SIWAH
“_24th Oct._ 1896.—
“I have been reading Slatin’s ‘Fire and Sword in the Soudan,’ a
sensational volume written with a purpose, the style obviously
Wingate’s, as it is identical with his ‘Ohrwalder’ book. Slatin is a
mean wretch to have published it, and the Mahdi made a mistake in not
cutting off his head at once when he surrendered, and sending him
straight to Paradise. His professions of loyalty to the Khedive and to
our gracious Queen are fulsome, and those of disloyalty to the people
whose religion he adopted to save his miserable life, disgusting.
Gordon’s judgment of him is justified when he distrusted him as a
traitor and despised him as a renegade, for he shows himself here doubly
both.
“With regard to the Mahdi, Slatin declares him to have been a hypocrite
and an impostor, but his opinion rests upon no evidence given and seems
to me wholly improbable. Slatin only saw him a few times and was never
at all in his confidence, and on the few occasions that the Mahdi spoke
to him he seems to have done so kindly and reasonably. Slatin is himself
a witness that the whole of the Mahdi’s followers believed in him to the
very end, and it is quite incredible that they should have done so if,
while preaching self-denial to others, he had really been the monster of
depravity Slatin affirms him to have been in his private life. Such a
discrepancy could not have been hidden from the Soudanese world and
could not but have destroyed the popular belief in him. With regard to
the Khalifa Abdullah the position is different, as Slatin _was_ intimate
with him and Abdullah had no pretensions to high sanctity, nor did his
followers believe in him as a saint. Slatin talks about his own military
honour, but how does the case stand? When he surrendered to the Mahdi he
was put in reality on parole, that is to say, he promised and swore
fidelity to the Mahdi, in return for which he was allowed his freedom
and an honourable position in the Mahdi’s army. He used this position to
betray the Mahdi by writing letters to Gordon in a sense contrary to his
orders. For his treachery he might justly have been shot, but after a
short imprisonment, and on his giving a new parole, he was reinstated
only to escape and betray again. We shall see this honourable soldier
made a K.C.B. [And so he was].
“_27th Oct._—Arrived at Sheykh Obeyd to-day, the garden very green and
beautiful. The Nile is at its full, and everything is drinking deeply in
the hot sun. I am surprised, as I am every year surprised, at the
quality of the loveliness, the vivid colours, the depths of shade, the
brilliancy of the light. It is an absurdity to waste one’s life
elsewhere. I am too idle to write, I can only enjoy.
“_9th Nov._—Sheykh Mohammed Abdu called to-day, and we had a long talk
about the Khedive. Abdu is dissatisfied with certain things His Highness
has done, and especially with a dispute about land he has had with
Hassan Musa el Akkád. He calls the Khedive’s conduct puerile, which it
doubtless is. He says that his marriage was entirely his mother’s doing.
When Abbas first came back from Europe, he wished to have a bachelor’s
establishment without women, but his mother forced half-a-dozen slaves
on him, and eventually he chose the one he has married. He has had a new
disappointment this year in the birth of a second daughter instead of a
son.
“_19th Nov._—To Cairo to see the Khedive. He received me in the same
friendly way as always, and talked, as always, without reserve. He asked
me if I had been to Constantinople, and we discussed the situation there
and the probability of European intervention, which must come with the
Sultan’s increasing financial difficulties. The power of the Porte will
then be re-established and a financial control set up.
“He talked much about Dongola and the unfairness that had been exercised
towards his own Egyptian soldiers as contrasted with the English
soldiers, only one baggage camel was allowed to every five Egyptian
officers, while Kitchener took as many as 150 camels for himself and his
mess. The Egyptian soldiers had to do all the work, the English got all
the credit. As to the English battalion it did next to no work, and did
not even march on foot, but was sent by rail while all the Egyptians
marched. The fellah soldiers, too, had never a hot meal given them, nor
more than ten hours rest in the twenty-four. They had insufficient
water, and only two loaves instead of the three they gave them at Cairo,
the third loaf they could have, but they must pay for it. I asked him
how much the expedition had cost. He said first a half million taken
from the Caisse, then several hundred thousands taken for the railway.
He did not know when the expedition would be renewed, but not till next
autumn.
“He also told me the whole history of Rhodes and the Soudanese he took
from Cairo. He, the Khedive, had seen them himself being embarked for
Suez. There were 200 of them, men got together by Kitchener, and made
over to Rhodes in a lump. Kitchener had told him they were not good
enough for service in the Egyptian army. They had gone with Cromer’s
consent but without his, the Khedive’s, permission. Their exportation
was quite illegal. Cromer had apologized for the informality of not
asking permission. The Khedive knew nothing of what had become of the
men, except that he had been told they had been disembarked at Mombaza.
Rhodes gave the men a month’s pay in advance and took their women and
children with them. The women were given a shilling each as bakshish.
‘But this is not all. A little before this happened a negro came to me
and told me of a case of slave dealing, of a man and woman who had been
bought by the sons of Prince Ibrahim for their harem. To prevent a
scandal I told the young men they must get rid of them. Whereupon they
went to Lord Cromer and threw themselves at his feet and begged
forgiveness. Cromer then took the two slaves and married the woman to
one of the soldiers who was given to Rhodes, and the man was sent with
the rest to Suez. Also they took one of my Shaggias (soldiers of his
bodyguard) who went away taking my uniform with him, but I had him
stopped and brought back.’
“We stayed talking for three-quarters of an hour, and he made me a
number of pretty speeches when I went away. He was rather inquisitive
about a journey I had arranged to Siwah, which he had heard of and
seemed anxious to dissuade me from. I suppose he had heard of it from
his camel men. I also called on Riaz and Tigrane.
“_29th Nov._—A long letter from George Wyndham from South Africa where
he has been with Rhodes getting up a case for him for the Parliamentary
Committee. His letter is an interesting one written at intervals of a
long ride from Buluwayo to the Transvaal frontier. The work done in
South Africa is sickening, and seems likely to lead to the destruction
of the whole black race south of the tropics. The Rinderpest has
destroyed all wild animals, and is destroying their cattle. The ‘rebels’
are being blown up by dynamite in the caves of the Matoppo hills, and
their chiefs shot in cold blood, and while all this is going on we are
having meetings the whole of England over to denounce the Sultan because
he is destroying the Armenians. Was there ever a nation like ours?
Never, since the world began.
“I had a long talk with Mohammed Abdu a few days since. He has read my
‘Nineteenth Century’ article about Armenia, and approves all I have said
against Abdul Hamid. He looks upon him as mad and to be deposed. He gave
me an interesting account of his own persecution at the Azhar by the
old-fashioned Sheykhs of the Ulema in the days of Ismaïl, especially by
Sheykh Aleysh. He had, he says, at one time, as many as 4,000 students
who attended his lectures, but the Conservative opposition was too
strong for him. Still there was a good deal of liberty of thought and
speech at Cairo even in those days, it never was as bad here as it is
now at Constantinople, but all the old-fashioned ideas of liberty and
humanity are fast disappearing from the world. Abdu and I find ourselves
almost alone in our views. The best effect my article has had in England
has been to make John Morley pronounce himself in favour of coming to
terms about evacuating Egypt. His speech on this head is a paraphrase of
my article.
“Mrs. Morris and her daughter May have been staying with us here at
Sheykh Obeyd for the last ten days.
“_13th Dec._—We went in yesterday to Cairo to see Ali Pasha Sherif’s
horses which, with the rest of his property, are to be sold by auction
on Thursday. We shall probably bid for three or four of the brood mares,
and so save a remnant from extinction, sold to us privately before the
auction.
“_17th Dec._—The luck of the thing is that Ali Pasha’s affairs, being in
the hands of trustees, it is to spite them that the old man is willing
to sell privately to us. He insists on his right to dispose of them as
he pleases. When he had received our cheque he sent the mares off in the
dark at four in the morning. Now there has been a row between the old
man and the trustees. Ali Pasha declares that not another horse shall go
out of the stable without his permission. Mutlak, who arranged the whole
thing for us, found him this morning sitting at his window which
overlooks the yard of his palace and the stables, with a Winchester
rifle loaded at his side, with which he swears he will shoot anyone who
ventures to come near these. The old man is considered mad by his
relations, and his sons have had him interdicted and his affairs placed
in Sabit Pasha’s hands as trustee, but we have got the mares and they
are beautiful. The mere name of having purchased them will be worth much
to our stud, for they are celebrated the whole East over, and I don’t
think the trustees will care really to dispute our purchase. Abdu tells
me that according to the terms of the interdiction, Ali Pasha may do
what he likes with his moveable property, and Carton de Wiart, the
leading lawyer here whom I have consulted, gives me a curious account of
the reason of the interdiction. It was a little political job of which
there are so many done at Cairo. When Ali Sherif, two years ago, was
involved in the slave trade prosecution, feeling ran high between the
Khedive and Cromer about it, for in reality our people took advantage of
the old man’s age and infirmities to force on him an apology which he
might perfectly well have refused, for he had done nothing illegal.
Cromer, seeing he had been in the wrong, agreed therefore to the
following arrangement by mutual concession. On his side he consented to
the dismissal of Shäffer, the anti slave-trade official who had brought
the action against Ali Sherif; and the Khedive on his side agreed to Ali
Sherif’s being interdicted as incapable of managing his affairs. But Ali
Sherif was not really mad, only extravagant and old.
“_22nd Dec._—Anne and I called on Princess Nazli yesterday. She is
looking an old woman now, but is still full of life and conversation.
She has thrown herself lately into the Young Turkey movement at
Constantinople and has written a letter to the Sultan which she asked
Anne to translate for her into English, though she speaks English
perfectly. She told us she considered Abdul Hamid very near his end now,
and she only hoped that he would be assassinated and not simply deposed,
as it would be a good lesson for his successor. Hitherto the Young Turks
had been averse from this extreme measure, but according to the latest
news they are now determined on it. In this I should not be surprised if
they were following a hint from our Embassy. Murad, she said, is quite
sane, and would be Abdul Hamid’s successor. About politics in Egypt she
also talked, praising Cromer and the English Occupation and in virulent
abuse of the Khedive. A good deal of this I know to be nonsense, but she
is a clever woman, and I fancy has done much towards converting
travelling Englishmen to a belief in their ‘great and noble work’ in
Egypt. Cromer intervened with the late Khedive to prevent his cutting
off her allowance as princess of the vice-regal family.
“_30th Dec._—Mohammed Abdu came yesterday and told me the news. There
has been a great row on account of the confirmation by the native appeal
court of Sheykh Ali Yusuf’s acquittal. Ali Yusuf had been prosecuted for
publishing in his newspaper, the ‘Moayyad,’ a telegram relating to
military events during the Dongola campaign, which it was asserted he
had got from a telegraph clerk of the name of Kirillos. The evidence
against Ali Yusuf was of the slightest kind; that against Kirillos only
presumptive. The latter had on one occasion been seen copying a
telegram, not the one in question, presumably for the press. Against Ali
Yusuf there was no evidence at all. Nevertheless Cromer seems to have
determined on fighting a battle with the native press, and when the case
came before the Appeal Court, Cameron, the English judge, informed his
two native colleagues that they were expected to find the accused
guilty, or they would involve the Native Appeal Court in strong measures
of ‘reform’ which would be taken against it. He also accused them of
having been tampered with by the Khedive, and when they indignantly
refused to find the accused guilty, Cameron refused at first to sit with
them in delivering judgment of acquittal. Now Cromer has announced that
a number of English councillors would be added to the court so as to
swamp the native members. Abdu assures me that as a matter of fact the
Khedive had nothing to do with the matter, and that the judges could not
have decided otherwise on the evidence before them. Nothing so
scandalous has happened here since the Kitchener affair, and this is
really worse, as it is an attack on the integrity of the law. Carton de
Wiart, the Belgian lawyer, who is at the head of his profession here,
confirms the story to me, and there seems to be no doubt about it. Abdu
declares that Lord Cromer is led by the nose by certain Syrians, of whom
the editor of the ‘Mokattam’ and one Shakur are the principal agents.
Certainly he appears to be under unfortunate inspiration. It has become
very much a personal struggle and quarrel between Cromer and the
Khedive. Lord Salisbury allows Cromer to carry matters with a high hand.
The Khedive, on the other hand, is also led by intriguers, so that there
is really no rational authority at the head of things.” This was the
beginning of Lord Cromer’s interference with the operation of the law in
Egypt for political purposes, an intervention which he carried
afterwards to extreme results.
“_28th Jan._, 1897.—I am preparing for a long journey to Siwah, and
perhaps to Jebel Akdar and Benghazi. This should take forty days at
least, and there is just a little risk in it, especially as I am far
from well, but it is a thing I want to do and I feel if I put it off
till another year it will never be accomplished. Possibly I may be able
to go as far as to visit the Sheykh el Senussi, but this is doubtful, as
the Sheykh has disappeared within the last year, and it is not known
exactly where he is, but I shall learn all about that from my friend
Abdullah el Jibali, in the Fayoum, to whom, in the first instance, I
intend to go. I hope all the same to accomplish my journey successfully
and be back in time for our annual migration to England.
“_2nd Feb._—I have arranged to start on my journey on the 5th, having by
good luck met Abdullah el Jibali yesterday, when I was in Cairo, and
have arranged that he is to send me on to Siwah and Benghazi. I am
looking forward immensely to this trip, and only wish Anne was going
with me, but she will not leave Judith, so I must go alone. There is
just a little danger in the journey, principally of my falling ill, so I
have signed a codicil to my will. All my preparations are made, and I am
away on Friday with a good prospect of getting through to Tripoli or
Benghazi. If only Anne were going too!”
The journey to Siwah proved much more difficult and dangerous than I
imagined, and is of sufficient political interest to make me include the
whole of my travelling diary in this volume contrary to my general rule
about desert expeditions. I started in ill health and in a frame of mind
of unusual recklessness and depression as well, feeling that it would be
the last I should make of any serious kind. I had, too, at the back of
my mind, the thought that perhaps I might find among the Senussis
something of the better tradition of Islam I had been so often
disappointed of in the more civilized Mohammedan lands, and possibly
that true desert hermitage I had so often dreamed of. Something of this
will be found noted in my diary, and I give it hardly at all abridged as
it stands there.
“_5th Feb._—Left Sheykh Obeyd at half-past seven. Our travelling party
consists of Suliman Howeyti, Owde his cousin, and Eid, all Bedouins of
the Howeytat, and Salem, my Egyptian body servant for cook, with Abd-el-
Salaam of the Oulad Ali Bedouins, my own six camels, one with foal at
foot, and my mare Yemama. Anne and Judith rode the first few miles with
me. We passed the Obelisk of Heliopolis and followed the Towfikiyeh
Canal to Mustórod where Anne and Judith turned back. They saw a blue
kingfisher on the way but I missed seeing it, which I take for an ill
omen. From Mustórod we followed the Helwa, the sweet water
canal—overtaking many people on their way to market at Cairo with loads
of _bersim_. A few white herons were about, and by the cactus gardens we
saw tracks of jackals, nothing European, till we reached the railway
station of Pont Limon at Cairo, then on through the town to Kasr el Nil
Bridge, mixed up with carriages, people on bicycles, and the usual
mongrel crowd; and on to within half a mile of Mena (nobody recognizing
me) when we turned to the left and camped beyond it on the sand. I have
with me the following moneys for my journey, £40 in English gold, £5 in
silver dollars, and £8 in small silver, £1 in half piastres—total £54
13_s._
“_6th Feb._—To-day we followed up the Nile valley passing to the right
of Sakkara—many tracks of foxes and jackals on the desert edge. Great
fields of lupins (_termès_)—the Delta very green—desert larks but few
other birds, except wagtails. Camped at half-past two by the _birkeh_,
where the road branches off to Tumiya—teals, coots, pochards, pintails,
and other small waterfowl. The water brackish. A very beautiful evening.
“Abd-el-Salaam tells me he went campaigning with 1,500 of his tribe, in
the first year of Ismaïl’s reign, to the Soudan, taking the outer road
of the Oases, and as far as Darfur and Kordofan. He told me also much
about Jebel Akhdar (the Cyrenaica). There are five springs in it, he
says, with streams running from them, all well wooded with trees,
_zeytoun_ (olive) and _karub_, with much grass and crops watered by
rain. It is held by the Harabi tribe with whom the Oulad Ali had been
_goum_ (enemies) from the time of Saïd Pasha. But he, Abd-el-Salaam, has
friends amongst them. He has travelled to Benghazi and to all the Oases,
but not to Tarablus (Tripoli) or Tunis. He boasts that the Oulad Ali are
of Anazeh blood; as to the Harabi they are of Harb blood. He is fasting
for Ramadan, which no one else of us is, and is rather cross and
obstinate. I am not sure about taking him beyond Kasr-el-Jibali. There
is beautiful sweet camomile here for our camels.
“_7th Feb. (Sunday)._—Off at half-past seven. A plain desert march,
following a track made by sheep and cattle the whole way. Sighted a fox
in the early morning on his way home to some limestone cliffs. Also
passed two cattle droves. No other incident. I remember twenty-one years
ago travelling this way and having a tussle with a young Arab horseman,
who had jeered at us for our European dresses. He pointed his gun at us,
and I took hold of it and pulled him off his horse, his girths giving
way, and he came a tumble, much to his discomfiture. This was in 1876.
We are encamped under the tamarisks, where formerly Fraser, who was
travelling with us, and I shot hares.
“Abd-el-Salaam has gone on with his recollections. The expedition he
tells me was six months away on their Soudan campaign, each horseman
receiving 200 piastres a month and all found, including camels and
horses; also their families received from £13 to £14 while they were
gone. There was no fighting, ‘victorious without fighting.’ In all this
Western desert southwards there is no pasture, except a little _nossi_
that comes up after the rain, or northwards till you come near the
Mediterranean.
“_8th Feb._—A continuous march of eleven hours through the Fayoum,
passing by Toumiyeh, Senuris, Fidimin, Senhur, Abuxeh, and Bisheh. Then,
having crossed the river, a branch of the Bahar Yusuf, we camped on the
other side, at nightfall, a couple of miles short of Kasr-el-Jibali. I
preferred taking excuse of the night to stop, for I was tired, and I
knew that going on to the castle would mean sitting up till midnight
waiting for a sheep to be killed and cooked. The Fayoum is a bad country
to camp in, all black mud and crops, with hardly an open spot; and we
were lucky, after travelling five or six miles looking in vain, at last
to pitch upon a dry unoccupied field on the edge of the cliff above the
river.
“At Toumiyeh the land has been taken possession of and cultivated by
some Jews, who got a concession from the Government. Otherwise the town
is much as it was in 1876, when I remember going to see a poor notable
of the town who was dying, they told us, of love. The Mamur of the
district in those days had taken from him forcibly one of his wives, the
youngest, last, and best beloved of them; and we found him lying on his
death-bed, surrounded by his friends lamenting his loss, and he smelling
an onion which he held in his hand.
“_9th Feb._—I was already asleep last night when Abdallah Minjowar,
hearing of my being in camp so near him, rode out to see me; and I had
to get up to receive him. We drank tea together and made all the
arrangements necessary for my onward journey. He will send two men with
me, Minshawi and another, with camels to El Wah (the small Oasis),
Siwah, Jerabub, and Jebel Akhdar, and will write letters to the various
Sheykhs, and see me through to Benhazi or Dernah. Abdallah is by
position a great man. He has an immense territory and lives in a castle,
which if not mediæval belongs to the age of Mohammed Ali, and has a
really beautiful stone gateway worthy of any century. He tells me his
father and his tribe came into Egypt first in Mohammed Ali’s time,
having been invited here from Jebel Akhdar in Tripoli. He was once there
with his father, Minjowar, as a boy. In appearance he reminds me of the
Emir Abd el Kader, and is in truth a man of high and generous character,
a great personage here on the desert edge. The Government has recently
made a high road for him to Medinet el Fayoum, of which he is proud. I
rode in to see him after breakfast, and we are camped now inside his
wall. Many poor people, particularly boys and women, have run up to kiss
my hand yesterday and to-day. Expenses besides _bersim_, 10 piastres.
Yesterday we passed an immense swarm of bees covering the rocks in a
ravine by the river.
“All is satisfactorily arranged. Abdallah will send Minshawi with us,
and a second man with two camels, and a head man, Beseys, on a _delul_.
He is to carry letters of credence for us to the chief persons at Siwah
and Jerabub, and to the two principal Harabi Sheykhs of the Jebel
Akhdar, at whose tents I am promised to alight within twenty, say thirty
days. I shall not be able to see Senussi as he has left Jerabub, but I
shall see the head of the Zaghwiyeh, the Monastery there, and be well
received. We are to start on Thursday, 11th, with four _ardebs_ of beans
for the camels and barley for the mare. Salem is to go into Medinet el
Fayoum to-morrow, to get what things are still required, as nothing will
be procurable anywhere beyond. I have spent the day slugging in my
tent—very hot, with many flies, an object of attention for the
villagers, and of attentions from Abdallah, his relations and friends.
Beseys, who is to go with me, is an oldish man, with a rugged, ugly
face, but I think that he will do. Minshawi we know already. Abd-el-
Salaam has left us. He was too old for the journey, and required too
much in the way of comfort, and did too little in the way of work. Also
Abdallah objected to him, and he himself was inclined to leave, so I
paid him his five days, and he is gone.
“We spent the evening talking, principally with a very intelligent man
of fellah origin, and of good education, who had been an Arabist, and
now is living here, cultivating a few feddans, which Abdallah has let
him have more or less as a charity. He gave us his views of Egyptian
politics, which are exactly Arabi’s old ones. It is refreshing to hear
them in these days. Old Beseys listened with an occasional word of
approval, but Abdallah was sent to sleep by it and retired.
“Kasr-el-Jibali is a place of religion, and it being Ramadan, prayer
goes on nearly all day long, from an hour before sunrise, when a kind of
matins is chanted by a select few, till sunset, when there is a general
service attended by everybody. The singing is far from good, as each
worshipper intones in his own key, and the effect is not unlike that of
the old village hymn-singing of fifty years ago in England. There is
even a certain non-conformist popular character about it, which is
different from anything I have heard elsewhere. The mosque is a new one,
built close to the castle, in excellent taste. It might be a hundred or
two hundred years old for all one can tell from its architecture. It has
no minaret, and is a plain square buttressed building, with a slight
ornament on the top and lancet windows. We are camped too near it for
quiet, and have been exposed all day to the curiosity of prayer-goers.
Also the ground is very dirty, and life is made difficult with flies.
Indoors, in the castle, it is hardly better, for the guest rooms are
built for the summer, and are cold to sit in, being away from the sun.
So I am obliged to wait on in my tent till the hospitable pleasure of
Abdallah is exhausted, and I have his permission to begin my march.
These days of hospitable waiting in towns and villages are a heavy price
one has to pay for the joys of desert travelling. But my departure is
promised for to-morrow at noon. Suliman’s expenditure in provisions for
the journey comes to 275 piastres, something under £3.
“_11th Feb._—Away at last in the highest of spirits, with a cool
westerly wind blowing in our faces. The camels arrived early, and I
obtained Abdallah’s permission, dear good man, to mount and go. When all
was settled I told him I wished to have a few words with him alone; and
we went into the great room of the castle, and I told him I was very
anxious to see, if not the Sheykh el Senussi, who has gone south to
Kufra, at least one of the principal Sheykhs of the _tarik_ (the
religious order) at Jerabub, and I begged him to give me a letter for
one of them. ‘You know,’ I said, ‘that I have for a long time been with
you at heart, of the _mumenin_, but I have not borne witness for reasons
you will understand. I wish to ask certain questions of the Sheykhs of
the Senussia, and to understand their teaching, and it seems to me that
the members of the _tarik_ are the only good Moslems in the world, or at
any rate are the best.’ The good man readily assented, and showed me
much affection, and told me that he had already written to the head of
the community at Jerabub, introducing me as the son of Hajji Batran of
Aleppo, for he thought that would give me a favourable reception. But I
begged him to write again and tell the Sheykh the truth of the case,
that I was an Englishman who desired instruction, and he has accordingly
done so, though he has left the other letters, those written to the
Harabi Sheykhs of the Jebel Akhdar, as they were with my name as Ibn
Batran. Fortunately I knew Hajji Batran when at Aleppo, or rather I knew
his son, Hajji Mahmud, and may, perhaps, be able to personate a grandson
from so far away. A cousin of Abdallah’s, one Ali, who accompanied me on
horseback as far as this camp, has given me particulars of the
arrangement made and tells me that it is necessary, inasmuch as the
Arabs of the Jebel Akhdar bitterly hate all of European race, whereas,
if presented as a relation of Hajji Batran, who had married a
_hatherieh_, townswoman, of Dernah, I should be accepted as a relation.
The Hannádi, he explained, were of the Beraza clan, the same as the
Harabi. There was a son Naïf born to Batran; and I must personate him. I
do not like this. But Ali said there was real danger in going among
people so wild as his mountain kinsmen; and he besought me to be content
with Siwah, and to turn back from there by the sea-coast route to
Mariut. I am, however, in the mood for an adventure, dangerous or not.”
[N.B. It will be seen that these letters of Abdallah, whatever their
precise nature, were unfortunately conceived, and brought about the
misunderstanding which led to the attack made on me at Siwah.]
“We are encamped five miles from Kasr-el-Jibali in a bit of tamarisk
underwood well screened from the wind, at the outmost edge of Nile
irrigation in the direction of the Oases—how happy to be at last alone!
The Nile water reaches no farther westwards. A little run of it feeds
the last fields, which are of wheat, barley, and _helbeh_ (a sort of
clover). On the _helbeh_ Yemama is turned out to graze, and the camels
eat it brought in to them. The two new camels have arrived, sturdy
little beasts of the Western type, brown both, and rough haired—not
beautiful, but good. The men, too, are of a wholly other type from that
east of the Nile. Suliman and his two Howeytat companions have almost a
look of breeding contrasted with them, while Ali’s mare, of which he is
proud, as being of western blood, is a plain barb, honestly shaped, but
of no distinctive type. Beauty is the natural gift, to desert man and
desert beast, only of peninsular Arabia.
“_12th Feb._—Abdallah appeared again last night, having been preceded by
his younger son, a pleasant youth of mixed type—the son of his _jari_
(concubine) Salem said—who had dined with me. Though grown up, the young
man has never seen more of the world than Medinet el Fayoum and El Wah,
not even Cairo or the Nile. Abdallah has a separate establishment with
the boy’s mother close by here. He and I embraced affectionately at
parting. He has done everything in his power to further my wishes about
the journey and has brought seven or eight letters which he has written
to various persons on my route, including the most important of all, one
to Sidi Abu Seyf, the head prior of the Jerabub monastery, Senussi’s
right hand. He has entrusted me to old Beseys, who is one of the
confraternity, and who is to explain to Abu Seyf how matters stand with
me religiously. ‘Abu Seyf,’ Abdallah said, ‘is as my own heart to me,
and he will treat you as myself.’ Letters, too, have been written for
the two principal Bedouin Sheykhs of the Harabi in Jebel Akhdar, and I
am to go on to Benghazi if I like or return by Dernah and the sea route
to Skanderia.
“We started to-day at sunrise and I walked an hour or more on foot, it
being cold, before mounting my _delul_. Our course south by west, then
turning more westward. At eleven we came to the edge of Wady Rayyan, a
great chaotic depression from 50 to 150 feet below the Nile. It is
absolutely barren, and there is no trace in it of Nile mud or clay of
any kind, most of the surface soil being drift-sand and grit, with the
bare limestone rocks showing here and there. This effectually disproves
the theory that Rayyan was the Lake Mœris of Herodotus, it is nothing
but a dried up _sebkha_, like the Jôf and many another desert
depression. There are curious rocks in it set in lines, which look
exactly like the remains of buildings; but they are all, I think,
natural. Nor do I believe that any part of the Valley was ever inhabited
except perhaps by hermits, who planted the palm trees which still
struggle to live on near the springs. Descending into the belly of the
wady, we quickly found ourselves among _nefuds_ (sandhills) which run
across it here and there in lines from north-west to south-east, and
make effective fortifications against camels. Here Suliman’s desert
craft became of service (for the three Harabis with us were useless for
anything but pottering along a track) and he and I went forward to look
out the easiest places for the camels to cross, while in the steepest
Suliman and Eid made paths for them slantwise in the deep sand. The old
camel man, Haj Abd-el-Rahman, not choosing to follow us, was left
behind, and we consequently had to camp some four miles short of the
main spring, but in a nice spot, a deep hollow under sand hillocks and
_tarfa_ clumps. This part of the wady has vegetation, _tarfa_,
_ghurkud_, _erta_—none, however, in green leaf—much of it dead, firewood
abundant. Barom. 50 feet below the Nile water at Kasr-el-Jibali.
“_13th Feb._—At sunrise we started, after a good night’s rest for me
under my _hejeyra_ (my carpet shelter, the one with a scorpion worked on
it), and on to the spring. This lies due south of the _khusm_ (snout) of
Rayyan, at the extreme edge of the vegetation, a number of bush palms
together, with a lovely spring welling up in a sand-bottomed basin, the
water running in a little stream for twenty yards, when it disappears.
The two Harabis, Beseys and Minshawi, attribute to it miraculous
virtues. The water only runs, they say, when travellers come to drink,
and it varies in volume with the number of their camels. When there are
many camels you have only to encourage it by calling to it ‘Ha, ha, ha,
ha, ha!’ and it comes bubbling up so fast that you can water 200 camels
in the afternoon. It is hot by night, cold by day. To-day, the wind
being cold, it was lukewarm, rather flat water, ill-tasted but not salt,
therefore ‘sweet,’ as desert waters go. Yemama drank well of it, and we
took away two _girbehs_ full, in addition to our two of Nile water, as
this is the last water until we come to El Wah. Some ‘sons of dog who
have no fear of God’ had fired the palms and left some of them in ruins,
but the palm immediately over the spring was untouched in flower. We
found tracks of gazelles, hares, jerboas, and foxes there, but no recent
traces of men or camels. The wady is little frequented.
“From the spring we turned south-west and mounted by an even slope to
the top of the _nukbeh_ (pass), which we found barred by a complete
rampart of _nefud_, which we had some difficulty in surmounting—then on
and on through a desolate land wholly barren, a cliff on our left hand,
until at the _asr_ we came to a singular rock, exquisitely poised, about
twenty feet high, of friable lime stone worn away on every side, below.
A mile or two beyond this we descried a little pasture _shgáa_ with a
_seyyal_ tree. Here at 4.15 we encamped.
“Beseys gave me some information this afternoon as we rode together. The
elder Senussi, he tells me, came from Fez and died at Jerabub in the
year A.H. 1271. Beseys saw him, an ancient man with a small white beard,
regular features ‘like your own.’ He was 110 or 120 years old when he
died. He left two sons, Mohammed Sidi el Mahdi and Sherif. The latter
died last year. The elder left Jerabub in anger with the Sultan of
Turkey after this, and has gone with a few disciples to form a new
Zaghwiyeh in the South. I understood him to say that the quarrel was in
consequence of the stopping of a subsidy, but I may have heard him
incorrectly as he has lost his front teeth and is hardly intelligible.
He told me that from Fez to the Hejaz there were about 150 Zaghwiyehs
containing each from twenty to thirty brethren _akhwan_. People
exaggerated the numbers because there were many lay servitors, who
cultivated the crops and bought or sold for the brothers. There is no
brotherhood at Kasr-el-Jibali. Abdallah’s grandfather was the first who
came to Egypt. He became _awely_ (saint) and is buried in the koubbah at
Kasr-el-Jibali. He left four sons, of whom Minjowar was the eldest.
“_14th Feb._—A long monotonous tramp from sunrise to sunset across a
gravelly _hamad_ (plain), no leafy thing all day. Camped in the plain
about 400 feet above the sea—30 miles.
“_15th Feb._—Again from sunrise to sunset. Passed a beautiful wady with
_seyyal_ trees—_gholam_, _shgáa_, _nossi_—Khabra Balbal—then the _Bahr
bela ma_ (river without water), whose height is 350 feet above the sea.
A long day’s tracking of the road obliterated with _nefuds_—hyæna, wolf,
and fox tracks. We camped in the _nefud_.
“_16th Feb._—We are encamped at last in the basin of the Wahat (oases),
barom. 315 feet above the sea and 300 below the sand-ridge at the top of
the pass, where we first caught sight of the valley. This was a happy
spectacle, a break in the brown rags of the desert foreground, dipping
down and showing blue hills beyond. From this pass we went down by a
gradual descent for a couple of hours. We are still some miles from the
two villages of the oasis, with their palm groves showing blackly
against the rocks beyond them. We are enjoying an afternoon’s rest
quietly in the shadow of a great rock half a mile from a spring. The
sandy ground is pleasant, with hillocks tufted with green rough grass,
_ékresh_ and _rukeyb_, tamarisk, _ithel_, and dwarf palm. There are two
springs, one on a mound 20 feet high, but the water was flat and bad—the
other sweet, which runs for a few yards in open ground, with a little
greenness round it—no trees.
“It is agreed that from this point I am to adopt a Syrian identity as
Sakr ibn Zeydun el Helali, related by marriage to Sidi Abd el Kader at
Damascus, and to Hajji Batran at Aleppo, with a title of Bey from the
Dowlah, travelling to see his relations at Dernah and Benghazi. I shall
not go into the villages here, so that no questions may be asked by
officials. Beseys, too, is anxious to keep clear of them.
“I like Beseys. As we rode ahead of our party yesterday on our _deluls_,
I talked to him about religion and about my wish for a hermit’s life in
the desert, and he much applauded the idea and promised to take me to a
spiritual father of his own, Sidi Maymun, who lived just such a life in
the Jebel Akhdar. The wely would put me in the way of a true vocation
and give me all the advice I wanted. I asked him about Jerabub and the
Zaghwiyeh there. He assures me the whole of the Akhwan have left it.
Sherif, the second son of Senussi, followed his brother Sidi el Mahdi in
his flight southwards, but came back to die at Jerabub, and is buried
there with his father. Abu Seyf upon this left Jerabub with the rest of
his following, and now there are only lay brothers and poor people there
who look after the palms. Beseys is very pious himself, and prays every
morning for some time as he rides. While we were talking earnestly on
these pious matters we missed our track in the _nefuds_, and were some
time finding it again. It is exciting work picking out the cold scent of
an old track by odds and ends of camel _jelleh_ and doubtful landmarks,
as exciting as following hounds, and we became keen and jealous. But
Beseys is a really good old man, and I think takes a true interest in my
conversion. It is forty-three years since he travelled the road before,
being then a boy of an age young enough to need being told not to lag
behind, or get separated from the rest. That would make him no older
than I am, but in appearance he is quite an ‘ancient of days.’ We got
back eventually into the right road by following a hyæna track. Hyænas,
jackals and foxes in the desert are fond of frequenting caravan routes
for what they may chance to pick up, and know them well—the first for
the hap of a dead beast, the foxes for dropped dates. We passed a place
where foxes had been gathering scraps at the site of an encampment. At
Balbal yesterday there were fresh gazelle tracks, besides larks singing
and wagtails quite at home. There are no Bedouins in these deserts as
there is no water and little pasturage. The thorn trees are consequently
uncut, and the _nossi_ grass of last spring stands uneaten. Balbal is a
beautiful spot. The Bahr is much less interesting, being merely one of
those long serpentine depressions so common in the desert. This one
being 350 feet above sea level cannot have ever been a mouth of the
Nile. Its bottom is of limestone without a trace of Nile mud. A caravan
carrying dates was just setting out from the spring as we arrived.
“_17th Feb._—We have moved camp to a spring just north of Bawiti, which
is the last village of the Little Oasis westwards.
“Last night I had a long ride alone to get a look at the Oasis, climbing
on Yemama to the top of the Harra which stands like an island in its
midst. The top of it is level ground, smooth enough to canter on from
end to end, one of the loneliest places I ever saw, for I crossed no
single track of beast or bird or reptile, nor was there trace of men
having ever been there, though so near the villages. It is apparently
volcanic. One gets a good bird’s-eye view from it of the palm groves and
the four villages, Sabu, Mandija and the double village of Kasr and
Bawiti. It is clear that much more land was cultivated formerly. The
_ithel_ and tamarisk clumps must have been private property. They are
being fast destroyed now. There is a deal of rough camel pasture in the
Oasis, so that we grazed as we went.
“I met a man cutting palm leaves to-day to make matting and asked him to
get us a guide to Siwah, as neither Beseys nor Haj Abderrahman, nor yet
Minshawi know the road any farther. I was riding alone in front on
Udeyha, and having stopped was sleeping under a palm tree outside Bawiti
when I was wakened by a man greeting me. He was a Berber from Farafra
who offered to be of use and showed us the spring hard by. Now we have
sent Minshawi and Salem in to market and are camped in the sand hills.
“In the evening I rode round the Oasis with Minshawi, but did not enter
the village, as the Government Chiauss has been inquisitive about me,
and I think it prudent to run no risks. There is nice _halfa_ grazing
here. Everywhere there are bunches of palms with springs more or less in
use for gardens, some of which are beautiful with large olive trees,
_esshaar_, _sont_, and _safsaf_ (willow). The palms are the most
vigorous I ever saw, having, as the saying is, ‘their feet in the water,
their heads in the fire.’ We passed the ruins of a building, probably
Roman.
“_18th Feb._—Haj Abderrahman has left us to go home. He would have taken
the two camels back with him but I would not allow it, as they are
Abdallah’s, not his, and I told him I would be answerable for the price
of the beasts. He was unwilling to go farther. Now Minshawi has brought
us a tall Soudani, Osman, from Siwah who will travel with us, and we
hope to be off not later than noon. There are many tracks of foxes and
jackals about, and I heard an owl at dawn.
“Off at 10.30, and marched till sunset. The nukbe lies due north, and is
steep. There was no marked track till we crossed the caravan road and
turned west. The plain on the upper ground is an absolutely barren
hamad, gravel and sand grit, quite devoid of life—500 to 600 feet above
the sea. No sign of recent travellers on the road. A very cold north-
west wind. Camped under lee of a low tell.
“_19th Feb._—Thermom. 42° and a bitter wind. I find that Osman the
Soudani has only been this way once before, and that twenty-five years
ago, and travelling by night, and in the opposite direction to what we
are now going. He is a Falata from Bornu, which he left when seventeen
years old ‘on account of a war.’ [He had been taken as a slave, and had
been carried by his captors to Merzouk, the northern oases, and
ultimately to Siwah,, whence he had escaped to El Wah, travelling by
night, and hiding in the daytime. For this reason he knew almost nothing
of the road, except the general direction. He did not tell me this till
afterwards.] He has been astray in the oases ever since, and may now be
about fifty. I like him as he is plain spoken, and with an agreeable
black face, nearly pure negro blood, though he boasts of the Falata as
Arabs. The Falata have a Sultan of their own, he says, and know nothing
of the Dowlah.
“Eleven hours’ march to-day—thirty-two miles. Camped amid driving sand,
barely protected from the wind.
“_20th Feb._—Crossed several _nefuds_ to-day all running north-west and
south-east, which obliged us to travel far south, and then north-west
again—then came to another deep depression where the caravan track
disappeared for fully ten miles. We had much trouble following it, but
by the help of skeleton camels recovered it at the nukbe beyond. At one
place we came across an old _menzil_ (encampment) with a dead camel, and
the wooden frame of a _hedajeh_ (camel saddle) all at least two years
old. But Eid and Minshawi collected the _jelleh_ (camel dung) finding it
still good for firing, and Suliman made prize of the saddletree. Beyond
the nukbe at four o’clock we came for the first time since leaving El
Wah, on a bit of camel pasture, _sreygá_ and camomile and _nossi_. The
_nossi_, though a year old, had not been grazed, but I found the hole
and track of a desert mouse. Yemama eagerly devoured the _nossi_. Osman
surprised me by saying of her, ‘Her sire is perhaps _koheyl_.’ I find
that he knows all about the horse breeds, Duheym, Jilfa, and the rest.
He assures me that in Bornou and Wadi they have thoroughbred _koheyls_,
the great people as many as ten of them, besides great multitudes of
camels. We are encamped in a pleasing spot, with just enough of the
pasture to feed our ten camels.
“_21st Feb._—To-day has been full of excitement for us. After about four
miles from our start we came to the edge of another great depression,
the nukbe being well marked with stone heaps pointing to a corresponding
nukbe beyond, about eight miles off. We went down, therefore,
confidently, though the track quickly disappeared. The depression was
choked with _nefuds_ to our right, but to our left was clear, the loose
soil being composed mostly of old shells. Its height above the sea at
the lowest point was 100 feet. It soon, however, became plain that we
were out of the track, though the westerly direction was good, and we
had to cross a _sebkha_ (salt swamp) with a treacherous bottom, and
climb a very steep gradient to the nukbe. Osman, nevertheless,
maintained that all was right, but soon we found ourselves in a
wilderness of _nefuds_. Here Osman’s knowledge came to an end, and after
floundering over ridge after ridge for some time, he acknowledged that
he knew not where he was. We therefore sat down and called a council,
and having watered Yemama from the skins, somewhat solemnly, for we felt
that it was the last we could spare her, it was agreed that Suliman and
I should go forward alone scouting, either to come across the track or
find some height from which we might get sight of a landmark. It seemed
an equal chance to try right or left for the track. At starting we
crossed the tracks of a gazelle, an ariel Suliman said, and it seemed to
me a good omen. After a while, bearing somewhat to the right, we got out
of the _nefud_, and on to a hard gravel, and I sent Yemama along at a
good pace in the direction of some hills to the west north west, saying
all the prayers I knew to my saints, Mohammedan and Christian, for a
good issue. Nor had I long to wait. At first it seemed a very hopeless
quest, with a brown horizon all round me and low brown hills each like
the other. But it was nice cantering with the fresh wind in my face, and
as I got on to higher ground the view opened and I saw the hill I was
following rise higher and higher apparently about five miles off. At a
point of the plain where there was a little mound I stopped and looked
all round me. Far away to the west there seemed to be a little break in
the horizon, and examining through my glasses I felt sure it was a wady,
the wady of Síttarah (where the water was said to be which we were
looking for). Still it might be a mistake, an effect of mirage, and I
galloped back to Suliman, who was following on my _delul_, to ask his
opinion. We then both agreed that we saw a wady with mounds of tarfa,
perhaps palms, and that this was our wady. So I sent him back with the
good news and to bring the camels on, and cantered on to the hill to get
a better view. From the top of it I saw everything, as I thought,
clearly, the tarfa mounds, the dark green wady, and the hill, blue
beyond—almost like the Nile valley.
“We were, therefore, in the highest spirits, and Suliman and the camels
having joined me at the foot of the hill, and he having also climbed up
and convinced himself, we went on singing with joy. Two more hours, I
thought, and we should be at the spring, and I led the way over the
intervening _nefuds_ gaily. The sun was in our faces as we topped the
last of them, and saw at last the plain of our hopes before us. Suliman
and I looked in each other’s faces blankly. There was nothing at all of
what we were expecting—only another long, low, shining plain. The tarfa
clumps had resolved themselves into as many bare black stones, and
nothing to break the horizon but a single pyramidal hill far away, a
full day’s journey off. It was a bitter disappointment. We asked Osman
when he arrived with the camels whether he recognized the valley as
Síttarah, and he said ‘no.’ We were worse lost than before.
Nevertheless, we were convinced that the valley must be still before us,
and like an old hound Suliman ran off to the left casting for some sign
of it, and presently came, by extraordinary good fortune, on a track,
and then a mile or two still farther on, at the very place where the
black stones were which we had taken for tarfa clumps, to our exceeding
joy, lay the great caravan road—we had not seen it for two days—running
with at least a hundred parallel camel paths bearing due westward. This,
‘if not the work of the _ján_,’ we know _must_ be our road. It led
straight to the pyramidal hill, and ‘_there_,’ said Suliman, ‘the water
will be.’ So now we are camped at sunset, once more praising God for his
bounty, and in good heart and hope. Old Beseys and all of them had given
themselves up for lost. They had made no complaint, but also had made no
effort to find the road, but had ridden silently—Beseys saying his
prayers at intervals. Perhaps they were heard in heaven.” [N.B. What is
very remarkable in this adventure is that both Suliman and I, he being a
master in desert craft, having been deceived by the mirage, were so not
to our own hurt but to our advantage, for the apparent vegetation lay
precisely where the caravan road was emerging from the sand. The mirage
in our case saved us. Not that we were yet in great straits for water,
except for the mare, for we still had skins enough for our own drinking,
and the weather was cold. But, if we had failed to hit off Síttarah next
day, we should have soon been in sorry plight, for Síttarah is the only
water between El Wah and Siwah. What makes travelling without guides so
dangerous in the western desert is that the oases are mere cup-like
hollows in the plains, which one may pass to right or left of without
sign of their being near. There are almost no landmarks visible from the
plain, and the sands have encroached, obliterating the ancient roads,
which are most of them now abandoned. In former days the oases must have
been all inhabited, but are not so now. The sand drifts are gradually
overwhelming them. To pass by one of these and so miss the water is for
a caravan a terrible disaster.]
“_22nd Feb._—Close to our encampment we found the skeletons of two
donkeys, which Osman recognizes as connected with a gruesome tale. Last
year at El Wah, a witness being wanted in the affairs of a certain
khawajeh, probably a Greek, who had died there, the Egyptian
authorities, urged on by an officer of the Inglis, sent to Siwah for the
man, who was brought to El Wah with his wife and his two boys. These,
when the inquiry was over, wanted to return, and, notwithstanding that
it was summer, the man set out for Siwah with his family, and his two
donkeys carrying jars of water for the road. The donkeys, however, broke
down near Síttarah, doubtless here; the water was finished, and the
father sent the elder of the two boys forward with a jar to Síttarah to
bring them water. On his return the boy found his mother and his brother
already dead of thirst, while the father was still alive. But having
drunk, he too died, and the boy was left alone to bury them and tell the
tale. We found the graves by the roadside near the donkey skeletons.
These, Osman says, were the last who travelled here, and it was two
years ago.
“As I walked with Osman this morning he told me the story, and also much
about Burnou and Wadai. There are there, he assures me, wild _koheyl_.
The Arabs catch them at their watering places in pitfalls or traps which
catch them by the leg. They keep these horses tied up fast for three
days, then put bits into their mouths and ride them. They can go ten
days without water. This he told me in almost the same words as those
used by Leo Africanus 400 years ago. I asked about their colours, and he
said they were bay, white, and dark; they had long manes and tails; some
Arabs ate them, calling them _halal_. I asked him about the _lant_
(mentioned by Leo Africanus), and he said, ‘Oh, yes _el ant_,’ and
described it as red (bay) above with a white belly and dark markings
between the red and the white, like a gazelle—the male alone with horns,
big like a cow. I am convinced this is the Eland of natural history.
There are also elephants, lions, and giraffes. The elephant is half
_halal_ (permitted food), half _haram_ (forbidden food), the fore toes
_halal_. He has eaten the flesh. He described the giraffe as a tall
camel with two small horns. The Falata, he said, hunt all these—and the
gazelle with hawks. They ride _koheyls_ after the ostrich and the
_lant_. All this is most interesting. There are also wild asses.
“All this time we were following the caravan road, and at about eleven
we sighted bushes—this time real bushes—and I galloped on some three or
four miles to the dry edge of the Lake of Síttarah. It lay exactly as
Suliman had said, under the pyramidal hill. This eastern end of the lake
(which is a salt lake and quite undrinkable) is clearly a paradise of
wild beasts. The tracks of the ariel gazelle were like those of a flock
of sheep, and of the hares, like those of rabbits at Newbuildings in the
snow, round every bush. And there were jackal tracks, and the track of a
wolf and of a wild boar quite fresh. I was surprised to find the jackal
tracks, as I had never seen them before far from inhabited places. But
their being here was later explained by the dates, which they doubtless
feed on. Of bushes I found _ghurkhud_ and _aghur_, the latter always a
sign of former cultivation, tamarisks on a mound or two, and a single
palm bush. I should have liked to encamp here on the chance of seeing an
ariel; but it was necessary to find the water first. Osman could not
recollect where the spring was, except that it was under palms, and
about two miles farther on palms were visible. So I once more cantered
on. The first palms stood in a swamp near the lake, just opposite the
pyramidal hill, with blue water beyond them for quite a mile. The swamp,
too, was a main home of the wild beasts, but as yet I saw no birds. I
was driven out of it by the midges and mosquitoes, which assailed me in
battalions from the reeds, and I was glad to get back to the desert and
wait there for the camels. When they arrived we all dispersed in search
of the spring, which Osman could not find, examining palm clump after
palm clump. At the western edge of the lake there is no marsh, and the
_nefuds_ come down to the water’s edge with only a fringe of reeds and
tufts of palms, which we found covered with good fruit. Of these we
plucked and ate. The first hopeful sign of water was when with a rush
and a scream out of a palm clump flew a blackbird, a real English
blackbird. I had never seen one in the desert, or in Egypt, except in my
own garden of Sheykh Obeyd. This was a proof there must be good water,
and soon after Suliman discovered good water by digging in the sand to
his elbow at a place which seemed frequented, and Osman found more under
the very last palm of the Oasis westwards. The springs had been choked
with sand drift, but were easily dug out.
“Minshawi, meanwhile, had got another supply from the shore of the lake.
The lake itself is salt, like all desert lakes, but by digging a few
yards away from the edge, drinkable, though brackish, water can be had;
and of this Yemama drank her fill. She was very thirsty, as yesterday
she had been on half rations. We all felt very happy, and agreed to
spend two nights and enjoy the water. There is all here a man with a few
she-camels can require to live on, good pasture, good water, and good
dates. The lake is covered with flamingos, and I saw a heron and heard
wild geese. I think I saw pelicans. I also saw one _chrysippus_
butterfly, but no land bird except the one blackbird. It would be a
paradise for a hermit, but for the gnats. These came out in swarms at
sunset, and drove me out of camp, and a mile away into the _nefud_,
where I spent the night alone with Suliman and our two _nagas_. Of all
the hermitages I have yet found this is the best. It is _never_ visited
by man. There are no Arabs anywhere within a hundred miles, and it is
very beautiful—a winter hermitage, I mean, for in summer it must be a
furnace. It is hot even now.
“_23rd Feb._—After a delightful night I walked at sunrise to the top of
the highest _nefud_, from which the whole lake can be seen. It is very
interesting. Clearly the Oasis has been inhabited, but has been
overwhelmed by the _nefuds_ advancing on it from the south and west. The
lake may be seven miles long, and is very beautiful. The northern shore
is bounded by low cliffs, the ancient limit doubtless of the lake, which
is shrinking, and will some day be a mere chaos of _nefud_, as so many
others are. It was somewhere in this desert, they say, that Cambyses
disappeared with his army. I can well believe it, for we were within a
little of such a misfortune two days ago. If the weather had been less
clear and cool I could not have seen the valley, and with a sand wind we
might easily have perished. Now all seems easy and delightful. In the
afternoon I went out for a ride, intending to visit the pyramidal hill,
but got into a quicksand, crossing over a half dry arm of the lake, out
of which I had some difficulty in dragging my mare. The blackbird I saw
again at the same place, and a kestrel. It is so hot to-day that I had
the tent pitched for a shade—the first time we have used it, as I sleep
under my carpet shelter. The barometer shows the lake to be 120 feet
below sea level.
“_24th Feb._—Started at sunrise, believing our difficulties to be now
over, but we took a wrong track, which led us south-west instead of
farther north, towards some distant palms we had sighted an hour after
leaving. This took us to what I believe to be the oasis of Bahreyn—at
least such an Oasis is marked on my map. [N.B. A very excellent German
map.] This Oasis is very like Síttarah, though with two lakes instead of
one—whence its name. Osman pronounced this to be Araj, and said we were
now close to Zeytoun and Siwah, which I knew could not be the case, and
was sure when we came to the second lake it could only be Bahreyn. The
road, too, westwards, we found blocked by a great _sebkha_ (a dry salt
marsh), and we were obliged to turn north and travel several hours to
recover the right road. Fortunately we fell in soon with the track of a
donkey, and two men who had been to the oasis, we think, to gather
dates, a track of about ten days old, which we followed. The barometer
at Bahreyn showed exactly 0° above the sea. The donkey track led us to a
_nukbeh_, where we fell in with a well-marked road bearing north-west by
north over a plateau of limestone hillocks, each about ten feet high,
like the crested waves of the British Channel in rough weather, with the
space between them sand. The road was carefully marked with _rijms_
(cairns), and easy to follow, and I cantered gaily on to find a camping
place, where we now snugly are, screened from the north-east wind. It is
fortunate we found the donkey track, or we might not have hit off the
road. Yemama is now in excellent condition, and ate up her two _melwas_
of corn during the night. The camels were all watered before starting.
At Bahreyn to-day I saw a kite and a raven.
“I find Beseys is very unwilling now to go to Jerabub, being afraid, I
think, of displeasing the Akhwan. We have agreed to find out at Zeytoun
or Siwah whether Abu Seyf is at Jerabub or not, and to pass by without
alighting if he should be absent.
“_25th Feb._—To-day we are in a worse plight than ever. We started very
early, taking up our path of yesterday, which brought us in a couple of
hours to the end of the limestone plain, and to my great delight to the
edge of a new and very deep oasis which I knew must be the Araj we were
looking for. Araj has no lake, only a little standing water and a
tamarisk marsh. But a vast number of palms are scattered over a wide
basin with many isolated clumps, very beautiful, in the sand. It was no
case here of the _nefud_ having destroyed the villages, as in the other
oases, but of abandonment, one cannot say why. There are palms enough
left to support many villages. The cliffs here are on the south and west
sides, the sand slopes on the north and east. Still on the track of the
donkey and the two men we chevied along the edge of the jungle north
westwards, the ground covered with the tracks of gazelles, hares, and
jackals. Of birds I saw only three, mourning chats, black with white
beaks and rumps—nothing else alive. The depth of the oasis puzzled my
barometer. It must be about 150 feet below the sea. From the bottom the
track led up by some clumps of palms, where I am sure there must be
water underground, across deep _nefuds_ to the opposite _nukbe_ marked
by some wonderful rocks—one quite square, white as marble, and with
curious architectural markings, another like a tall chessman, both 100
feet high at least, their tops level with the plain above, a splendid
hermitage where one might find shade and shelter at all hours and in
every weather. They are geologically of limestone, with layers of
shells, their tops black, like lava. One layer of the chessman, one of
those round white flakes, Suliman calls _dirahem_ (money). This place
was the wildest, the most romantic, the most supernatural in its natural
structure I have ever seen, an abode of all the _jan_.
“I cantered up the sand slope to the top of the pass, elated at having
found Araj corresponding so well with my map, and being in front forgot
to give orders for water to be looked for, and the girbehs filled. Hence
our present trouble. For on gaining the upper plain, instead of the
well-marked track we had expected, we found nothing but a windswept
plateau of _nefud_ interspersed with mounds of stone, where the donkey
track speedily disappeared or was lost, nor could we ever again find it.
We were left now to our sole wits and the mercy of God, for the wind was
blowing hard from the north-east and was drifting the sand hopelessly.
Suliman, now in command, recommended descending towards some hills to
the north-west, and this brought us to a new formation of limestone
ground, arranged in flat masses with sharp edges, the most abominable
imaginable interspersed with sand. Across this we floundered with our
camels for several hours, when Suliman, having climbed to the top of a
low tell, announced that he had seen a valley with palms, and it was
resolved, much against old Osman’s wish, that we should cross the whole
valley on the chance of striking a track near the hills. The trend of
the valley was westwards, and if it was the beginning of the Siwah
valley, Suliman argued, it must have a road passing up it. So Suliman
and I went scouting with the tall buttresses of a crag to west-north-
west for our object. Now we have almost reached these, but have found no
sign of road or life—only a poor wagtail lost in the strong wind. We
have camped for the night, feeling ourselves to be out of all reckoning
(for this according to the map should have been the Siwah valley, yet it
is absolutely without trace of human passage, old or new). We are camped
in a hollow near two _seyyal_ trees, ill screened from the wind, and in
very miserable plight.
“_26th Feb._—I spent a restless, uncomfortable night, disturbed at
finding that of our five water skins three were already empty, and
reproaching myself with having let the men pass Araj without
replenishing. I felt myself responsible, too, from having taken the
direction of our route out of Osman’s hands. Old Beseys and the rest,
except my own Bedouins, were clearly of opinion that I was wrong. The
wind, too, raged furiously, and kept me waking, and in the darkness I
imagined all kinds of disaster, more especially when I found the stars
overhead obscured with drifting sand. I said prayers to all my saints
and repented of my sins, and so I think did all the party. Once in the
night the sky cleared and I got a sight of the Pole Star and made a line
on the ground with my camel stick as a guide in the morning, for my
pocket compass is out of order and cannot be relied on. There were even
moments when I thought gloomily of ordering a retreat to Araj.
“In the morning, however, more courageous counsels prevailed, and we
took our due course west towards the _khusm_ (the headland) determined
to go straight forward and solve the question of this being the Siwah
valley or no. Nor were we long in suspense. We had hardly gone a mile
when, riding in front, I came upon a little single path leading to some
_seyyal_ trees which had been pollarded by Bedouins, a sign of human
neighbourhood, and presently, to my delight, to the old caravan road,
reappearing plain and unmistakable. It relieved us from all anxiety, and
following it we found ourselves by mid-day at the first bushes of the
Siwah oasis.” [N.B. It is well here to note, as a general rule of
travelling in the desert without guides that, when looking for a lost
camel track or road, there is more chance of finding it at the point of
a headland in the wady than elsewhere, for the reason that it is there
that the shortest cut would be made in rounding a trend of the hills.
This justified Suliman in making for the _khusm_ yesterday.] “Soon
afterwards we came to _sebkhas_, where there were tracks of many
pasturing camels, and then within sight of the oasis of Zeytoun and the
Senussi Zaghwiyeh standing on high ground a mile or more from its palm
trees. As it was near sunset we resolved to rest here and have made a
pleasant camp under some _ghurkhud_ bushes. _El hamdul Illah_.
“_27th Feb._—In half an hour from leaving camp we came to the Zaghwiyeh,
and Yemama started at the sight of strange human beings, the first she
had seen since leaving El Wah, who came out to receive us. These were
servants and slaves of the monastery, and we were shown by them the well
where we watered mare and camels—a small well just outside the
buildings. These were not different from an ordinary small village, a
score of low square houses with a mosque attached. The servants may have
been half-a-dozen or more, an unhandsome set of men, especially those of
the Siwah type, which is one of the ugliest in the world, yellow
skinned, brown haired, snub nosed, hare-lipped and light eyed (such one
imagines the Huns to have been). In marked contrast to them was the
‘brother,’ who came out presently to entertain us, an Arab of the
Western type, not unlike my friend Abdallah Mijower, with a singularly
pleasant smile. One could imagine him having great influence with the
people. He had a look of goodness which could not be mistaken. His name,
he told us, was Sidi Hamid of the Mujábara tribe of Aujla. He has with
him only one fellow brother, a Siwan, inferior to him in every way. He
gave us all the news of the brotherhood, how that, after Sidi Sherif’s
death, Sidi Abu Seyf had also died, leaving Sidi el Médani head of the
community at Jerabúb. He said we should have no difficulty in our
journey to Benghazi. It was four easy days to Jerabúb, and from thence
we could go straight to Bir Menús in nine days, with one water on the
sixth day. He would like to go with us himself. He was very kind to me,
and though he did not eat with us, it being Ramadan, he gave me some
good _gazali_ dates and some pomegranates, and milk and dates to the
servants, who were not fasting. Then he called his fellow brother
Mohammed, and they recited a _fatha_ for our safe journey, all standing
together outside the monastery, and we went much pleased on our way.
“Old Beseys tells me it is their practice to entertain all comers for
two nights with milk and dates—otherwise to occupy themselves only with
prayer and the superintending of the palm cultivation. (Cardinal
Lavigerie’s White Fathers imitated in this their way of life.) One might
do worse in the world than be a Senussi brother. Every difficulty seems
now to be in the way of solution. Beseys is confident of accomplishing
our journey by Jerabúb to Benghazi.
“Thus we travelled till four o’clock, when we reached the first isolated
garden outside Siwah, where Beseys found a friend, who invited us to
stay with him, and we should have done well to accept, and presently we
encamped for the night just outside the Eastern town, of the two of
which Siwah is composed, half a mile away south of it in the sand among
some groups of palms.
“_28th Feb._—A day of disaster. Last night after dark, Mohammed Saïd,
Omdeh of the Eastern town, came out to see us; a fat, well-dressed,
dark-faced man whom Suliman pronounced to be ‘a splendid prince.’ We had
bought a lamb (for Sheykh Obeyd), and Suliman cooked it for us, and
Mohammed Saïd ate of it largely with a friend and he had just got up to
say good-night and go, having promised us a guide and all we wanted for
next day, when we saw lights coming, and a number of persons, horse and
foot, and the word passed that it was the _hákim_ (government
representative), a _maown_ (police officer), the chief man being away at
Skanderia. He was polite and amiable, a slender man with no palate to
his mouth, speaking almost in a whisper, and with him a number of Siwans
who, as I understand now, were Sheykhs of the Western town. These all
sat down, and I, too, was obliged to stay out their visit while coffee
was being made. Old Beseys, as his way is, made most of the
conversation, and he began very imprudently to tell them we intended
going to Benghazi. The sheykhs, upon this, became curious and
inquisitive. Old Beseys strung tales of my being from Nejd, and I was
obliged to join in to the extent of saying that I was from beyond Sham
(Damascus), between Sham and Bagdad, and my name Sakr. They were curious
to know my business, but I answered vaguely, also as to our road. I did
not for a moment suppose there was anything hostile in their intention,
and they drank their coffee and said good night amiably enough, the only
disagreeable incident being that during the night a thief came to my
tent and stole away my carpet shelter, which I had used to seat my
visitors upon outside. It had been carelessly put back at the door of
the tent, and the night was one for thieves, being without a moon. I was
awoke out of my sleep by Suliman’s shout, who had seen the thief
stealing away between the palms, but too late to stop him with his
prize. I was put out at this and all the more resolved to move away
early—Mohammed Saïd had suggested it—to another place ‘near his castle.’
This castle was barely half a mile away (to the west), a country house
built upon a rock, and we accordingly moved camp by daylight and pitched
the tent a hundred yards from the house on open ground.
“I had just settled that the servants were to go to town to buy what we
wanted when Suliman came to my tent to tell me of an armed party
approaching from the town towards us, and that we ought to get our guns
ready. I loaded my gun, and then looked through my glass, and saw in
fact a little army, some 200 men, on horse and on foot (and with
camels), advancing from the Western town, which, though evidently armed,
I could not believe had any intention hostile to ourselves. The servants
were for flight with the camels, and old Beseys and Salem and the
younger Arabs disappeared. Only Suliman and the good old slave Osman
stayed with me, and, seeing it was absurd to think of defence, I told
them to put up their weapons, and sat down again in my tent waiting the
event. Presently the Siwans arrived, and I heard them call out ‘Salaam
aleykum,’ and ‘amán,’ and supposed it to be all right. But half a minute
after I found myself surrounded by a number of men, mostly Soudanis, who
were pulling the tent over my ears. On seeing me sitting there, they
rushed forward and caught hold of me by the wrists and pulled me to my
feet. I expostulated with them, and they became more violent, and though
I made no defence except in words one of them struck me a blow on the
side of the neck and others began to try and pull my clothes off me,
others pointed guns and pistols at me, and there was a vast hubbub and
confusion, one dragging me one way and another another. I received
several blows on the head and one from some weapon on the cheek. All I
could make out of their cries (for there was an immense uproar and they
were shouting the most part in a language—Berberi—I did not understand),
was something about Sidi-el-Mahdi.
“There were half-a-dozen sheykhs on horseback, with an old white-bearded
man brandishing a drawn sword, others with blunderbusses and every kind
of impossible weapon. I recognized in them several of those who had
drunk coffee with us the night before. My captors hustled me towards the
town, tearing me nearly in pieces in their desire to get my pistol from
my belt, which at last they tore away. The sheykhs on horseback were
evidently in direction of the whole affair. I had lost sight of Suliman
and the slave Osman, but I heard afterwards that they, too, were
considerably knocked about. I received a rather nasty blow on the nape
of the neck and another with some weapon on my cheek bone, but neither
very serious, and, not being really hurt, I managed to keep my temper.
The sheykhs made no effort to protect me in any way; but, when they had
got my pistol, my assailants left me more or less alone, as there was a
general rush to pillage the baggage. Fortunately the leather bags with
spring locks were a puzzle to them, and they could not tear them open.
But I had no leisure to attend to this, and my captors marched me off
towards the town, every now and then having a drag at my cloak or my
_hezam_ (girdle); ‘el dirahem, el dirahem!’ (‘the drachmas, the money!’)
they shouted; ‘you have a thousand? you have two thousand?’
“At last a man, with a better face than most, came up to me, and I made
myself his _dahil_ (according to the Arab formula, ‘_ana dahilak_,’ by
seizing his cloak, an act of surrender), and he took me to join a second
body which had been waiting behind the first, and some of these threw
their cloaks over my head to protect me from further blows. It was a
rabble rout as ever was seen, and they marched me to the town, where the
women were all shrilling their triumph (_ulu-lu-lu-lu_) from every
housetop. I did not know in the least what it was about or what they
intended, but they seemed all very angry, and at times I thought they
meant to kill me. But, strangely enough, I was not at all frightened,
and felt interested in it all almost as a spectator.” [The truth is it
was a very lovely morning, the air sparkling and clear, and the whole
thing, with its almost mediæval and quite barbaric costuming and
staging, was more like a pageant than a reality, so that it seemed
difficult to realize that it was quite in earnest; nor had I time to
think much or consider what it meant.]
“Arrived inside the town, I was marched to an open space where there
were two erections not unlike gallows, and for a moment I thought that I
was perhaps to be hanged. All I could imagine in explanation of the
affair was that some revolution had broken out in which I was
accidentally involved. But we did not stop at the gallows, and presently
I was bidden inside a house and up a stair which led to a nice open room
with _mastabahs_ (seats) and a pleasant outlook to the north. This
proved to be the _mejliss_ (council chamber) of the Sheykhs of the
Gharbieh (western town), and there we sat down. I took the best place,
and called for water, which was brought; and a great talk began among
the Sheykhs, who were now by way of protecting me. Having drunk and
recovered my breath, I asked them the reason of all their wrath, and of
the attack made on me, but could get no intelligible answer except that
the Maown was coming. I explained that I was a person well known at
Cairo and a friend of Effendina’s (the Khedive’s). But they said they
knew nothing of Effendina—they had a government of their own, and that I
should go to the diwan (government house). Soon after the Maown arrived.
He had made me the kindly offer of his services last night, and I now
whispered to him that I was an Englishman. This made him still more
courteous, and I think, poor man, he did all he could to set things
right, with considerable tact, too. And, as things went on better, I
whispered the same intelligence also to one of the sheykhs who sat next
me, and with the same good effect. There was now a great hurry to
restore the plunder, and most of the things taken were by degrees
brought in, the chief losses being two of my three guns, and my good
Persian sword (the sword Mohammed Ibn Aruk of Tadmor had given me), also
my little store of gold—£29 had been abstracted from my small red bag,
which must have been done by the sheykhs themselves, for the silver had
been left, and certainly the common plunderers would have left nothing.
And so, little by little, matters cleared. The Maown brought water, and
himself washed my cheeks from the blood, and a _katib_ (scribe) having
arrived, I dictated a statement of the case, though I don’t think it was
signed by any one.
“After this, my servants one by one appeared all with tales of the
losses, and Suliman and Osman of their bruises—and we were escorted by
the Maown to the diwan, which is the general Government House of Siwah.
Here we now are, in not uncomfortable quarters upstairs, with several
mud-built rooms and a nice roof top. The camels are below in a great
yard; and after all the trouble nothing serious has really happened.
Only it is clear our onward journey is stopped. Our money and our arms
are gone, and there is a general demoralization among the servants.
Salem is thoroughly frightened and has given warning, and the others all
declare for an immediate return by Alexandria. So here my expedition
ends. The timid Beseys, it turns out, ran away to his friend Mohammed
Saïd at the first news of the approaching army, and came late, on the
Maown’s summons, to the _mejliss_, where the Sheykhs set upon him,
excusing themselves for the attack by laying it on Beseys’ assurance to
them that I was this that and the other; and, indeed, I think it has
been mainly his fault. It was quite unnecessary for him to talk about my
going to Benghazi to anybody but Mohammed Saïd; and I am not sure he had
not talked also about the road to Jerabúb. Still we must be thankful for
small mercies, and it has all been in the way of the adventure I was
seeking. None of us is hurt, and for the small losses I shall make the
Egyptian Government responsible. They should either give up holding
Siwah or keep order here. As it is, the Maown, poor man, is powerless.
He told me his sorrows to-night. He has been twelve years here, on £7 a
month, and has but six men under him for the preservation of the peace,
four of whom are disabled by fever, and he himself suffers from it. His
second in command is dying of consumption, and spits blood continually.
His superior, the Mamur, at £25 a month, has just been recalled, and I
think he cannot read or write. His _bashkatib_, chief secretary, is down
with fever, and the second, too, is sick.
“_1st March._—Things look pleasanter this morning. It is arranged that
we are to leave to-morrow with a messenger the Maown is sending to
Alexandria with the news of our adventure. We shall take the northern
road by Akabah and the sea coast. Last night was a noisy one, of
chaunting and processions, as Ramadan is ending. [N.B. The diwan
overlooked the great square of the mosque, which was crowded all night
with a multitude of devotees, and a wild concourse of Oulad Ali Bedouins
who had come in to Siwah from the north and west to buy dates and attend
the coming festival. The Oulad Ali are all more or less adherents of the
Senussia, and what may truly be called ‘fanaticism,’ was rampant among
them. It was a curious and impressive sight, and cannot have been very
different from the condition of things at Omdurman and el Obeyd in the
time of the Mahdi. At midnight and again at the hour of the morning
prayer a gong was sounded, apparently by the blows repeated singly of an
iron hammer, with the effect of a series of sharp reports like those of
a rifle, sharp and penetrating, followed by the call to prayer
splendidly chaunted by the _mueddhin_, and then a general chaunting
maintained for an hour or more, wild and menacing as anything to be
heard in the world.] The best explanation of the attack made on me is
Ramadan. The Siwans are mad with it. Beseys tells me the Akhwan took
part in yesterday’s affair. It is quite likely. Others say it is on
account of our having gone on arrival to Mohammed Saïd, who is at the
head of the opposite faction, that of the Eastern town. But I think
plunder had not a little to do with it, and the recklessness which
Ramadan brings. Certainly the whole of the Gharbieh town was concerned
in the attack. I regret it as upsetting my plans for the Jebel Akhdar,
but it cannot be helped. It may serve as a useful instruction as to this
western Islam of which I had hoped something. If the condition of Siwah
is all the fruit the Senussia has to show, the tree can be but little
worth.
“_2nd March._—The day has passed in going to and fro on the part of the
Maown to arrange matters for our start to-morrow. They have imposed two
_khabirs_ (guides) on us, one from each village, for whom I am to pay £4
each. This will leave me with only fifteen reals and a piastre, all
counted. The Sheykh of the Gharbieh, who is chief guarantor in the
transaction, is the same who led the attack on us yesterday. There is
little doubt that the prime movers in the affair were the Akhwan. Some
say that Mohammed, the Siwahi brother who recited the prayer with us at
Zeytoun, followed us on his white donkey, and that he was the cause of
the night visit paid us, and the questions asked of us as to our
projected journey. The Sheykh of the Western town led the _ghazu_, but
the men who first attacked me were, I am sure, slaves of the Akhwan. I
remember among their cries when they struck me with the gun, ‘_ya kelb,
la te fut and Sidi el Mahdi_.’ Indeed it was all done in the name of
Sidi el Mahdi. Now old Beseys says he recognized one of the Akhwan as
leader in the attack.
“Of the Sheykhs there were three prominent leaders, Othman Habbun, the
old man with the naked sword (this I believe to have been Hassuna), and
the young dark man with the prominent eyes, who afterwards sat next me
at the _mejliss_, Mohammed Kuli. All these three were on horseback. I am
certain, too, that the gold stolen from the red bag was taken, not in
the general plunder, but afterwards—this because the bag, though not
locked, was shut with a spring, and if the plunderers had got it open
they would not have left the silver or the pistol, both of which were
inside. I suspect it was Othman took it. Beseys says that the arms are
in his hands and in those of the Akhwan. The name of the man who first
protected me is Abu Bekr Mohammed Daoud, and another was Mohammed
Mansur, Hassan Mansur’s brother, on whom they now lay all the blame.
Mohammed Kuli was among the advanced riders. I consider Abdallah
Homeydeh among the most responsible of the second division. The three
commanders of the advanced party are then—Othman Habbun, the worst,
Hassuna, and Mohammed Kuli. It was Mohammed Kuli, I think, who pointed
the pistol at my head. They lay all the blame on Hassuna now, who they
say is _asi_ (in rebellion) against the Government, and has possession
of my sword and guns.
“Othman has been to see me and has brought back the money, or rather its
equivalent of ten sovereigns and twenty-five _bintos_. The Sheykhs of
the Gharbieh have all been with me, talking, and are now polite enough
and anxious their quarrel with me should be settled; and I have used a
little _siasa_ with them, acquiescing in their view of Hassuna’s sole
guilt. They have asked me to get him removed by the Government as a
mischief maker. It was Abdallah Homeydeh who made the remark in the
_mejliss_ ‘We know nothing of Effendina. We have a government of our
own.’” [N.B. I am sorry not to have noted more in my journal of these
Sheykhs’ conversation, for much of it was interesting as connected with
the affairs of the Senussia. I found Othman Habbun by far the most able
man among them, a strong, capable rogue. The rest were very poor
creatures, some of them of the most degraded physical type I have ever
come across, and apparently without those sentiments of honour most
Arabs pretend to even if they are without them. The Siwahi are, however,
no real Arabs, but men of very mixed origin with much negro blood, and
apparently some northern blood too, for there were individuals with
yellow faces, pale eyes, and tow-coloured hair. They are probably
descended from the criminals formerly sent here in Roman and later
times, for Siwah was a convict settlement.]
“3.30.—I have had a last talk with Huseyn Effendi, the Maown, and have
learned several things from him. Othman Habbun is no other, he tells me,
than the Wakil of the Akhwan at Siwah. This explains the whole affair,
and it is on him and the Akhwan that the whole responsibility of the
attack rests. He is now anxious not to compromise the Senussia with the
Government, and represents Hassuna as the dangerous man, making him
scapegoat in his place. Hassuna is Sidi el Mahdi’s strongest adherent in
Siwah, and if the Government attempts to arrest him, he will doubtless
fly and take refuge with the Sidi, as he did once before in the Khedive
Tewfik’s time. I am tired of waiting here, but the delay has been
fruitful in the knowledge I have acquired. It is an experience not, I
think, bought too dear.
“_3rd March._—Got away at last from Siwah, accompanied by the Maown on
his white donkey and our four chief adversaries on horseback, Othman
Habbun (Wakil Sidi el Mahdi), Mohammed Mansur (Hassuna’s brother),
Mohammed Kuli, and Abdallah Homeydeh. They were riding wretched
underbred mares of which they professed themselves proud. But Othman
cast envious eyes on Yemama, who was fresh with her rest and full of
spirits.
“I have promised the Maown to try and get him named Mamur. He says that
with twenty-five men and a small cannon he could manage the town—and I
think he could if Othman were removed. He is the only dangerous one of
the lot, as he is intelligent, unscrupulous, and bold. The Senussia in
these oasis towns is a mere madness and ought to be suppressed. It is,
all the same, picturesque and interesting. I have slept the last two
nights on the housetop, and the midnight call to prayer is the most
impressive thing I ever heard. The town guards call their watchword,
which is answered all over the town. Then the drum is struck, in sound
like the sharp crack of a rifle, 1—2, 3—1—2, 3—1—2, 3. Then, after an
interval, the _mueddhin_ chaunts. Till midnight the whole town is
silent—dead silent—there are no dogs at Siwah except those brought in by
the Bedouins. But afterwards there are intervals of watch calling and
prayers till daybreak.
“The four Sheykhs got off their horses at the outskirts of the oasis
gardens and were wishing us good-bye, when Mohammed Saïd appeared in the
distance. ‘I think he is not of your friends,’ I said. ‘We are all
friends here,’ they answered, laughing. ‘Fi aman Illah,’ said Othman.
‘Salaam aleykum,’ I answered, and he, ‘Aleykum es salaam.’ Mohammed Saïd
then rode up. He talked of riding farther with us, but I would not allow
it. He proved useless to us at the pinch, and he only compromises us
now. The little Maown I parted from with real regret. He has been very
kind and very clever. I am to deliver a letter he has written to the
Mudirieh (Damanhur, of which Siwah is an annex), and to send him my
pistol and a donkey’s bridle by one of our guides when these return.
Mohammed Saïd handed me a list of those who had been concerned in the
attack on me, and then he too departed. When all were gone and we were
once more in the open desert we all breathed more freely, and have
pushed quickly on and are stopping now at the last _hattieh_ (palm
clump) of the oasis, some twenty-five miles from Siwah.
“_4th March._—A long march from 5.50 a.m. to 5.20 p.m. over hard _hamad_
(gravel plain) at best pace—say thirty-five miles—and camped at the
first sheltered place on descending towards Garah. A hot march, as the
wind was behind us, followed by a bitter cold night.
“The two guides are Kheydr, an old man, tall and big-nosed, a
Senusite—he was one of those who rode against us on the 28th at what I
call the battle of Jupiter Ammon, for the ruins were within half a mile
of the fight. The other, a great strong blackguard of the opposite
faction. They are both amiable now, and made me a present of Siwah bread
and date cake, very good, in a pretty basket. The old man I like. He
said to-day, ‘I have been inquiring about you from your servants, and I
find we made a great mistake about you. It will ruin Siwah.’
“_5th March._—There are three factions at Siwah: 1. The Senussia,
comprising 950 out of the 1000 male inhabitants. 2. The followers of one
Abd es Salaam of Tuggurt, and 3. The followers of Mohammed Dhaffir el
Médani of Constantinople. Of this last Mohammed Saïd is a member, and so
is our guide Khalaf. Mohammed Dhaffir it was that made the mischief at
Yildiz against Sidi el Mahdi, and caused the Sultan to cut his subsidy.
It is therefore pretty plain that our arriving with letters to Mohammed
Saïd was a first cause of suspicion. They seem to have jumped at once to
the conclusion that I was a spy, from Mohammed Dhaffir or another, with
plans against their chief.” [N.B. This Mohammed Dhaffir el Médani is
doubtless the same Sheykh Zaffir who corresponded with Arabi on behalf
of the Sultan in 1882. See my “Secret History.”]
“This morning we descended to Garah, a pretty little oasis, with a
quaint village perched on a mushroom rock, inhabited by negroes. There
are two springs and a well, the western spring called Ain Makhluf, the
eastern Ain Faris. Makhluf has a deep hole in the middle of the spring
like that at Wells. We found the inhabitants of Garah _en fête_, for to-
day is the Id (festival) and their Sheykh, an old negro, came out to
greet us and ask us to alight, but I would not stop, and we have come on
to the far end of the oasis, and are camped under some wild palms. Some
fifteen miles to-day. According to the barometer we are here 250 feet
below the sea level. It was 400 above yesterday on the high plateau.
“In all this time of trial I have been reading Doughty—certainly the
best prose written in the last two centuries. He is of excellent counsel
for such straits as we have been in; and I think it was in great measure
due to his influence that I took the passive line I did the day of the
attack. Any other would have cost me my life.
“_6th March._—Thirteen hours’ march without a halt, perhaps forty miles.
Our course was north-east by east, to the _khusm_ of Abdel Nebbi. Thence
there are two roads which part company to join again at Lebbakh. We
chose the northern way. We are camped at the first palms of a new oasis.
“_7th March._—All day till three skirting a great _sebkha_ with cliff to
our left, and camped at a spring. Found a dead pratincole and saw two
falcons. Barometer shows 165 below sea level. The name of our camp,
Gatara. Water pretty good, an open spring with a run of water from under
palms. Chats with white heads and tails, as at Siwah. A yellow wagtail
with black head. Twenty-five miles.
“_8th March._—Rounded the point of Gatara and on to El Haj, six hours.
El Haj, an open spring in a sandy ravine, water salt. At 2.50 crossed a
bay of the _sebkha_, and camped at a _hattieh_—perhaps twenty-eight
miles. Saw a gazelle on the _sebkha_, and flushed a quail. We are camped
1½ miles east of the pyramidal peak of El Tartur. Good _guttáf_ pasture
for the camels.
“_9th March._—Took water from an open pit under Abu Tartur. It might be
easily passed unnoticed, being marked only by some burnt palms. A great
bird of prey, brown, grey, and black (?), and some pippits. All day
coasting the _sebkha_, with lines of hill still in front. Eleven hours’
march, thirty miles. We have now travelled, according to my calculation,
198 miles from Siwah in seven days.
“_10th March._—To Lebbakh well, eleven hours, say thirty miles, good
_nossi_ and _sgaa_ pasture. The well is about three-quarters of a mile
south of the headland, the last of the range eastwards. It is marked by
a low _tel_. I am tired, and Yemama is tired. The _sebkha_ ends here.
“Later. I was premature about the well. After three hours’ absence
Kheydr and Eid have returned, having failed to find it. So we are
without water. I have given what remained in my _girbeh_ to the general
stock. Yemama had a _jerdel_, and there is now absolutely no drop in
camp, except one quart bottle I keep always in reserve. Kheydr promises
water to-morrow at noon at Maghara, ‘sweet as the Nile.’ We are now, I
calculate, 160 miles from the Nile valley.
“_11th March._—A long forced march of thirty miles. I did not ride
Yemama, as she is suffering from thirst, and is looking thin and tucked
up. They found the well this morning, but it was salt, and the mare
would not drink. To-day we passed through herds of wandering camels.
There is pasture, _erta_, _nossi_, _adr_. At half-past two crossed a
party of Oulad Ali, who told us we were going wrong, and took us to
Maghara water—most fortunate. Maghara is a small oasis three miles
south-west of the first _step_ of the hill.
“_12th March._—The Bedouin who showed us the water, Abu Bekr, lives in
the neighbourhood. Every ten days he visits Maghara, and fetches ten
_girbehs_ of water on donkeys for his household, a bright, good Bedouin,
who was really unwilling to take the present I offered him. I said, ‘For
the water.’ He answered, ‘It was not worth it.’ (If we had not chanced
to meet him it would have fared ill with us.) From this point I took
command, as Kheydr had no clear idea of the direction. Abu Bekr had told
us, ‘go towards that star,’ pointing to one rising in the east. I made
my course a point north of west, and made a nine hours’ march, perhaps
twenty-three miles, letting the camels feed, and am camped in a good
wady, with _erta_ and _eshub_. Yemama eats the _erta_, and several kinds
of _eshub_, besides the _nossi_. We have our six _girbehs_ full, to last
us till the Nile or the Wady Natron.
“_13th March._—Another nine hours’ march due east. I insisted upon this,
as they wanted, all of them but Suliman, to go south-east, which I knew
must be wrong. So across country we went, taking careful bearings at
every height to keep our line true. It was all open ground. Some camel
herders we passed told us the Wady (Natron) was in front of us, thus
confirming my judgment. At 2.45 we camped in a bit of pasture, whence we
disturbed gazelles. These are now once more of the smaller Eastern kind.
(They are larger in the west). Came on a vulture on a dead camel. Saw
cranes passing northwards overhead. Three days more should see us now at
home. Twenty-seven miles’ march.
“_14th March._—Held doggedly on my course due east, passing much
petrified wood. There is a general discontent at my persisting in my own
direction over hill and dale, all good going on gravel. At noon we
crossed a well-marked caravan road, bearing north-east, but I held on by
compass, and presently we got glimpses of a yellow wady about three
miles off I knew must be Natron, and at four found ourselves within two
miles of the westernmost convent straight in front of us (a good bit of
navigation). Here we are camped. Some thirty miles to-day.
“_15th March._—This morning our party broke up, Beseys and Minshawi
making a line for their home in the Fayoum, our two khabirs also leaving
us to visit friends in the Rif, and we down the Natron Valley, passing
four convents on our way to Sheykh Ahmed and Fum el Bahr. We camped in
the plain between Natron and the Rif. Twenty-eight miles.
“_16th March._—This morning we saw a strange sight. The moon was
setting, and we saw three moons, and the sun was rising, and we saw two
suns. At noon we reached the Nile Valley and rested awhile, feasting our
eyes on the greenness and the water near Sheykh Ahmed. Then on, and
camped at Fum el Bahr. Thirty miles.
“_17th March._—Reached Sheykh Obeyd on St. Patrick’s day, at 11.15, a
weary crew, having travelled 413 miles in fourteen and a half days, the
fortieth day from our leaving it. _El Hamdul Illah_!
“_24th March._—Sheykh Obeyd. I returned from my Siwah journey on the
17th at a quarter past eleven, meeting Anne accidentally on her way
through the palm grove from the station. I could hardly speak for tears
of joy. I had been away the forty days, during which she was to expect
no news of me, and this was the forty-first, and during the whole of
that time I had not spoken a word of any language but Arabic, till I had
come even to think in Arabic, and I was weak and worn out, and famished
in mind and body. Our last run from Siwah, 413 miles, had been
accomplished in fourteen days and a half.
“Since then I have been resting, except that on the 20th I went into
Cairo and lunched with Gorst, and at his suggestion drew up a memorandum
in writing for him of the circumstances of my journey. There have been
two political events during my absence, the war in Crete and Rodd’s
mission to Abyssinia. I hardly know what to say yet on either case.
Personally I have come back from my journey with my mind cleared on one
point important to my life. It is as to religion. My experience of the
Senussia at Siwah has convinced me that there is _no_ hope anywhere to
be found in Islam. I had made myself a romance about these reformers,
but I see that it has no substantial basis, and I shall never go farther
now than I am in the Mohammedan direction. The less religion in the
world, perhaps, after all, the better.”