Commerce.—State of exports and imports.—Exactions at
the customs—depredations and impositions.—Foreign
merchants—disabilities they labour under.—Insecurity.—State of
finances.—Revenue, etc.
COMMERCE, like agriculture, in Hayti is at a very low ebb, and presents
a very discouraging view of the state of that country. Without
agriculture commerce can receive but little encouragement; and if the
cultivation of the soil decline, commerce must decline also, the one
being unquestionably dependent on the other. If there be a failure in
those territorial productions which constitute the staple commodities
of Hayti, there will be nothing to excite commercial enterprise
and speculation, and consequently the intercourse with foreigners
will decrease, to the great injury of the country. Were Hayti in a
situation to become an entrepôt for foreign property, or were it so
circumstanced as to have the means of carrying on an extensive trade
with the South American states, it might probably relieve her in some
measure from the heavy weight with which she is now borne down. But she
has no such intercourse, nor are the people in the least conversant
with the nature of it: their knowledge of commerce not extending
much beyond the limits of mere petty bartering, and all important
commercial dealings are centred in the foreign houses established
there. The British, Americans, and even the French, will not confide
in the integrity of the Haytians; all their engagements are effected,
all their arrangements are made by the agents from their respective
countries, who have patents to reside in the several parts of the
republic. An attempt was made to induce the legislative body to enact
a law for compelling foreigners to consign their cargoes or shipments
to Haytian citizen agents; and I believe Boyer was much disposed to
countenance the proposition, but it met with great disapprobation from
those individuals in the chamber of communes who were on friendly terms
with the foreigners, and who had discretion enough to foresee that
such a law would be destructive of that commerce which they were so
anxious to extend. This iniquitous law was proposed by M. Elic and M.
Ardouin, the representatives for Port au Prince, and it was supported
by other members of the chamber, who, as native agents, resided in the
several ports, but decried by those who apprehended the serious check
which foreign intercourse would receive from so unwise and impolitic a
measure. It was, however, negatived, and the proposers and supporters
of it drew upon themselves much obloquy and reproach.
The Haytian government has often promulgated very glowing abstracts of
the flourishing state of its commerce, and would seem to expect that
such accounts should be received as proofs of the _rising_ greatness of
the country. But the very documents themselves are prima facie evidence
of their being a fabrication. They are gross impositions to lead
strangers into the belief that the intercourse is of importance, and
that considerable advantages accrue from it to those nations who engage
in it with spirit, and pursue it without relaxation.
As there is no individual wealth in the country, the means of the
people depend upon their own exertions in the culture of the soil;
and therefore as cultivation has dwindled from the want of industry,
those means must have become exceedingly circumscribed. Hence it is not
probable that the annual value of the imports into the country can have
so far exceeded the exports from it, as the following statements, which
have been already before the public, particularly exhibit.
The return for the year 1821, being the year after the annexation of
Christophe’s dominions to the republic, gives the following balance of
commerce with foreign nations:—
In 1821. Dollars. Cts.
Valuation of imports to Hayti 10,897,470 90
Ditto of exports from Hayti 6,856,658 21
——————————
Excess 4,040,812 79
In 1822.
Valuation of imports 13,017,890 19
Ditto of exports 9,030,397 6
——————————
Excess 3,987,493 13
In 1823.
Valuation of imports 13,749,012 46
Ditto of exports 9,267,787 16
——————————
Excess 4,481,225 30
———————————
$12,509,531 22
———————————
Making an excess of imports into the country over the means of the
people from the value of the exports, in three years, no less a sum
than twelve million, five hundred and nine thousand, five hundred and
thirty-one dollars and twenty-two centimes, about treble the amount
of the collective wealth of the people through the whole country! In
the two succeeding years the exports and imports have kept, it would
appear, an equal pace. By the same documents also, the proportion
of the above balances with the respective countries is particularly
detailed, and the three principal ones I shall enumerate.
In 1821.
IMPORTS. EXPORTS.
Val. in Dolls. Cts. Val. in Dolls. Cts.
Great Britain 3,254,439 5 2,501,729 7
United States 4,906,178 4 1,720,419 65
France 2,296,407 77 2,284,691 74
Holland, Germany, etc. 440,446 4 349,817 75
————————————————— ————————————————
Total 10,897,470 90 6,856,658 21
————————————————— ————————————————
In 1822.
Great Britain 3,661,244 0 3,002,074 88
United States 6,641,570 72 3,293,890 86
France 2,262,411 8 2,280,800 50
Holland, Germany, etc. 452,664 39 453,630 82
————————————————— ————————————————
Total 13,017,890 19 9,030,397 6
————————————————— ————————————————
In 1823.
Great Britain 4,506,216 60 3,108,622 6
United States 6,056,840 18 3,327,790 5
France 2,640,186 0 2,360,800 0
Holland, Germany, etc. 545,769 68 470,575 5
————————————————— ————————————————
Total 13,749,012 46 9,267,787 16
————————————————— ————————————————
I think it must be admitted that documents like the foregoing carry
on the face of them evident marks of their spurious character.
Although it is a known fact that they were issued from the bureau of
government, it cannot for a moment be believed that there could be
such an extraordinary excess of imports over the exports in a country
the credit of which has been so often impeached, and the integrity of
the government and people so much questioned. It is not probable,—it
is not credible,—that the enterprising, yet wary, American should
so implicitly confide in Haytian integrity and honour as to become
a creditor of the latter to the extent of nearly nine million three
hundred thousand dollars; and that the British trader should be led
into a similar mistaken confidence, whilst France and every other
country appear to have acted with the greatest possible precaution, and
always to have obtained a quid pro quo—a consideration in return for
an equal value given.
Nothing can be more discouraging to the commercial intercourse
with Hayti, than the irregular system under which every operation
is conducted, from the highest to the lowest office of the state.
The delays and procrastinations of the officers of the customs are
exceedingly injurious both to the consignee and to the vessel: a
studied dilatoriness pervades all their proceedings. This delay is well
known to the government, and repeated representations and remonstrances
have been sent in to the proper authorities, and some remedy
particularly sought for; but they have all been unsuccessful, and the
foreign merchants were left to pursue the best course they possibly
could, to obtain some little expedition in their progress through the
customs. The only successful way to obtain this despatch is by one that
never fails in its aim, _that of a douceur_, for the principal officers
are open to bribes, and they seem determined not to do their duty
without one, so long as the government sanctions their conduct.
The inconvenience as well as the impositions under which commerce
labours in respect to the Haytian tariff furnishes another ground of
complaint among foreigners. This is a matter which ought to be taken
into the most serious consideration of the respective governments who
have representatives in that country. The delay which ensues between
the landing of the merchant’s property, and the examination of it
by the officers of the customs for the purpose of ascertaining its
qualities, agreeably to the regulations of the tariff, is not only
most injurious, but in Hayti every thing becomes so exposed that
depredations are not unfrequent, and the injured party has no remedy.
The officers of the customs afford no redress, nor will the government
make any compensation; and in a country where theft is so prevalent,
and justice so seldom overtakes the perpetrator, there is but little
security for property. I have seen many instances of goods being most
unwarrantably exposed, and all the remonstrances of the consignee have
been unavailing; there appeared on the contrary every reason to suspect
connivance on the part of those whose duty it was to protect the
property against those persons who are always on the alert to plunder,
for they were negligent, and shewed no wish to detect offenders, and
bring them to justice.
The way in which goods are valued agreeably to the tariff is a
monstrous imposition on the trader, and imperatively calls for the
most prompt and efficient remedy. Many of the articles of British
manufacture are actually subjected to a duty equal to twenty per cent.
instead of twelve, from the excess of valuation, the tariff fixing a
value nearly double the actual sale price of the goods; and although it
may be argued that the consumer pays the duty, yet it seriously affects
the sale of the article, and in most cases is felt very grievously
by the consignor. In no other country have I ever witnessed such
impositions and such depredations as are committed in Hayti, where the
injured individuals have not the least possible chance of redress. The
British government has been, however, I have no doubt, apprised of the
impositions practised by the Haytians on our commerce: hence it has
been found adviseable to obtain some change, and in future to protect
it against similar attacks. The appointment of a consul-general of
talents and decision will, I am confident, bring the Haytian government
and President Boyer to a proper sense of justice towards those British
subjects who have so long suffered from these impositions. A trade
fettered with such heavy duties, and charges of various description,
where payment is extremely uncertain and insecure, from the character
of the people and the state of the country, can never prosper if these
exactions and depredations be not effectually restrained. I have heard
of the ingenuity and dexterity evinced by the people of the South
American states in abstracting merchandize that may be exposed; but I
am confident that the Haytian may challenge competition, and on a trial
of their respective merits, I have no doubt of his being pronounced
the victor. The internal commerce of Hayti also as regards foreigners
is rendered quite unprofitable by the absurd regulations which fetter
it. The foreign merchant has no latitude given to his operations;
he is not permitted to trade with any but Haytian citizens, and to
them alone can he offer his goods. Though he might be able to effect
a more advantageous arrangement with other importers or consignees
like himself, he cannot even dispose of the produce of the country,
should he have an excess beyond the quantity which he may require
for exportation; he must ship it, however disadvantageous it may be.
Neither can the foreign merchant dispose of his goods upon the coast;
he is forced to place them under the agency of a Haytian citizen for
that purpose, and confide in people possessing but little integrity.
All the produce which the foreigner purchases for exportation must
pass through the hands of a broker, to whom he is obliged to pay a
commission. He is not allowed to make his own purchases; but this
difficulty is obviated by an understanding with the broker, that
he shall be paid the commission on what the merchant may purchase
himself. This commission is about six pence per one hundred pounds
weight of coffee, and other articles in proportion. The French, by the
arrangements of 1825, enjoy a much more extensive intercourse with
Hayti than they did previously, and from their paying only half duties
both on imports and exports, they are able to compete with the British
and Americans, who before had decidedly the advantage. I do not know
whether any arrangements are likely to be effected, by which British
commerce will be put on the same footing as that of France, although
I should hope that such a thing is not improbable, or else the little
intercourse that now exists will decline more, for the French will be
able to undersell us, having so great an advantage as half duties both
ways.
In a commercial point of view Hayti presents but little encouragement
to the speculator or adventurer. There is no extensive sphere for
mercantile operation: every thing is confined within a narrow compass.
The foreigner, with unlimited pecuniary means, has no opportunity of
employing them to advantage. The heavy exactions of the government are
too burthensome to admit of any successful application of capital, and
to invest it under the impression of security would be an error that
might bring on very fatal results. No such thing as security exists
in that country; a foreigner cannot hold property in the soil, and he
cannot, without a great deal of inconvenience and expense, obtain a
lien on the real property of a citizen. To bring it to sale for the
purpose of liquidating a debt, would be impossible, from the corrupt
administration of justice; for the judicial seat is filled by persons
who have not the least idea of either law or equity. Under all these
circumstances, Hayti cannot advance much in commerce, for she holds out
no inducements, and until the government remove the restraints which
they have put upon it, and give it greater latitude and freedom, it
will not be worth the foreigner’s seeking, for he cannot benefit by his
operations, and he is exposed to inconceivable difficulties, and often
to severe losses.
The finances of Hayti are exceedingly low; no country can labour
under greater depression in its financial state than the republic at
this moment, and there does not appear the least probability of a
revival. Without agriculture and commerce, I cannot see how they are
to be recruited, and as those are at the lowest ebb, despair seems to
me inevitable. Their application to the French government to extend
the period for the payment of the debt due for the recognition of
independence, is corroborative of their impoverished condition.
The receipts from all their sources of income are small, and their
expenditure is large, and the government is often obliged to borrow
money of the merchants in anticipation of duties they may have to pay,
for the purpose of meeting the exigences of the country; and this has
become so very frequent of late, that they have met with some refusals,
merchants entertaining much doubt as to the safety of making such
advances.
The public expenditure is estimated at about five millions of dollars
annually, which one would think cannot be true, when a reference is
made to the produce of the country. It is certain their ways and
means fall considerably short of that amount. The customs on imports
and exports produce about two million two hundred thousand dollars
annually, and the territorial duties on produce, duty on houses,
patents, tax on markets, and other taxes of minor consideration, about
the same amount; so that the total revenue of the republic does not
exceed four million four hundred thousand dollars. On this I can place
some reliance; for the best informed persons in the country, both
natives and foreigners, state that amount to be correct, and that it
is impossible that it can be greater, from the condition into which
both commerce and agriculture have sunk. The government, these last two
years, anticipated a large revenue from the produce of the mines of
Cibao, but that scheme turned out to be a fallacious ground-work of
expectation; and a great deal also was expected to be realized by sales
of the government lands, but this also has failed, from landed property
being considered at the present moment of very insecure tenure.
These two anticipated sources of revenue display the weakness of the
government, and betray their want of foresight in an amazing degree,
for nothing could be more inconsistent than to calculate upon repairing
the finances of the country by hidden treasures, or think of obtaining
any thing from mines which, had they been known to be worth working,
would never have been neglected by the Spaniards or the French. With
respect to government lands, I cannot conceive how any expectation of
deriving benefit from them could have been entertained, when it is so
notorious that the people have not a shilling to invest in the soil;
and the constitution will not permit Europeans, or white persons from
any country, to hold property in their own right, were they disposed to
do so.
No means therefore present themselves by which the finances of Hayti
can be improved, except the cultivation of its lands in good earnest,
not by partial labour, but by the most persevering industry, and by
enforcing the law for culture. Nothing short of the most strenuous
exertions in agriculture can save Hayti from the ruin which threatens
her, or can shelter her against the storm which seems to be gathering
round her. Setting aside the produce of the soil, there is no other
source from which any aid to the revenue can be derived; and if that
be not attended to, and an increase immediately obtained, the little
commercial intercourse that remains will dwindle away, and Hayti will
sink into an irrecoverable state of poverty.
Towards both the military and civil establishments they are exceedingly
illiberal. They do not adequately requite either for their services,
which causes them all to be open to bribes, by which the revenue
becomes defrauded. The soldiers of the republic are so irregularly
paid—and at times not paid at all—that they make up by plunder
wherever they have an opportunity. This is therefore a mistaken
principle of economy; but it is similar to every other proceeding of
the government, and carries with it every mark of absurdity. To reason
with them in matters of finance would have no effect, for the vanity of
Boyer and his chief advisers is such, that they think they have arrived
at perfection; they arrogate to that system of government which they
have established the praise of being the most efficient, if not the
most powerful of all the modern republics.
The same want of system and method, which is seen in every other branch
of the government, pervades the financial department. The head of that
department has no power; he is a mere nominal character, and is often
undeservedly exposed to censure from the extraordinary conduct of the
president. It is not an uncommon circumstance for the president to
issue an order on the treasurer for payment to some individual who has
had a demand upon government, and after having issued it, and before
an application can be made for payment, a subsequent order has been
given to suspend the payment of it for a time, by which injustice
the treasurer is subjected to great obloquy and abuse. This is not
an uncommon thing; many of the British and American merchants will
bear testimony to such facts, for they have often been placed in this
predicament. Many to my knowledge, who have had occasion to transmit
money to Port au Prince from some of the distant ports, have paid the
amount into the treasury, or some other government department at his
own port, and received a check on the treasurer-general for the amount,
which, when presented, has often been refused, and it has been by great
difficulty, and after great delay, that the check has been paid. So
little confidence can be placed in the integrity of the government,
that people are no longer disposed to have faith in it.
I have, I hope, said enough to deter mercantile adventurers from
falling into the trap laid for their property, by the high sounding and
vaunting reports published by the eulogists of Hayti for the purpose of
delusion.