIA, _Mar. 29, 1880_. }

DEAR MADAM:--I have your letter of March 25th in regard to Miss

Carroll's matter, and beg to say in reply that I do not know whether

the old papers are on file in the War Department or not; I presume the

only way to ascertain would be to apply to the Department direct. I

have done all that I feel I can do in this matter, having given my

evidence before the Committee in the most concise and direct form

possible. I hope that Congress will do something for Miss Carroll, but

with their present economical habits, I doubt very much whether they

will.

Hoping that the Committee in charge of the matter may have success,

I am, very truly yours, THOMAS A. SCOTT.

Editorial from the _National Citizen_ (Syracuse, N. Y.), September,

1881:

THE CONTRAST.--"Look on this picture and on that." While President

James A. Garfield lay dying, another American citizen, one to whom the

country owes far more than it did to him, was stricken with an

incurable disease. But in this case no telegram heralded the fact; no

messages were cabled abroad; few newspapers made comment, and yet had

it not been for the wisdom of this person whom the country forgets, we

should have possessed no country to-day.

Anna Ella Carroll lies at her home near Baltimore, stricken with

paralysis--perhaps already beyond the river. As the readers of the

_National Citizen_ well know, when the nation was in its hour of

extreme peril, with a nearly depleted treasury, with England and

France waiting with large fleets for a few more evil days in order to

raise the blockade, with President, Congress, and people nearly

helpless and despairing, there arose this woman, who with strategic

science far in advance of any military or naval officer on land or

sea, pointed out the way to victory, sending her plans and maps to the

War Department, which adopted them. Thus the tide of battle was

turned, victory perched on the Union banner, and in accordance with

the President's proclamation, the country united in a day of public

thanksgiving.

But that woman never received recognition from the country for her

services. The Military Committee of various Congresses has reported in

her favor, but no bill securing her even a pension has ever been

passed, and now she is dying or dead.

In another column will be found the report of the Military Committee

of the Forty-sixth Congress, in her favor, March, 1881, which as a

matter of important history we give in full, hoping no reader will

pass it by. Under the circumstances we shall be pardoned for giving an

extract from a letter of Miss Carroll to the editor of the _National

Citizen_, accompanied by a copy of this report.

Miss Carroll says: "I am sure you retain your kind interest in the

matter, and will be gratified by the last action of Congress, which is

a complete recognition of my public service, on the part of military

men; both Confederate and Union brigadiers belonging to the Military

Committee."

While this bill was in no sense commensurable with the services

rendered by Miss Carroll to the country, yet as the main point was

conceded, it was believed it would secure one more consonant with

justice at the next session of Congress.

The nation is mourning Garfield with the adulation generally given

monarchs; General Grant is decorating his New York "palace" with

countless costly gifts from home and abroad; yet a greater than both

has fallen, and _because she was a woman_, she has gone to her great

reward on high, unrecognized and unrewarded by the country she saved.

Had it not been for her work, the names of James A. Garfield and of

Ulysses S. Grant would never have emerged from obscurity. Women,

remember that to one of your own sex the salvation of the country is

due, and never forget to hold deep in your hearts, and to train your

children to hold with reverence the name of ANNA ELLA CARROLL.

* * * * *

WOMEN AS SOLDIERS.

A FEMALE SOLDIER.

There is a female here appealing for five months' back pay due her as

a soldier in the army. Her name is Mary E. Wise. She is an orphan,

without a blood relative in the world, and was a resident of Jefferson

Township, Huntington County, Indiana, where she enlisted in the 34th

Indiana Volunteers under the name of William Wise. She served two

years and eighteen days as a private, participating in six of the

heaviest engagements in the West, was wounded at Chicamauga and

Lookout Mountain, at the latter place severely in the side. Upon the

discovery of her sex, through her last wound, she was sent to her home

in Indiana. When she arrived there, her step-mother refused her

shelter, or to assist her in any way. Having five months' pay due from

the Government, she started for Washington, in the hope of collecting

it, arriving in this city on the 4th instant. Here her troubles have

only increased. She can not get her pay. Her colonel probably, under

the circumstances, not deeming it necessary, failed to give her a

proper or formal discharge, with the necessary papers. In her

difficulties she has, repeatedly, endeavored to refer her case to the

President, but, not having influential friends to back her, she has

been disappointed in all her efforts to see him, and the Department

can pay her only upon proper or formal discharge papers, etc. So she

is here, without friends or means, wholly dependent upon the bounty of

the Sanitary Commission.

NATIONAL FREEDMAN'S AID ASSOCIATION.

JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING.

WASHINGTON, _April 15, 1870_.

LUCRETIA MOTT--MY DEAR FRIEND:--Feeling that the exact condition of

the worn-out slaves now in this District could be better understood by

a little explanation that I can make, and knowing that you desire the

truth in this matter of life-long interest to you, I desire to refer

to the following facts, which I trust you will present to the meeting

of Friends (Quakers) in Philadelphia who sympathize with you.

In the year 1864, when urging upon Senator Sumner and our friends in

Congress, the necessity of a bureau that could afford special aid to

the emancipated slaves, the great fact that the old people were

suddenly turned out of the possibility of a subsistence, was

recognized by all. Mr. Sumner, in his first speech putting the bill in

passage, urged this as sufficient ground alone, if no other existed,

which was not the case. From the time of the organization of the

Bureau till now, their special claim has been recognized by Congress,

and notwithstanding they received, in common with all the freed people

of this District, an allowance made to each in rations, blankets,

clothes, fuel, Government buildings, medical treatment, and monthly

visitation; they also have each year received from Congress special

aid in an appropriation because of their age and infirmity, many of

them being helpless as infants, and all too far spent in slavery to

labor for a support.

In providing for the able-bodied freed people, only partial support

was intended by the Bureau, to bridge over the transition from slavery

to freedom. Then education and the ballot, added to their own

industrial resources, came in, and furnished them a basis for

self-support and citizenship. The Bureau was no longer a necessary

department in the Government for THIS CLASS, and was abolished,

without a substitute for the aged and worn-out slaves, though they

were now older and more infirm, and had lost in this change houses,

food, fuel, clothing, medical treatment, and, excepting myself,

visiting agents.

Since the discontinuance of the Bureau, I have acted, as before its

creation, as "best friend" and as agent of the National Freedman's

Relief Association of this District, in the care of the old, crippled,

blind, and broken-down, of whom I have at this time in number _eleven

hundred_, not one of whom is able to earn for himself the necessaries

of life. At this moment, at least one hundred and fifty broken-down

slaves are at this office, covering all the porches, sitting on all

the stairs, forming an almost impassable barrier to the entrances--all

with a story of want in their _faces_; in fact of want, from "the

crown of the head to the sole of the half-naked feet," and all eager

to say, "We has nobody to go 'pon." An old woman ninety-one, sat on

the steps just after the sun rose this morning, so _tired_, she looked

a pitying sight for angels. "Can you let me stay anywhere?" she said.

"I'se had no home dis winter; dey let me stay in de wash-room last

night, but der wasn't any blanket, and 'pears I got chilled through."

Upon investigation I found it was true she had no friend or relative,

and had been going on the outskirts of the city begging among the

colored people (poor as herself, except in shelter) _a lodging_, and

often doing with almost nothing to eat for two or three days at a

time. Perfectly disabled for life by weakness (so common among the old

women of slavery) and the infirmities of ninety years of hard life.

Through the noble efforts of Rachel W. M. Townsend in behalf of these

poor human beings, I was able to give her a bedtick and twenty-five

cents for straw to fill it, a comforter, and a place to stay in the

house with two others of the same class, for whom we have all winter

paid rental. What less than _this_ would the loving Saviour of men

have done for one like her? What less would _you_, who have battled

half a century for her freedom, have done in a case like that? She has

now a bed and comforter, _no pillow_, nor bedstead, and _not one_

garment to change with the ragged and filthy ones that have served for

day and night apparel, for bed and outdoor wrappings, the last three

months. She has no resource for bread, _in herself_, and none but God

to whom she can say, "Give" me "this day" my "daily bread". This woman

represents at least two hundred persons in every way as destitute, who

look to me for help. Another class of two hundred are in a similar

state of destitution, with this exception, they are sheltered by a

fellow-servant or distant relative, and sometimes furnished a bed, but

nothing more, and none of these can _labor_.

Two hundred more are equally destitute and as helpless, many of them

as young children, needing the personal care that patients in our

hospitals do, not excepting medical treatment and bathing. Add to

these five hundred, who under the most favorable circumstances _may_,

though do not generally, furnish their bread three months in the

summer, by picking up bones and rags in the alleys and gutters, I

believe I may safely say that out of the eleven hundred there are not

one hundred who can do this, and pay _house-rent_ beside. And it must

be remembered that none of these old people own a foot of ground in

the city, or have a home they can call their own. A few of these only

live with children, some of whom are also very old. Fanny Miner, one

hundred and thirteen, lives with a daughter seventy-two. William

Dennis, ninety-nine, lives with a daughter seventy-four. Anna Sauxter,

one hundred and one, with a consumptive son of sixty, and has slept on

an old table through the winter _watching_, as she says, two days and

a night at one time, _with no food at all_. She was one of the slaves

of Washington. Anna Ferguson, another of his slaves, emancipated when

young, lives in a wretched garret, and has no one to give her a cup of

water. She sent a child to me to-day, who said she went in to borrow

some fire of "old auntie," and found her very sick, groaning with

dreadful pain, with the message that she was perishing for something

to eat; could I send her an Irish potato? She added in her message,

"Tell her to come and see me, I'll not be here long."

I have just now returned from a visit on "the Island," where I have

seen twenty-seven of these helpless persons, a few cases of which

(could you see them) would leave no doubt in your mind in reference to

the necessity of a change from the present state of things. I saw

enough in this visit to fill a book, and could tongue or pen describe

it--to convince the mind of a savage--of terrible inhumanity and lack

of all charity. The morning was sunny and clear, and old Aunt Clara

and Uncle John sat on broken chairs, under the rude perch of a

miserable shanty. He, tall and athletic, his long white beard and

snow-white head, impressive as the type of venerable age, was putting

Aunt Clara's foot into a soft shoe as carefully as though it was the

last time it could be dressed. She 74, neat and velvet-faced, was

stone blind, and so paralyzed that the slightest touch on the arm or

hand made her spring and cry like a child. The shock put out both her

eyes, and made her as helpless as an infant in all particulars.

For one year she has been unable to feed herself, undress, or to do

anything to relieve the monotony of utter helplessness. He had brought

her out in the sun, there was no window in their room, and had spread

a cloth on her lap, as she said, hoping somebody would come along who

would comb her hair. Uncle John was 14, he says, when _Washington

died_. Not a child or a friend to go to them, _there they stay_. They

said they had nothing to eat last night, and were often two days

without a pint of meal, and nothing like food in the house, for the

old man said, "When mamma has her 'poor turns', I never leaves her,

and nobody ever feeds her but me, or dresses or undresses her." I

shall not forget how the tears dropped from her face, as she told the

story of her life. "A _woman once_, but _nobody_ now, comfort all

gone, and hungry and cold the rest of my days." Her mind was

unimpaired, and her faith unwavering.

Henry and Milly Lang were two squares away; persons between sixty and

seventy, living in a shanty used in time of the war as a stable. For

five years they have lived there, paying, in all but the last two

months, _four dollars a month_ rent. Milly is also stone blind, and

_sick_ and helpless. They were in great distress, had no food in the

house, for Henry has hip disease, and for eleven weeks has not walked

a step. On every side I could look through the open boards, and when

the last storms came, they said the rain came down on the whole floor,

covering it, so they sat on the pallet all day. The landlord has

ordered them _to leave the house_ in five days, _to put in a cow_

instead! Friendless, homeless, penniless!!! and yet _must_ eat or die.

Three of those I saw were over one hundred--one had five children,

when Washington died, lived in his county. Sixteen were over seventy.

Not one of them had a child in this city. Five were over 80; and all

of these whom I saw were as dependent as infants.

Johnny Scraper sat in rags, paralyzed from the top of his head to the

soles of his feet, alone in a six-by-ten-foot room, unable to walk a

step, yet is left entirely alone, sometimes for three days. If he has

anything brought in to eat, he thanks God; if not, he must do without

it. Tuesday and Saturday night he says a fellow-servant, living in a

distant part of the city, came to see him, and sometimes brought a

piece of fish or meat; this is all the chance he has for anything,

except a little meal or dry bread. Every one of these old people

complained that they were _dying_ for some meat--were so weak. Aunt

Dinah said that she went out on the street last week and begged of the

school children, who gave her seven cents, and she went into a grocery

to buy a piece of meat, and received there five cents more. "Oh!"

said she, "how that strengthened me, it lasted me _three days_."

I might go on and fill the sheet with incidents of these extremely

aged pilgrims and strangers in this city, for whom nobody cares. But I

should fail to convey to you any just idea of what they suffer,

because you can see there is no parallel to their status. In no city

on the globe can you find a people to whom the words of Wood (I think

it is) so well apply--"_paupers_ whom nobody owns." You must see them

_as they are to believe_.

The Government says, "They _need provisions_, let the _city_ be

taxed." The city says, "We care for the multitude of legitimate

paupers of the Government--pensioners, who die waiting for their

claims, _but these are special wards_, brought to the capital by

special legislation, not any of them voluntary residents. We are

unable to provide for this surplus of poor." Turning to the people of

the country, they say, "We have given them their freedom, let them

take care of themselves!" To the Abolitionists, and they rebuke us for

listening to their cry, and say, "It is no more than must be expected;

let them alone and they will die off." Even the loudest professors

have said to me, "As long as you _will_ take care of these poor old

creatures, so long you may; there are plenty of others to come." So

turn which way we may, we are met with coldness and distrust.

I come now to you, and ask what is our _duty_ to these worn-out

slaves, whose labor we have enjoyed in the general prosperity, and

whose destiny on earth we have fixed by legislation, over which they

could have no control? In old age we have taken from their homes these

people, and calling them "free," we have said to them, "Be ye warmed

and clothed," and then gone on our way. Had I, like most others, have

been so fortunate as not to have met these old people, on the day of

arrival here as they came out from slavery, nor have listened to the

thousand witnesses, that have each day testified to utter inability to

live without charity, as a practical relief, I might as easily as

they, perhaps, satisfy my conscience by the above reasoning; but one

thing is sure, whoever stands in my place will find no half-way

measure will answer. They can not look these people in the face, as

they come, averaging under the present arrangements of the Secretary

of War _two hundred a day_, to ask for _bread and wood_, and clothes

and shoes and shelter, and bed and blanket and medicine, not one of

whom can be satisfied without _food_.

One of the most distressing days we have seen was last Tuesday, when

two hundred and fifty all broken down, _stood and sat_, three long

hours, waiting and hoping that the Commissary would send bread or

rations, but none came, and we could get only _twenty-five loaves for

them_. Many came from the suburbs of the town, some from over the

river, not less than five miles away, and had left an aged companion

and orphan grandchildren on the alert for their return, with something

for a dinner or a meal. But nothing came; and yet, as they left with

sorrow in their faces, that almost breaks my heart to think of, in

their meek way one after another said, "You'se done all you could,

Honey, we'll do the _best we_ can, and come again to-morrow."

You see, _these people must eat_. Bread must be furnished every day,

rain or shine, hot or cold. I ask what is our duty? Will God perform a

miracle to feed this multitude? I can not ask you, "Is it safe to

leave them in the hands of the Government or the city?" I have for six

years _plead_, as for the life of them, with both. None but God knows

how earnestly I have laid their claims before officials in the highest

departments. By the _greatest_ efforts, and with the sympathy of a

small number of friends, who in Congress see with us, and have from

the beginning, that the repudiation of this claim _must_ call down

upon the Nation the just judgments of heaven, we have secured the

special appropriations up to this time.

The history of the past warns us that unless the people, their

constituents at home, recognize this duty, and work with us more

earnestly by organized effort, and generous heartfelt contributions,

the Government will ignore their claim altogether. Indeed I trembled

at the prospect of this immediate result. Excepting the few noble men

and women whose sympathy and aid I would have, and ever pronounce

unparalleled in the history of benevolent work--_but for these_,

Congress might well say, "The people do not demand it. They _do

nothing_, why should we?" If you say, "Provision must be made for

them, they must not be left to starve and die, like Andersonville

prisoners," then let us agree upon the best measures to relieve them,

and put an end to the system of slow starvation under which so many

have this winter suffered and died.

We need and _must_ have a hospital-home building to gather in the

scattered, helpless ones, who now live alone, and in distant

localities. With such an institution we could with far greater economy

than ever before, provide for them all. But I have trespassed too long

upon your patience. I thank you and all the friends in Philadelphia

for timely aid during the past winter, and trust you will lay this

before your yearly meeting soon to convene, as an appeal for help in

the future. Hoping to hear what you think is our duty in this

emergency,

Faithfully and lovingly, JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING.

ROADSIDE, NEAR PHILADA. 5mo. 1st. '70.

MY DEAR JOSEPHINE:--Thy several sheets were duly received and read

with heartfelt and thrilling attention. It may seem neglectful that no

acknowledgment has been made before.

I have waited hoping to have more than a _mere_ acknowledgment. I took

the letter to our meeting, and added somewhat to the appeal made the

week before, by our earnest, truly sympathetic R. W. M. Townsend.

Just at this time the approach of our yearly meeting, the claims of

the Indians under the care of our Friends, the freedmen's schools at

the South, also under our care--for whom thousands have been

raised--and the Swarthmore College, just reporting its great need to

pay off a debt, etc. All these pressing their claims, of course make

it more difficult to collect beyond _our_ city poor, who are ever

appealing to us--many of whom also suffering from the effects of cruel

slavery. Still thy account was too harrowing to be cast aside, and a

few men took hold of it and called a meeting. So I will enclose the

small sum of $20, which thou doubtless will find use for.

I was sorry not to have time to speak to thee before leaving that

Fifth Avenue Woman Suffrage Meeting. My daughter, fearing we should

miss the cars to take us twelve miles to her children at Orange,

rather hurried me away.

I can not be in New York again now. Our yearly meeting occurs in

Anniversary Week. My son, Edward M. Davis, took thy letter to have a

copy taken before returning it to thee. He thought he might make some

use of it for the benefit of those poor, aged sufferers.

Thine in haste and affectionately, LUCRETIA MOTT.

LETTERS TO MRS. STEBBINS.

Emily Robinson, of Salem, Ohio, writes me that Mrs. Griffing "was for

several years the honored, loved, and trusted agent of the Western

Anti-Slavery Society. The fact is indelibly graven on my heart that

she was one of the most faithful and indefatigable laborers in the

Anti-Slavery cause; she brought a great mother-heart to the work.

Under fearful discouragement, she was ever strong and persevering. I

do hope that you knew her, even better than I did, and that the

history will be a success. Be sure of my heartiest and kindliest

sympathy. It is a beautiful work--the effort to preserve and embalm

the memories of the sweet-souled moral heroes in special reforms,

those in which we have been pioneers, though scores go out of life

without, in the book of God's remembrance they are gathered, and their

work will bear harvest forever and ever."

Mrs. Griffing's daughter says in a letter: "Mother lived till Feb. 18,

1872, and no one can ever know how faithfully she worked for every one

but herself. Her very last words were, as she dropped her tired arms

by her side, 'I have done the best I could,' and we knew she had."

DEATH OF MRS. JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING.--Yesterday morning, at two

o'clock, Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing departed to a higher life. A woman

of rare beauty of character, of uncommon executive capacity and

judgment, and ever inspired by a beautiful and self-sacrificing

charity, she had warm friends among the best men and women, eminent in

character, influence, and position, and a host of devoted friends also

among the poor and aged freed people, to whom for years she has been a

daily angel of mercy. Accomplished and cultivated, she has devoted

herself to the wants of the poorest of the poor, visiting their homes

and ministering to their wants with her own hands. She has disbursed

many thousands of dollars and a large amount of food and clothing

furnished by the Government and by private benevolence, and done all

wisely and well and for long periods of time without material fee or

reward.

Rarely, indeed, do we find such tender charity, such ability for

continuous labor, and such spiritual beauty of life as hers, and

her departure is no doubt the result of her too severe and

self-sacrificing career of good works.