_ENGLISH NAVIGATORS IN SOUTH AMERICA, HAWKINS, DRAKE, AND RALEIGH._
1564-1618.
We are all familiar with the names of certain English navigators with
reference to Spanish South America; but it is somewhat difficult to
introduce a notice of their deeds at the precise date when they
occurred, without interrupting the course of the general narrative.
Neither do their actions belong especially to any ocean or country. They
appeared sometimes on the Atlantic and at others on the Pacific;
sometimes on the Isthmus of _Darien_, at others on the coast of _Peru_.
They plundered the enemy wherever they found him vulnerable, and treated
the inhabitants of one side of the continent and of the other with
perfect impartiality. I have therefore thought it better to gather
together in one chapter some short records of the deeds of certain
amongst the most famous of these free-lances of the ocean.
Foremost amongst the English navigators to Spanish American waters comes
the redoubtable Hawkins. That he was an admirable seaman and a most
courageous man, no one will question. He was likewise as patriotic as it
was possible for man to be, and was most considerate and fair towards
those under his command, by whom he seems to have been respected and
beloved. But it may help to form a more correct opinion of the age in
which he lived, and may serve somewhat to modify our judgment
respecting the Spaniards and Portuguese of the sixteenth century in the
matter of slavery, if we remember that Sir John Hawkins, of whom most
Englishmen are to a certain extent proud, was, in plain terms, an
atrocious slave-dealer. This article was, in fact, the staple commodity
in which he trafficked, and he pursued his course to the coast of
Africa, there to capture his cargo of negroes, with not a whit more
concern for them or their rights than would have been displayed by Rob
Roy or by Roderick Dhu for the cattle which they carried off from the
Lowlands. It may be well also to bear in mind that his course of life
was well known to Queen Elizabeth and Her Ministers, and that Her
Majesty, in token of Her approval of his proceedings, placed at his
disposal one of Her vessels, the “Jesus” of Lubeck, of 700 tons.
As this work is not intended to throw light on the African slave-trade
further than in as far as it concerns South America, it is not necessary
to follow Sir John throughout all his nefarious proceedings on the coast
of Africa. But one of his voyages, in the course of which he proceeded
with his usual cargo, in the year 1564, to _Cape de la Vala_, has for us
unusual interest, inasmuch as in the course of its narrative we find the
first mention, among English writers, of the potato. It is well known
that Raleigh and certain of his companions, at a much later date,
brought home with them that root from _Virginia_. It is the case
likewise, that, some time before this voyage of Raleigh, Drake had
introduced the same plant to these islands; but that our first
acquaintance with the potato is due to Hawkins and his expedition of the
above-mentioned year will appear from the following extract:--
“Here perceiving no trafficke to be had with them, nor yet water for the
refreshing of our men, we were driven to depart the twentieth day, and
the 2 and twentieth we came to a place in the maine called _Cumana_,
whither the captaine going in his pinnisse, spake with certaine
Spaniards of whom he demanded trafficke, but they made him answere, they
were but souldiers newely come thither, and were not able to by on
negro; whereupon hee asked for a watring place, and they pointed him a
place two leagues off, called _Santa Fè_, where we found marvellous
goodly watring, and commodious for the taking in thereof; for that the
fresh water came into the sea, and so our shippes had aboord the shore
twentie fathome water. Neere about this place inhabited certaine
Indians, who the next day after we came thither came down to us,
presenting mill and cakes of breade, which they had made of a kinde of
corne called maiz, in bignesse of a pease, the eare whereof is much like
to a teasell, but a spanne in length having thereon a number of granes.
Also they brought down to us Hennes, Potatoes and Pines, which we bought
for beades, pewter whistles, glasses, knives and other trifles. These
potatoes be the most delicate rootes that may be eaten, and doe farre
exceed our passeneps or carets.”[S]
* * * * *
Hawkins and his men kept on their course along the coast, and came on
the 3rd of April to a place called _Burboroata_, where the ships came to
anchor, and he himself went on shore to speak to the Spaniards, to whom
he declared his nationality, and that he came thither for lawful trade,
for which he required permission. They made answer that they were
forbidden by their king to traffic with any foreign nation, upon pain of
forfeiting their goods; they therefore desired him to depart, for they
were subjects, and might not go beyond the law. Hawkins, however, who
was an impersonation of the _Civis Romanus sum_, was above the law. He
replied that his necessity was such as he might not so do; for being in
one of the Queen’s _armadas_ of England, and having many soldiers in
them, he had need both of some refreshing for them, and of victuals, and
of money also, without which he could not depart. With much other talk
he persuaded them not to fear any dishonest part of his towards them;
for neither would he commit any such thing to the dishonour of his
prince, nor yet for dishonest reputation and estimation, unless he were
too rigorously dealt withal, which he hoped not to find at their hands.
The Spaniards made answer that it lay not in them to give any licence,
for that they had a governor to whom the government of these parts was
committed; but if Hawkins would stay ten days longer they would send to
their governor, who was three score leagues off, and would return answer
within the appointed time.
Meanwhile Hawkins was permitted to bring his ships into harbour and to
receive the victuals he required. On the fourth day he went in and
received according to promise all things requisite; whereupon the shrewd
captain thought to himself that to remain according to his promise for
the stipulated ten days, spending victuals and men’s wages, would be a
mere act of folly. He therefore requested permission to sell certain
lean and sick negroes which he had in his ships, like to die upon his
hands if he kept them ten days. He was forced to make this request,
because he had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals and for
necessaries. This request being put in writing and presented, the
officers and town-dwellers assembled together; and, finding his request
so reasonable, granted him licence for thirty negroes, which afterwards
they caused the officers to view, to the intent they should accede to
nothing but what was reasonable, for fear of afterwards being called to
answer therefor.
But the Spaniards were as much on their guard as was Hawkins, and he
found but little demand for his negro wares, since the authorities had
decided that none but the poor should be permitted to bid for them. It
was a question of bargaining, and Hawkins made pretence of being about
to depart, carrying his goods elsewhere. He answered that he not only
required permission to sell, but likewise his fair profit; and he
thought it due to his character to show by his papers what he had paid
for his negroes, and likewise what all the charges of the trade he was
engaged in had cost him. As they did not wish for his departure they
encouraged him to remain, by telling him that he would get a better
price there than anywhere else. He therefore consented to remain, in
order that he might dispose of his lean negroes. He disposed of a few
next day, but could do nothing more until the arrival of the governor a
fortnight later.
Hawkins addressed to the governor a petition asking to be allowed to
sell his negroes, which permission was granted him. But perceiving that
the Spaniards would neither consent to pay anything like the price he
demanded, nor consent to relinquish the king’s custom duty of thirty
_ducats_ on each slave, he determined to take more decisive measures.
Accordingly on the 16th of April he prepared one hundred men well armed,
with whom he marched against the town. On this demonstration, the
governor not unnaturally sent messengers to inquire what it meant, and
requiring him to halt until he should have received his answer. The
captain, declaring how unreasonable a thing the king’s custom was,
requested to have the same abated, offering to pay seven and a half per
cent. The governor replied that his demand should be granted. Hostages
being given, the invaders then departed to their ships, and carried on
their traffic for twelve days without disturbance, when Hawkins again
made a show of departing, in order to obtain higher prices.
On the 4th of May he actually departed, and on the 6th reached the
island of _Curaçao_, where the ships found great refreshment in beef,
mutton, and lambs, which were in such plenty that they were given
gratis. The cattle in this island is reported to have increased in such
prodigious ratio that of a dozen of each sort originally imported there
were to be found in twenty-five years a hundred thousand at least.
Fifteen hundred were yearly killed, for the sake only of their skins and
tongues.
On the fifteenth of the month they left _Curaçao_, and on the
seventeenth anchored near _Cape de la Vela_, and next proceeded to the
_Rio de la Hacha_, where Hawkins had again recourse to threats before
being permitted to traffic. As they would not accede to his price,
however, he shot off a calverin to summon the town, and preparing one
hundred men in armour, went on shore, having in his great boat two
falcons of brass, the other boats being likewise armed. The townsmen
turned out to resist the invasion; but although they were superior in
numbers, they soon gave way and sent a flag of truce. A colloquy now
occurred between Hawkins and the treasurer, with the result that the
former obtained all his requests, receiving hostages for their
fulfilment. After some further passages of distrust, the English
departed in a friendly manner, their captain receiving at the
treasurer’s hands a testimonial of his good behaviour. Hawkins then
proceeded to _Jamaica_, and thence by _Cuba_ and _Florida_ for England.
* * * * *
The first acquaintance of Drake with Spanish America was made in the
course of a voyage to the West Indies and the Caribbean Sea in the years
1565 and 1566. But the voyage which caused his name first to be placed
on record was that in which he accompanied Hawkins in the year 1567. The
expedition consisted of six ships, one of them being lent by Queen
Elizabeth in token of her approbation of the objects of the voyage. The
“Jesus” of Lubeck, a vessel of 700 tons, bore the flag of Hawkins. Two
other vessels were commanded respectively by Hampton and by Bolton;
whilst the “Judith” was commanded by Captain Francis Drake, he being
then a young man of about twenty-seven. There were in addition two very
small vessels, the “Angel” and the “Swallow.”
[Sidenote: 1567.]
Sailing from Plymouth on the 2nd of October 1567, they reached the _Cape
de Verde_ islands, after having encountered a terrible storm. Here the
admiral landed a hundred and fifty of his men, with the object of
procuring a supply of negroes; but in this quest these worthies were
disappointed, since they obtained but few, and these with much hurt and
damage, for they had to stand a flight of poisoned arrows. Their wounds
appeared in the beginning “but small hurts,[T] yet there hardly escaped
any that had blood drawn of them, but died in strange sort, with their
mouthes shutte some tenne dayes before they died, and after their wounds
were whole; when I myself,” says Hawkins, “had one of the greatest
wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped.” These men, it appears died of
lockjaw; and considering the cause in which they received their wounds,
few will be inclined to pity their fate.
At _St. Jorge da Mina_ a negro king came to ask the assistance of
Hawkins against a neighbouring king, promising him all the negroes that
should be taken. An offer so tempting was not to be rejected, and one
hundred and fifty men were selected and sent to assist this black
tyrant. They assaulted a town containing some eight thousand
inhabitants, strongly paled round, and fenced after their manner, and so
well defended that in the assault Hawkins’s people had six slain and
forty wounded. More help was called for; “whereupon,” says Hawkins,
“considering that the good success of this enterprise might highly
further the commodity of our voyage, I went myself; and with the help of
the king of our side, assaulted the town both by land and sea; and very
hardly with fire (their houses being covered with palm leaves) obtained
the town and put the inhabitants to flight; where we took two hundred
and fifty persons, men, women, and children; and by our friend the king
on our side, there were taken six hundred prisoners, whereof we hoped to
have our choice; but the negro (in which nation is never or seldom found
truth) meant nothing less; for that night he removed his camp and
prisoners, so that we were fain to content us with those few that we had
gotten ourselves.”[U]
On the coast of _Guinea_ they had succeeded in procuring about two
hundred more slaves, with which cargo they departed for the West Indies,
there to dispose of them to the Spaniards. On the 27th of March they
came into sight of _Dominica_, and coasted _Marguerita_ and _Cape de la
Vela_, carrying on meanwhile, without obstruction, “a tolerable good
trade,”--that is to say, parting with their negroes for good terms. At
_Rio de la Hacha_, all dealings with the inhabitants being prohibited,
the worthy and law-abiding Hawkins was affronted by what he considered
an infraction of the treaty between Henry VIII. and Charles V. He
determined to chastise the authors of this illegal proceeding, and
accordingly attacked the place. Having landed two hundred men, the town
was taken by storm, with the loss of only two, the Spaniards having fled
after the first volley. After this adventure, trade was connived at, if
not permitted. The Spaniards bought two hundred negroes; “and at all
other places where we traded the inhabitants were glad of us and traded
willingly.”[V]
In proceeding towards _Cartagena_ they were caught in a terrible storm,
which so shattered the “Jesus,” that, her rudder being broken, she
sprang a leak, and being driven into the bay of _Mexico_, entered the
port of _San Juan d’Ulloa_. The disaster which befell Hawkins and his
consorts at this place need not here be recorded, since they do not
appertain to South American history.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1572.]
On the 24th of May, 1572, Captain Drake sailed from Plymouth in the
“Pascha,” of seventy tons, accompanied by his brother John Drake in the
“Swanne,” of twenty-five tons, having in all seventy-three men and boys,
of whom the oldest man was fifty, all the rest being under thirty. All
were volunteers, and the vessels were fitted out as men-of-war. Their
destination was _Nombre de Dios_. On the 2nd of July they sighted _Santa
Martha_, and landed at _Port Pheasant_, where they found a plate of
lead, on which John Garret, an English seaman who had been left here,
warned Drake to make haste away, as the place had been betrayed. Drake,
however, thought this a convenient spot on which to build his pinnaces,
which he had brought with him in frames from England, and which were now
completed in seven days.
On the following day he was joined by an English barque of the Isle of
Wight, which brought in a captured Spanish _caravel_. The English
captain, Rowse, understanding Drake’s purpose of attacking _Nombre de
Dios_, agreed to act in concert with him. Leaving the three ships and
the _caravel_ in charge of Rowse, Drake, taking with him fifty-three
men, proceeded in four pinnaces and a shallop to the Isles of _Pinos_,
which he reached on the 22nd of July, and where he made an alliance with
some runaway Indians who had fled from their Spanish masters and were
called _Symerons_. Proceeding silently by night, he came before _Nombre
de Dios_, where he landed without opposition. He and his men boldly
attacked the place, but in the course of a desperate struggle which
occurred on the town being alarmed, Drake was dangerously wounded, and
had to be conveyed on board ship.
It gives a very strange idea of the state of things then existing
between England and Spain when we read that immediately after this
unprovoked attack by Drake on _Nombre de Dios_, that captain was visited
by a _Hidalgo_, who protested that the object of his coming was to see
and admire one who had shown such courage. No doubt this gentleman had
other objects in view; but it is somewhat remarkable that he should have
trusted his person in a pirate’s den; for it must be remembered that, as
England was not then at war with Spain, Drake can only be described as a
buccaneer. This _Hidalgo_ was, however, very courteously received, and
departed protesting that he had never been honoured so much in his life.
The pinnaces now returned to the Isle of _Pinos_, where Drake parted
company with Captain Rowse. He next despatched his brother to examine
the river _Chagre_, and on his return he departed for _Cartagena_, where
he took two Spanish ships. His next enterprise was against a great ship
of Seville, which he obtained possession of by fighting. The town being
alarmed, Drake determined to burn one of his ships, in order that he
might have the means of manning his pinnaces. He then proceeded to the
Sound of _Darien_, where they cleared a space of ground to build houses.
Drake then went with his brother, with two pinnaces, to the _Rio
Grande_, passing out of sight of _Cartagena_, between which place and
_Tolon_ they took six frigates laden with provisions. Three days later
they arrived at _Pinos_. On the third of November Drake fell in with a
Spanish ship, which he captured.
But now Drake’s company were visited by heavy sickness, which was
attributed to the cold which the men suffered from whilst in the
pinnaces. On returning to the ships on the 27th of November, they
learned of the death of John Drake and of Richard Allen, who were slain
whilst attempting to board a frigate. On the 3rd of January six of the
company fell sick and died within two or three days, whilst as many as
thirty were stricken down with fever. Joseph Drake, another of the
captain’s brothers, died, and likewise the surgeon.
Drake now determined to proceed by land to _Panamá_, having by the 3rd
of February lost twenty-eight of his men. He took with him forty-eight,
eighteen being English and the rest _Symerons_, and in a few days
reached _Venta Cruz_. The chief of these people dwelt sixteen leagues
south-east of _Panamá_, and Drake now thought that he might with
advantage waylay a party carrying treasure across the isthmus. But,
owing to the awkwardness of one of his people, he and they were
discovered. He nevertheless attacked the party, and pursued them as far
as _Venta Cruz_.
On his journey thither Drake was informed of a certain tree, from the
top of which he might discern a branch of the Atlantic Ocean on the one
hand and of the Pacific on the other. One of the _Symerons_ desired him
to ascend “that goodlie and great high tree,” in the trunk of which
notches were cut in order to facilitate the ascent. From the top of this
tree, the English mariner, viewing the distant Pacific, solemnly
besought God to give him life and leave once to sail an English ship in
those seas.
Returning to _Venta Cruz_, which he took and rifled, he intercepted a
convoy of fifty mules, bearing a large quantity of silver, of which he
appropriated what he could carry. With some difficulty he rejoined his
pinnaces, when he resolved to return to _England_. He reached Plymouth
on Sunday the 9th of August 1573, whilst divine service was being
conducted. The church was forthwith deserted, all rushing out to welcome
the gallant captain, who had been absent one year and two months.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1575.]
In the course of the five years during which Drake reposed upon his
laurels, before undertaking his voyage round the world, John Oxenham,
who had been one of his companions in his late expedition, set out in a
vessel of one hundred and forty tons’ burden, with twenty seamen, for
the Isthmus of _Darien_. Having learnt at _Porto Bello_ that a convoy
of muleteers was expected from _Panamá_, he marched to meet them,
proceeding over the mountains to a small river which falls into the
Southern Sea. Building a pinnace, he then dropped down into the Bay of
_Panamá_ and proceeded to the _Pearl Islands_, where he took possession
of a small barque from the port of _Quito_ (probably _Guayaquil_), in
which he found sixty pounds’ weight of gold. Six days later he was still
further enriched by the plunder of a barque from _Lima_, bearing a
hundred pounds’ weight of silver in bars.
Unfortunately for the daring Oxenham, he was not contented with silver
and gold, but delayed on the island for fifteen days in search of
pearls. During this time, as he might have foreseen, intelligence of his
presence reached the Spaniards; and Captain Ortega was despatched with
four barques in search of him. The Spaniard learned that Oxenham had
gone up the river, and astutely traced his course by the quantity of
fowls’ feathers floating down the stream. After four days’ pursuit,
Oxenham’s pinnace was descried; but the Englishmen, all save six, had
left her, taking the treasure with them. The treasure, however, was soon
afterwards discovered, and with this Ortega was about to depart, when
Oxenham came down upon him with about two hundred _Symerons_. The
Spaniards, who were eighty in number, had the better of the fight,
killing eleven of the English, together with some Indians, with very
slight loss on their own side.
Oxenham now endeavoured to make the best of his way to his ship; but
information of its presence had been sent to _Nombre de Dios_, and his
vessel had been carried a prize to that port. Meanwhile a party of a
hundred and fifty men were scouring the mountains in search of the
English. On their being found, some were made prisoners and others fled;
but in the end all were conveyed to _Panamá_, where the fearless rover,
not being able to produce any power or commission from the Queen, was
sentenced, as were his companions, to suffer the death of a pirate. All
of the party were then executed, with the exception of Oxenham, his
master, his pilot, and five boys, who were sent to _Lima_. There the
boys were pardoned, but the three men suffered the fate to which they
had been condemned.
[Sidenote: 1577.]
To return to Drake: that famous captain set out from Plymouth in a
squadron, manned by one hundred and sixty-three seamen, on the 13th of
September 1577, and sailed to the coast of _Barbary_ for refreshments.
He commenced his depredations by seizing three Spanish fishing-boats; he
likewise captured three _caravels_. From _Cape Blanco_ he proceeded to
the _Cape de Verdes_, and thence stood for the Island of _St. Iago_,
where he captured a Portuguese ship. Near the equator his vessels were
becalmed for three weeks, and for fifty-five days Drake saw no land
before arriving on the coast of _Brazil_.
The expedition touched in the river _Plate_, but merely remained a short
time, when it proceeded to the southward, and anchored in a bay in
forty-seven degrees S. latitude. Two of his ships were now missing, but
one of them was here found by a vessel sent in search of them. In these
parts our countrymen first became acquainted with the race who derive
the name by which they are known to us from the height of _Pentagones_,
or five cubits, equal to seven and a half feet, with which Magellan
credited them. Mr. Fletcher, who accompanied Drake, states that these
people were of large stature, but he does not ascribe to them gigantic
proportions. At a later period, Commodore Byron described one of these
Patagonians as a frightful colossus of not less than seven feet. He was
no doubt an exception. They are in fact a tall race, but not more so
than well-grown Englishmen. Writing only the other day, Lady Florence
Dixie states that a tall Patagonian was of precisely the same height as
her husband, namely, six feet two inches, and there is no reason to
suppose that the race has physically degenerated since Magellan’s time.
[Sidenote: 1578.]
On the 20th of June Drake’s whole force anchored in _Fort St. Julian_,
where two of his men were shot by the natives. One of the objects which
attracted attention was a gibbet which had been set up by Magellan
seventy years before. At this place Mr. John Doughty was put on his
trial for conspiring to raise a mutiny in the fleet, and, being found
guilty by a jury, was condemned to be beheaded. The fleet was now
reduced to the “Pelican,” which name was soon changed to the “Golden
Hind,” the “Elizabeth,” and the “Marigold,” with which on the 20th of
August Drake arrived at the entrance of the _Straits of Magellan_. On
one side he observed an island “burning aloft in the air in a wonderful
sort without intermission.”
On the 6th of September, having passed the strait, Drake entered the
Pacific, which term must have seemed to him rather a misnomer, since he
found it rough and turbulent above measure, a tempest carrying his ships
a hundred leagues to the westward and separating them. It may be
observed that this was the second occasion on which the _Straits of
Magellan_ had been passed. Near the western outlet, Drake landed on an
island which he named after Queen Elizabeth.
It was now the mariner’s intention to proceed northwards into a warm
climate; but a terrific tempest carried the ships southward of _Cape
Horn_, thus giving to Drake the distinction of being the first European
to view the union of the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans. _Cape Horn_
had, it is said, been sighted by the Spanish Commodore Lope de Loyaya in
1525, and was doubled by Le Maire and Schouten in 1646, the latter
bestowing upon it the name of _Hoorn_, his native place in Holland.[W]
On endeavouring to regain their way northwards, the “Marigold” was lost
with all hands, whilst the “Golden Hind” and the “Elizabeth” were
separated, the latter vessel, on re-entering the strait, giving up the
voyage “by Captain Winter’s compulsion, full sore against the mariners’
minds.”
Drake’s ship being now left alone with the little pinnace, was again
driven back into the latitude of 55° south, in which the captain
anchored among some islands. After two days, however, they were driven
from their anchorage, when the pinnace lost sight of the ship. By good
fortune the former re-entered the _Straits of Magellan_, and her crew of
eight men proceeded to _Port St. Julian_, and thence to the _Plata_. Of
the eight men, four were captured by Indians, two wounded men died, and
the remaining two stayed on a small island for two months, subsisting on
crabs, eels, and fruit, but without water. They at length succeeded in
reaching the mainland, when one of the two survivors died from the
effects of drinking too much of the stream.[X]
Meanwhile Drake, in the “Golden Hind,” proceeded towards the north-west.
He fell in with two islands, where he laid in a supply of fowls, and
then continued his course to the island of _Macho_, inhabited by
Indians, by whom some of his men were attacked and slain. Drake himself
was hit in the face by an arrow, and he likewise received another wound
in the head. On the 13th of November he captured an Indian in a bay
called _St. Philip_, whom he treated with kindness, and dismissed to
rejoin his countrymen, who brought fowls, eggs, and a hog to the boat.
An Indian chief now joined Drake’s vessel, and conducted it to
_Valparaiso_, where he met with such stores as he needed, and parted
with his Indian pilot.
On the 19th of December the “Golden Hind” entered a bay near a town
called _Cyppo_, where three hundred Spaniards and Indians came down to
the shore, one of Drake’s men being slain. The navigator now proceeded
to the north, where a pinnace was set up in a convenient spot, in order
that search might be made in the creeks for intelligence of the missing
ships.
The next place landed at was _Tarapaca_, in about 20° S. latitude,
where a Spaniard was found asleep, with a bundle of thirteen silver bars
at his side, valued at four thousand _ducats_. The sleeper himself
remained uninjured otherwise than by his loss. In another place eight
_llamas_ were taken, laden with one hundred pounds’ weight of silver.
Still further on Drake reached a town where the Spaniards agreed to
traffic with him. On the 7th of February he arrived before _Arica_,
where he took some barques carrying much silver. On the 15th he reached
_Callao_, the port of _Lima_, which harbour he entered without
resistance, although thirty vessels were gathered within it. Of these he
plundered seventeen, which were laden. The vessels had no one on board,
as the visit of an enemy was the last event which was expected. In one
of these ships alone were found fifteen hundred bars of silver, whilst
another contained a large chest of coined money.
Drake took the precaution of cutting the cables of these vessels before
he set out in pursuit of a ship laden with gold and silver, which had on
the eve of his arrival departed for _Panamá_. As he was on his way he
fell in with a brigantine, from which he helped himself to eighty
pounds’ weight of gold, together with other treasures. At length he came
in sight of the “_Cacafuego_,” about one hundred and fifty leagues from
_Panamá_, when she was boarded and easily captured. From her Drake
obtained pearls and precious stones, together with eighty pounds’ weight
of gold and thirteen chests of silver. It was estimated that the “Golden
Hind” now carried a treasure of ninety thousand pounds. The
“_Cacafuego_” was permitted to go on her way, Drake’s object being
plunder and not wanton destruction.
He had good reason to avoid _Panamá_, so he stood to the westward, where
he fell in with another ship, the pilot of which he retained for his own
service. It is not within the plan of this work to follow the
adventurous navigator to _North America_ or on his further course over
the globe, on completing which he reached Plymouth on the 26th of
September 1580, having been absent two years, ten months, and some odd
days, during which time he had, in the expressive language of an old
writer, “ploughed up a furrow round the world.” It may be permitted,
however, to mention one or two points, as throwing light upon the very
singular history of the relations between Spain and England at that
period, and as therefore illustrating the position in which the Spanish
possessions in South America were placed.
The arrival of Drake at Plymouth was hailed, as on a former occasion,
with the most warm welcome, the mayor and corporation receiving him, and
the bells of St. Andrew’s Church ringing a continuous peal during the
day, whilst the gentlemen of the neighbourhood vied with the burghers to
do him honour. But all was not quite clear on Drake’s horizon. That he
had committed acts against Spain which could only be justified by his
country being at war with that power was abundantly clear. Drake was
therefore in one of two positions. Either he was an officer bearing
letters of marque, or other authority, from Queen Elizabeth, which
entitled him to commit the acts which he had committed, in which case
Elizabeth was at war with Spain; or he had committed these unquestioned
acts of piracy on his own account, in which case he was liable to
punishment, and the Spaniards whom he had plundered were entitled to
demand restitution of the losses they had sustained through his acts.
Queen Elizabeth and her Ministers took five months to decide this point,
in which they were so deeply interested and on which so much depended.
During this time Drake remained in semi-disgrace, since no ray of court
favour fell upon him. It may readily be imagined with what doubts the
Queen was at this time perplexed. That she heartily approved of the
deeds of Drake, and that she gloried in him as a gallant navigator, no
one would for a moment question; but, on the other hand, there was the
supposed colossal power of Spain, backed by the Church,--so soon to be
shivered against the force of England, but a contest with which was not
lightly to be entered upon.
Fortunately for the human race, Queen Elizabeth and her counsellors
determined to take upon themselves the responsibility of avowing the
acts of Drake, who, whilst the issues of the question concerning him
were being discussed, received the complimentary appellation of “the
master thiefe of the unknowne world,” which it must be admitted he fully
deserved. It may be interesting to state that the immediate pecuniary
results of this voyage to Drake himself, and to his partners and
fellow-adventurers, after all charges had been paid, was four thousand
seven hundred per cent. He was likewise knighted and promoted to the
rank of admiral, whilst in the “Golden Hind” he was visited by the
Queen.
Drake’s next voyage to the westward, undertaken in 1585, and to which a
tinge of romance is given from the connection with it of Sir Philip
Sidney, has so little bearing on South America that it need not occupy
our time. Nor is this the place to state the part which the gallant
seaman played in the defeat of the Spanish _Armada_. But one more line
must be written to conclude the story of Hawkins and of Drake with
reference to the colonies of Spain.
[Sidenote: 1593.]
The power of England had been so clearly pointed out to be upon the
waves, that her rulers, anxious to pursue their advantage, determined to
employ her two most valiant and renowned sea-captains for working the
yet further detriment of Spain. Accordingly, in the year 1593, the Queen
gave notice that she intended to place a fleet under Sir Francis Drake,
to whom in the following year was associated his old patron, Hawkins.
Sir John Hawkins was now an admiral, between seventy-five and eighty
years of age; and as he was, moreover, wealthy, he showed more zeal
than discretion in venturing once more upon the climate of the West
Indies. Even ten years before this period the veteran had given proof
that he was no longer the man he had been. Together with Frobisher, he
had held command of ten of the Queen’s ships to scour the coasts of
Spain; but at the end of seven months they had returned without having
taken a single vessel and without having effected anything. The Queen
was naturally indignant at such waste of force and of time, and Hawkins
deemed it necessary to excuse himself. The old slave-dealer had been
always very pious, and on this occasion he deemed it fitting to remind
her Majesty that Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but that God giveth
the increase. This quotation from Scripture was, under the
circumstances, a little out of place. Elizabeth’s comment upon it was,
“God’s death! This fool went out a soldier and is come home a divine.”
The squadron which the Queen had ordered to proceed to South America
under the joint command of the two admirals, sailed from Plymouth on the
28th of August 1595. But it was doomed to disaster throughout its
course. One vessel, the “Francis,” was taken by the Spaniards; and
whilst preparing to pass through the _Virgin Islands_, Hawkins became
extremely sick, and soon breathed his last. At _Puerto Rico_ a great
shot struck the mizen-mast of Drake’s ship, whilst another shot knocked
the stool on which he was seated from under him. Every preparation had
been made for the defence of the harbour and town; but, in spite of a
heavy fire, the English persisted in their desperate attempts, until
they had lost some forty or fifty killed and as many wounded. They were,
however, eventually compelled to retire, after having inflicted very
severe losses on the enemy.
Drake now proceeded to the _Caribbean_ shore and took the town of _La
Hacha_, the inhabitants of which ransomed themselves for thirty thousand
_ducats_. _Rancheria_ and _Rio de La Hacha_ were burnt down to the
ground, as was likewise _Santa Martha_, after which operations Drake
proceeded to _Nombre de Dios_, which was soon taken and destroyed,
together with all the frigates and barques in the harbour.
It was now decided that an attempt should be made on _Panamá_, and for
this purpose seven hundred and fifty soldiers were selected to march
over the isthmus. “The march was so sore,” says Hakluyt, “as never
Englishmen marched before;” and in the end it was deemed best, after the
loss of between eighty and ninety men, to make their way back to the
fleet.
[Sidenote: 1596.]
On the 15th of January, Sir Francis Drake began to keep his cabin; and
on the 28th of that month, at four o’clock in the morning, he departed
this life. His body was conveyed to _Puerto Bello_, where it was
solemnly committed to the deep.
* * * * *
The third of the three great men who may be said to have created between
them England’s position as Mistress of the Waves, and to have given the
English navy the character which it bears, is Sir Walter Raleigh.
Hawkins represents the old English unthinking, unreasoning, loyal,
slave-hunting, religious skipper. Drake, in turn, represented a much
higher phase of English sea-life. It is true that in his early days he
commanded a vessel in one of Hawkins’ slave-hunting expeditions; but, to
his great credit, he seems to have been so disgusted on this occasion,
that he never afterwards soiled his hands by dealing in this unholy and
abominable traffic. He was a corsair, but at the same time a
conscientious man. At _San Juan d’Ulloa_ and elsewhere he and his
companions had suffered grievous wrongs and treachery at the hands of
the Spanish authorities, wrongs for which he had in vain sought
reparation at Madrid. He therefore conceived himself--and in this belief
he was confirmed by a chaplain of his fleet--to be fully entitled to
exact on his own account the reparation which was refused him by the
Spanish Government; and it is to be noted that he sought simply
reparation, and that he is, throughout his career, entirely exempt from
charges of cruelty and of wanton depredation.
Hawkins and Drake were self-made men. They each rose to the rank of
admiral from the manly class which furnishes our seamen before the mast.
Raleigh, on the other hand, although not of aristocratic birth, and
although not, strictly speaking, a seaman by profession, yet did almost
everything towards the formation of the aristocratic element in our
navy. It was the gifted favourite of Elizabeth who induced many a youth
of the highest social circles to seek for distant ventures, and who thus
created the tradition by which the noblest families of England, from
that of the Queen downwards, devote one of their sons to the same toils,
perils, and honours which, in degree, befall all ranks of our navy.
Raleigh was ambitious for his country, for which, with prophetic vision,
he foresaw its place as Mistress of the Deep. With the famous patent
granted to him on March 25, 1584, to search out and take possession of
new lands in the western hemisphere, we have only to deal in so far as
it concerns _Guyana_.
[Sidenote: 1595.]
Raleigh had already led the way to the planting of the English race in
North America; he next directed his speculations towards the southern
hemisphere, and projected an expedition to _Guyana_. As a preliminary
measure he despatched a barque, under Captain Whiddon, to survey the
coast of that portion of South America. The object he had in view was to
explore and subdue _Guyana_, for the sake of the riches which it was
supposed to possess. With a fleet of five ships, and with a gallant
company of gentlemen, he sailed from Plymouth on the 6th of February
1595, and reached the Island of _Trinidad_, where he destroyed the new
city of _San Jose_. There leaving his ships, he proceeded with barges,
boats, and launches to explore the outlets of the _Orinoco_.
He toiled up the network of streams, through tropical thunder,
lightning, and rain. He beheld the great river swelling like a sea
between masses of luxuriant vegetation, profuse in tropical fruits and
flowers, and looked down upon from a huge height by the snow-clad
_Andes_ and by the _Condor_; but he saw no gold, nor did he discover any
mines. The setting-in of the rainy season put a period to his
explorations; and, leaving behind him a man and a boy to serve as
interpreters on his return, he set sail for England, taking with him a
young _Cacique_.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1616.]
Long years were to elapse before Sir Walter Raleigh again hoisted his
flag on the Atlantic. When he did so, a new order of things had arisen
in England, since thirteen years before he had been committed to the
Tower, from which he emerged on the 19th of March 1616. The destination
of the squadron which he now organized was again _Guyana_. A hundred
noblemen and gentlemen hastened to join the standard of the renowned
commander, whilst there was no lack of mariners eager to serve under an
admiral whose capacity has never been exceeded by any one in the long
list of our naval heroes.
On the 11th of November 1617, Raleigh, now sixty-five years of age,
reached _Guyana_, after a voyage which was in every way disastrous, and
which had left himself in impaired health and the force at his command
in diminished strength. His spirit, however, was still sanguine, as he
drifted towards the _Orinoco_ between the islands, in one of which is
laid the scene of “Robinson Crusoe.” On reaching the river, it was found
impossible for the larger vessels, including Raleigh’s own ship, the
“Destiny,” to cross the bar, and as he was in too enfeebled a condition
to lead the expedition inland in person, he had to relinquish the
command to another, whilst he himself remained cruising between the
_Orinoco_ and _Trinidad_, being so weak that he had to be carried about
in a chair.
Meanwhile, a considerable force ascended the river, under Captain Kemys
and Sir Walter’s son. _Guyana_ certainly belonged to England, if to any
foreign nation, since on the occasion of Raleigh’s former expedition the
_Caciques_, who had welcomed him as their deliverer from their Spanish
neighbours, had declared their allegiance to England. But during his
long absence Spanish settlements had been formed in the country.
Kemys proceeded up the _Orinoco_, his orders being to make for the mines
without offering molestation; but if he were attacked he was to repel
force by force. When encamped for the night half-way to the mines, he
was set upon by the Spaniards, who hoped to take him by surprise, but
who were repulsed, and who retreated, closely pursued by young Raleigh,
who fell in the pursuit. The existence of mines was, however, proved,
since four gold refineries were found in _San Pome_.
But Kemys had lost heart. The passes were in the hands of Spaniards, as
were the forests and the banks of the streams, so that his followers
were constantly shot down by unseen enemies. Returning, therefore, down
the river, he rejoined his chief, with what was literally a sentence of
death to the latter. Kemys could not bear his friend’s reproaches, and,
in utter despair, he took his own life.
Four months later Raleigh was again in England, and on the 28th of
October of the same year he expiated on Tower Hill his want of success;
the illustrious victim being offered up by the contemptible James as a
sacrifice to the implacable vengeance of Spain.
NOTE.--Chapter XVII. is founded on
“Life of Sir John Hawkins,” by Samuel Johnson, 2nd edition, 1787.
“Hawkins, (Sir John). Two Voyages made to the West Indies,”
Hakluyt, III.
“Sir Francis Drake; The World Encompassed” (Hakluyt Society). 1854.
“Voyages of Drake;” Hakluyt, II. IV.; Purchas, I. IV.
“Life of Drake,” by Barrow.
“Raleigh (Sir Walter); Discovery of Guiana” (Hakluyt Society).
1848.
“Discovery of Guiana,” by Musham (Hakluyt, II.).
“Life of Sir Walter Raleigh,” by James Augustus St. John. 1868.
APPENDIX.
I.
It would naturally be expected that in a work of this kind there should
be some reference made to the long-pending discussion respecting the
letter addressed by Amerigo Vespucci to Lorenzo de Medici, by which it
would appear that Vespucci had visited the coast of _Pária_ in the year
1497--that is to say, in the year previous to that of the first visit of
Columbus to the South-American continent; and that therefore, supposing
this visit to be established, Amerigo Vespucci, and not Columbus, was
the first European discoverer of the South-American continent. This
question is one of the very first importance as regards history or
geography; since on its solution depends not only the question after
whom the great South-American continent should be called, but likewise
the fair fame of Vespucci’s name.
Since no new points have, to my knowledge, arisen of sufficient
importance to disturb what seems to me to be the necessarily final
judgment arrived at by Washington Irving, and which had previously been
concurred in by Robertson, and which is to be seen in the Appendix No.
X. to Irving’s work, entitled “The Voyages of the Companions of
Columbus,” I must confine myself to referring my readers to what seem to
me the irrefutable arguments therein brought forward. I may at the same
time refer them to the arguments, in a contrary direction, in the
“_Viaggi di Amerigo Vespuggi di Stanislao Canovai; Firenze_,” 1832.
II.
The Italian traveller Benzoni, who has been referred to in the preceding
pages, has been quoted by Robertson, Irving, and Helps; but, considering
the unique position which he holds as being the first foreign critic of
the proceedings of the Spaniards in South America, I scarcely think that
his volume has received the full attention which it deserves at the
hands of modern writers on Spanish South America. I would therefore draw
attention to some extracts from his work, begging the reader to bear in
mind that they proceed by no means from a man of the mould of Las Casas,
but from one who, by his own confession, took part in a slave-hunting
expedition. The author in question was nevertheless, as he states, a
devout Christian, and he dedicates his history of the New World to Pope
Pius IV.
Benzoni started for America in the year 1541, and there spent fourteen
years of toil and travail. Landing at the Gulf of _Pária_, he proceeded
to _Cuba_ and other islands, returning thence to _Acla_, whence he
crossed to _Panamá_, from which place he visited the kingdom of _Peru_.
In this wandering course he passed fourteen years. Benzoni is the author
who is originally responsible for the well-known story of Columbus and
the egg. He states that whilst at _Amaracapana_ (Book I. p. 8) Captain
Calice arrived with upwards of four thousand slaves and had captured
many more. “When some of them could not walk, the Spaniards, to prevent
their remaining behind to make war, killed them by burying their swords
in their sides or their breasts. It was really a most distressing thing
to see the way in which these wretched creatures, naked, tired, and
lame, were treated; exhausted with hunger, sick, and despairing; the
unfortunate mothers, with two and three children on their shoulders or
clinging round their necks, overwhelmed with tears and grief, all tied
with cords or with iron chains round their necks, or their arms, or
their hands. Nor was there a girl but had been violated by the
depredators.”
At page 159, Benzoni observes that Spaniards have eulogised themselves
too much when they tell us that they are worthy of great praise for
having converted to Christianity the tribes and nations that they
subjugated; for there is a great difference between the name and the
being one in reality.
“The slaves are all marked in the face and on the arms by a hot iron
with the mark of C;[Y] then the governors and captains do as they like
with them; some are given to the soldiers, so that the Spaniards
afterwards sell them or gamble them away among each other. When ships
arrive from Spain, they barter these Indians for wine, flour, biscuit,
and other requisite things. And even when some of the Indian women are
pregnant by these same Spaniards, they sell them without any conscience.
Then the merchants carry them elsewhere and sell them again. Others are
sent to the island of _Spagnuola_ (_Hispaniola_), filling with them some
large vessels built like _caravels_. They carry them under the deck; and
being nearly all people captured inland, they suffer severely the sea
horrors; and not being allowed to move out of those sinks, what with
their sickness and their other wants, they have to stand in the filth
like animals; and the sea often being calm, water and other provisions
fail them, so that the poor wretches, oppressed by the heat, the stench,
the thirst, and the crowding, miserably expire there below. Now all that
country around the Gulf of _Pária_ and other places are no longer
inhabited by the Spaniards.”
* * * * *
“Finally, out of the two millions of original inhabitants (of
Hispaniola), through the number of suicides and other deaths, occasioned
by the oppressive labour and cruelties imposed by the Spaniards, there
are not a hundred and fifty now to be found: and this has been their way
of making Christians of them. What befell these poor islanders has
happened also to all the others around: _Cuba_, _Jamaica_, _Porto Rico_,
and other places. And although an almost infinite number of the
inhabitants of the mainland have been brought to these islands as
slaves, they have nearly all since died.”
* * * * *
“And there being among the Spaniards some who are not only cruel, but
very cruel. When a man occasionally wished to punish a slave, either for
some crime that he had committed, or for not having extracted the usual
quantity of silver or gold from the mine, when he came home at night,
instead of giving him supper, he made him undress, if he happened to
have a shirt on, and being thrown down on the ground, he had his hands
and feet tied to a piece of wood laid across, so permitted under the
rule called by the Spaniards the Law of Bajona, a law suggested, I
think, by some great demon; then with a thong or rope he was beaten
until his body streamed with blood; which done, they took a pound of
pitch or a pipkin of boiling oil, and threw it gradually all over the
unfortunate victim; then he was washed with some of the country pepper
mixed with salt and water. He was thus left on a plank covered over with
a cloth until his master thought he was again able to work. Others dug a
hole in the ground and put the man in upright, leaving only his head
out, and left him in it all night, the Spaniards saying that they have
recourse to this cure because the earth absorbs the blood and preserves
the flesh from forming any wound, so they get well sooner. And if any
die (which sometimes happens) through great pain, there is no heavier
punishment by law than that the master shall pay another (slave) to the
king. Thus, on account of these very great cruelties in the beginning,
some of them escaped from their masters, and wandered about the island
in a state of desperation.”
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] The scene, well-deserving to be painted, might be described in the
following lines:--
“As rolls the river into ocean,
In sable torrent wildly streaming;
As the sea-tide’s opposing motion,
In azure column proudly gleaming,
Beats back the current many a rood
In curling foam and mingling flood;
Through sparkling spray, in thundering clash,
The lightnings of the waters flash
In awful whiteness o’er the shore,
That shines and shakes beneath the roar.”
_The Giaour._
[B]
“Valiant sea-captains! Great sea-kings!
And thou, Columbus! my hero! greatest sea-king of all!”
_Carlyle._
[C] _Viaggi de_ Amerigo Vespucci.
[D] “Voyages of the Companions of Columbus;” by Washington Irving.
[E] Duke of Veragua.
[F] Helps.
[G] Navarrete.
[H] Psalm ii. 8.
[I] _Vide_ Robertson.
[J] NOTE.--“_Y esta fue la empresa de Fernando Magallanes, caballero
portugues, cuya osodiía y constancia grande en inquirir este secreto,
y no menos feliz suceso en hallarle, con eterna memoria puso nombre al
estrecho que con razon por su inventor se llama de Magallanes._”
“_Historia natural y moral de las Indias_,” by José de Acosta, Lib.
III., cap. 10. The dangers attending the passage of the Strait of
_Magellan_ caused the Isthmus of _Panamá_ to be long preferred as a
route to _Chili_ and _Peru_. Its very existence came to be doubted.
“_Las frequentes desgracias que padecieron las expediciones al
estrecho de Magallanes y los crecidos gastos que causaban, hicieron
preferible á canimo tan largo y peligroso el tránsita y conduccion
de las mercaderiás por el ismo desde Nombre de Dios ó Portobelo
hasta Panamá, fortificondo el primer punto para asegurarlo de los
ataquos de los corsarios; y aunque despues de la expedicion de Juan
Ladrillero, que salió del puerto de Valdivia en Noviembre de 1557,
continuaron los vireyes del Perú y gobernadores de Chile empresas
semejantes para reconocer el estrecho y facilitar su navigacion, ni
aun memoria de ellas se ha conservado por haberse perdido algunos de
los descubridores, y retrocedido otros sin conseguir el objeto que se
propusieron. De aqui resultó el total abandono de aquella navigacion
por mas de veinte años, llegando á olvidarse los anteriores viages
al estrecho, hasta dudar de su existencia, cuniendo la opinion de
haberse cerrado por algun terremoto ú otro accidente del mar y de las
tempestades._”--NAVARRETE, _Tomo_ IV., _Prólogo_, p. xiii.
Acosto writes previously to 1589: “_El estrecho, pues, que en la mar
del sur halló Magallanes, creyeron algunos, ó que no lo habia, ó se
habia ya cerrado, como D. Alonso de Arcila escribe en su Araucana; y
hoy dia hay quien diga que no hay tal estrecho, sino que son islas
entre la mar, porque lo que es tierra firma se acaba alli, y el resto
es todo islas, y al cabo de ellas se junta el un mar con el otro
amplísimamente, ó por mejor decirse es todo un mismo mar. Pero de
cierto consta haber el estrecho y tierre larguísima á la una banda y
á la otra, aunque la que está la otra parte del estrecho al sur no se
sabe hasta dónde llegne._”
The authority of Ercilla, cited by Acosta, is the most respectable,
says Navarette, and the most trustworthy, that could be given, since
he accompanied _Don_ Garcia de Mendoza in 1558 in his expedition along
the coast of _Chili_ as far as _Chiloë_, and then passed with ten
soldiers, after surmounting great difficulties, in a small boat, to
the opposite coast, there writing his name on a tree.
The following is the inscription commemorating this incident:--
“_Acqui llegó donde otro no ha llegado
Don Alonso de Ercilla, que el primero
En un pequeño barco deslastrado,
Con solos diez, pasó el desaguadero
El año de cincuenta y ocho entrado
Sobre mil y quinientos, par hebrero,
A las dos de la tarde el postrer dia,
Volviendo á la dejada compañía._”
“_Araucania_,” canto xxxvi., oct. 29.
* * * * *
“_Magallánes, Señor, fue el primer hombre
Que abriendo este canimo le dió nombre._
“_Por falta de pilotos, ó encubierta
Causa quizá importante, y no sabida
Esta secreta senda descubierta,
Quedó para nosotros escondida
Ora sea yerro de la altura cierta,
Ora que alguna isleta removida
Del tempestuosa mar y viento airado
Encallando en la boca la ha cerrado._”
“_Araucania_,” canto i., octs. 8 y 9.
The expedition of Magellan was on his death brought to a glorious
termination by Juan Sebastian de Elcano, with reference to whom Oviedo
writes as follows:--
“_El cual, y los que con él vinieron me paresce á mí que son de mas
eterna memoria dignos que aquellos argonáutas que con Jason navegaron
á la isla de Colcos en demanda del vellocino de oro._”
“_Hist. general de las Indias_,” part 2, lib. 20, cap. 1.
[K] History of the Conquest of Peru; by William H. Prescott. Bentley.
1850.
[L] See Ovalle.
[M] On July 8th, 1730, and May 24th, 1751. On this account _New
Conception_ was founded November 24th, 1764.
[N] Fernandez, lib. II. c. 18.
[O] The Abbé Ignatius Molina.
[P] _Vide_ p. 94.
[Q] Ovalle states that Caupolican, previously to his barbarous
execution, desired with great concern to be baptised, and that he
received the absolution.--_Relation of the Kingdom of Chile_, Book v.,
chap. xxiii.
[R] The present Valdivia is merely a garrison.
[S] Hawkins, in Hakluyt.
[T] Hakluyt.
[U] Hakluyt. Dr. Johnson, in his Life of Drake, judiciously omits all
mention of his hero’s share in this slave-hunt.
[V] Hakluyt.
[W] It had previously been passed by Brouwer in 1642. See page 39,
vol. ii.
[X] “Purchas,” from Curder’s narrative.
[Y] The initial letter of the Emperor Charles V.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
Uraguay=> Uruguay {pg ix}
at seven thousans=> at seven thousands {pg 26}
future of that cavelier=> future of that cavalier {pg 47}
the orders of the Catholics kings=> the orders of the Catholic kings {pg
66}
should he set apart=> should be set apart {pg 80}
from a maize of bushes=> from a maze of bushes {pg 108}
place themselves under Gonzalo Pizzaro=> place themselves under Gonzalo
Pizarro {pg 181}
the support of Banalcazar=> the support of Benalcazar {pg 184}
Voyage dans l’Amerigne Méridionale=> Voyage dans l’Amérigue Méridionale
{pg 264}
A coloquy now occurred=> A colloquy now occurred {pg 285}
>Nombre de Dois=> >Nombre de Dios {pg 288}
were called _Simerons_=> were called _Symerons_ {pg 288}
Nombre de Dois=> Nombre de Dios {pg 288}
the two survivers=> the two survivors {pg 294}
thireen chests of silver=> thirteen chests of silver {pg 295}
the master thiefe of the unknowne word=> the master thiefe of the
unknowne world {pg 297}