_BRAZIL._
1570-1622.
[Sidenote: 1578.]
The growth of the colony of _Brazil_ had been so rapid during the
fourteen years’ able administration of Mem de Sa that it was now thought
advisable to divide its territory into two governments, _S. Sebastian_,
or _Rio de Janeiro_, being the capital of the second government, which
was to include all the settlements to the south of that place. This
subdivision, however, was not found convenient, and at the end of two
years the southern government was made subordinate to the northern. At
this precise period the succession to the crown of Portugal was in
dispute; and Philip II. of Spain, one of the claimants, offered the
entire Brazilian colonies, with the title of King, to the Duke of
Braganza, which offer, however, was not accepted.
It may be of interest here to give a brief account of this splendid
colonial empire, as it was represented, for the information of the
Portuguese Government, by one who had resided seventeen years in the
country. In the year 1581 the city of _S. Salvador_, now _Bahia_,
contained eight hundred inhabitants, and the whole _Reconcave_, or the
coast-line of the surrounding bay, about two thousand, exclusive of
negroes and native Indians. Five hundred horse and two thousand foot
could be brought into the field; whilst three _caravels_ and fourteen
hundred boats were available for the king’s service. The cathedral
church could boast five dignitaries, six canons, two minor canons, four
chaplains, and one _curé_ and his coadjutor. There were no less than
sixty-two churches in the city, together with three monasteries. In this
respect _S. Salvador_ had certainly no cause of complaint. The country
for two miles round was covered with plantations. In the _Reconcave_
there were fifty-seven sugar-works, the quantity annually exported
amounting to about two thousand four hundred hogsheads. Cattle and
horses, which had been imported from the _Cape de Verdes_, increased in
prodigious numbers. There were persons who possessed forty or fifty
brood mares, which might sell at _Pernambuco_ for thirty ducats a-piece;
sheep and goats likewise flourished, having been imported from Europe.
Oranges and lemons, which the settlers had introduced, had become
plentiful. The palm-tree was grown, and likewise the cocoa plant; the
melon, the pomegranate, and the vine were not cultivated with such
success, being unable to withstand the ravages of the ant. The tea plant
had been discovered at _Bahia_, where coffee likewise was grown. Ginger
throve so well that in one year four thousand _arrobas_ were preserved.
The sugar-cane is indigenous in _Brazil_, and was found in plenty near
_Rio de Janeiro_. The parasites which fill up the interstices of the
Brazilian forests were put to various uses; their juice was applied for
the purpose of tanning, and their branches were woven into wicker-work
or beaten into tow. These plants form a remarkable feature in Brazilian
scenery. They encircle the trees up which they climb only to regain the
ground; the same plant there takes root again, crossing from bough to
bough and from tree to tree, wherever they may be carried by such
breezes as may pierce the almost impermeable jungle.
In some portions of the _Reconcave_ saltpetre was to be found; but for
lime the colonists were dependent on oyster shells, which, however, were
at some points procurable in great abundance. Fish of various kinds
abounded, and oil was extracted from the liver of the shark. At one or
two places ambergris was found. The rumours of wealth in the precious
metals and stones which were then in circulation have since been amply
confirmed.
[Sidenote: 1582.]
In _Bahia_ there were then said to be more than a hundred persons
enjoying an income of five thousand _cruzados_, or two thousand five
hundred _ducats_; whilst some settlers possessed plate and gold to a
great value. They were supplied with wine from _Madeira_ and the
_Canaries_. The settlement of _Pernambuco_ was not less flourishing;
there were fifty sugar-works, the tenths of which were leased for
nineteen thousand _cruzados_, or half that number of _ducats_. _Olinda_
might contain seven hundred inhabitants, not including those who dwelt
in the villas and works in the gardens of its vicinity. Three thousand
men could be brought into the field; and it may be noted that as early
as 1582 between four and five thousand African slaves were employed in
the Captaincy. About five-and-forty ships came annually for sugar and
brazil-wood.
_S. Vicente_ likewise flourished. This Captaincy was situated
sufficiently far to the south to admit of the cultivation of wheat and
barley. It might also produce wine. _Espirito Santo_ and other portions
of _Brazil_ did not fare so well as those above mentioned. The early
settlers in the colony are said to have suffered much from the jiggers
and other insects of the country, and it was only with time that they
learned the remedies which the natives were accustomed to apply to the
attacks of these tormentors. The fleets which had formerly been sent out
each year with a reinforcement of young settlers now no longer arrived;
and, wholesome as the air of _Brazil_ for the most part is, it proved
hurtful to many Europeans. The admixture, too, of the three different
races, European, Brazilian, and Negro, was said to have generated
certain new diseases, or at least new constitutions, in which old
diseases took a new form. Complaints of the liver were prevalent, as
were those of the eye. But on the whole it was said that in no instance
have Europeans suffered so little by transplantation from their own
country into one of a very different climate as did the Portuguese in
_Brazil_. It may be remarked, however, that the term _Brazil_ is a very
wide word indeed, comprising as that empire does a space equal to about
two-thirds of Europe, and that there are probably far greater variations
of climate between its northern and its southern portions, as well as
between its highlands and lowlands, than exist between the climate of
Lisbon and that of its southern provinces. As to the moral quality of
the early settlers, seeing that they comprised a considerable portion of
the banished criminal population of the mother country, it is not
surprising that the average of crime should for some time have been
greater in the colony than in Portugal. The energy of the race, however,
at this its heroic period, found ample scope, and as years rolled on the
resources of the magnificent territory which had fallen under the
Portuguese sceptre were gradually unfolded.
It was long before the French could be persuaded to give up the hope of
establishing themselves somewhere in _Brazil_. They made the _Paraïba_
their favourite port of trade, where they allied themselves with some
savage neighbouring tribes, and caused such trouble to the Portuguese
that they themselves resolved to establish fortified settlements on the
above-named river. The governor of _San Salvador_ deputed this task to
Flores de Valdes, who had been sent by Philip II. of Spain, with a fleet
of twenty-three vessels, to secure the Straits of _Magellan_ when Drake
had alarmed him for the safety of his possessions on the Pacific. Valdes
had been foiled in his attempts to reach the Straits, and had been
driven back to _Bahia_ with only six ships. With these and two others he
sailed to _Pernambuco_. There were four French vessels in the
_Paraïba_. The French themselves, however, set fire to them, and then
joined the savages on shore. The Spanish and Portuguese troops landed
without opposition and constructed a fortress; but its commander could
not long maintain it against the _Pitagoares_, and made a hasty retreat
to _Itamaraca_. It was, however, again recovered by means of a fresh
reinforcement from _Pernambuco_.
The name of England is at this period for the first time brought into
prominent notice in connection with _Brazil_, which, being a colony of a
country now under the Spanish crown, was subject to the warlike
operations of the enemies of Spain. In 1582 an English expedition,
destined for the East, and commanded by Admiral Fenton, reached the
coast of _Brazil_ and anchored off _San Vicente_, where an English
vessel had previously come to trade. Indeed a trade had some time since
sprung up between Plymouth and Southern _Brazil_, the first merchant
navigator mentioned being the father of Sir John Hawkins, who made two
voyages, in 1530 and 1532, respectively. The expedition under Fenton
merely called for peaceful objects, and did not commit any act of
hostility; but the proceedings of Drake had already drawn down the
hatred of all Spaniards on his countrymen; and Flores, having been
informed of the presence of English vessels at _San Vicente_, made for
that place and prepared to attack them. The action began in the evening
and was fought by moonlight. One of the Spanish ships was sunk, and in
the course of the following day the English vessels put to sea. It is
recorded to the credit of their humane commander that he refrained from
sinking another of the Spanish vessels, not wishing to cause a needless
loss of life.
[Sidenote: 1586.]
Four years later another English expedition sailed for the South Sea,
but of a less pacific nature. Lord Cumberland was at its head, but
Withrington was in active command, and of two privateers which
accompanied it, one had been fitted out by Raleigh. From information
which they obtained from Portuguese vessels which they had captured,
they resolved to attack _San Salvador_, and accordingly made for
_Bahia_. The safety of that place is said to have been due to the
presence of converted Indians, who had been gathered together there, and
who constituted a formidable force of archers; but the English remained
six weeks in the bay, doing much damage to the neighbouring country.
The next English privateer of whom we read in connection with _Brazil_
is Cavendish, who sent two of his vessels to attack the town of
_Santos_. The inhabitants were surprised at mass, and the one man who
resisted was slain, the rest being detained prisoners in church. They
contrived to escape, however, at night, and took good care to make away
with all their portable property; so that when Cavendish arrived some
days later he found neither inhabitants nor provisions. The result was
that after remaining several weeks the fleet had to depart worse
provisioned than when it had arrived. The next exploit of Cavendish was
to burn _San Vicente_ on his way to the Straits, which, however, he
failed to pass. His ships being dispersed in a storm, he put back alone
to the coast of _Brazil_, and landed twenty-five men near _Santos_, with
instructions to seize provisions and return forthwith. But of this party
not a man returned. They were seized by the natives, and only two were
spared to be carried prisoners to _Santos_.
Cavendish was now joined by another vessel of his squadron, and made for
_Espirito Santo_. It not being deemed prudent for the ships to attempt
to cross the bar, a party of eighty men were sent over it in boats, the
orders of their commander, Captain Morgan, being to discover a good
landing-place near the town. Disobeying the positive commands of his
superior, he landed with a number of his men, with the result that he
was himself killed, together with a large proportion of his force, upon
which Cavendish left the coast of _Brazil_ in despair, and died, it is
said, of grief on his homeward voyage.
[Sidenote: 1594.]
The next English expedition to _Brazil_ was better designed. Three
ships, the largest of them being of about two hundred and forty tons,
were fitted out by certain citizens of London, and sailed under the
command of James Lancaster, who was well acquainted with the Portuguese,
having lived amongst them. _Pernambuco_ was his point of attack, and for
this purpose he secured two Frenchmen as interpreters in the language of
the neighbouring natives. One of his vessels, commanded by Barker, had
to put back to refit, but this officer rejoined him off Cape _Blanco_,
having already captured four-and-twenty Spanish and Portuguese sail.
They then made for _Pernambuco_, and on the way fell in with another
English squadron under Captain Venner, consisting of four vessels.
Venner readily agreed to assist Lancaster in securing a rich prize from
a ship from India which had been wrecked near _Olinda_, at the port of
which place her cargo was stowed. Venner was to receive a fourth of the
value of the prize.
They arrived off _Recife_ towards the end of March, 1595, where they
discovered three large Dutch ships lying at the entrance. Lancaster
manned five of his prizes, with orders to board the Dutch vessels should
they offer opposition. His men were embarked in boats, and he himself
took command of the galley, rowed by eighty of his ship’s company. This
happened at night, and when morning came they found that the boats had
drifted half a mile to the north. It was now ebb-tide, and they were
forced to remain off the port in full sight of the place; but they had
the satisfaction of seeing the Dutch vessels move away from the
entrance. About noon, Lancaster received a message from the governor,
requesting to know his object. The reply, given in curt seaman’s terms,
was that he wanted the Indian prize, and that he meant to have it. On
this declaration the Portuguese manned the small work at the mouth of
the harbour and collected their entire force of six hundred men. At two
o’clock the tide turned, when Lancaster led the way, running his boat on
shore immediately under the battery, the other boat’s crew following his
example. The place was then gallantly stormed; upon which Lancaster made
signal for his ships to enter the harbour. He left a garrison in the
fort and planted its guns against _Olinda_; after this he marched on
_Recife_, which place he found abandoned, and where he obtained the
sought-for prize.
The admiral now displayed much prudence. As his booty could not readily
be removed, he put the Isthmus of _Recife_ in a state of defence. This
done, he opened communication with the Dutch vessels, which he chartered
to take cargoes to England. He likewise obtained assistance from some
French vessels which soon afterwards arrived, and to which he parted
with valuable stores that were in excess of his own requirements. He
obstinately refused to enter into parley with the authorities of
_Olinda_, going on board ship when their envoys came to seek him.
Meanwhile the work of lading went on; and in repulsing an attack which
was made upon his force he was so fortunate as to secure some small
carts, which were invaluable for transporting his spoil. He likewise
captured a Portuguese ship with forty hands, whom he employed to relieve
his own men in the work of carrying.
The Portuguese, however, were not idle meanwhile. During three weeks
they made repeated attacks on the English, who were always compelled to
fight for their supply of water. They next set five small vessels on
fire, and let them float down the stream; but for this attempt Lancaster
was prepared, and the fire-ships were stopped by grappling-irons and
chains. A week later, at midnight, three blazing rafts came down the
stream, having long poles attached to their sides to prevent their
being grappled, and likewise having sparkling fireworks. The English,
however, laid wet cloths on their powder, flasks, and oars, and, seeing
the necessity of stopping them at all hazards, succeeded in doing so.
The attempts of the Portuguese to cut the cables of the enemy’s ships
were likewise baffled. Whilst they were preparing a third attempt to
fire the ships, Lancaster, having now got his booty on board, was ready
to depart. On the day of departure, however, in consequence of the state
of the tide, it was necessary to delay till the evening; and in the
attempt to destroy a battery which was being prepared by the Portuguese,
some three hundred French and English were led into an ambuscade, losing
thirty-five of their number, amongst them the vice-admiral, Barker. The
same evening eleven richly-laden vessels set sail, and all safely
reached their destination.
* * * * *
So well had Nobrega’s system been followed by his successors that, in
the course of half a century, all the natives along the coast of
_Brazil_, where Portuguese settlements extended, were collected in
villages under their superintendence; whilst, on the other hand, so
successfully had the slave-hunters practised their arts in setting one
tribe of natives against another that the number of the latter was very
greatly reduced. It thus happened that both missionaries and
slave-hunters had now to penetrate much farther into the interior than
heretofore, in search either of converts or of captives; and in this way
fresh portions of the vast territory were from time to time discovered.
About the year 1594, Rifault, a French adventurer, who had previously
visited the coast of _Brazil_, returned to that country with three
vessels, one of which he lost near _Maranham_, on which island he took
refuge. Having returned to Europe, his people were now headed by the
_Sieur des_ Vaux, who persuaded the islanders to own the rule of the
French. With this concession he too returned to France, and submitted
to Henri IV. a project for taking possession of the considerable island
of _Maranham_. The king listened with satisfaction, and sent back Des
Vaux, accompanied by a commissioner of rank, by whose report he was to
be guided; but before the report could be made Henri had been
assassinated.
[Sidenote: 1612.]
Permission was, however, granted to form a company for the purpose of
colonizing _Maranham_, and certain gentlemen were appointed
lieutenants-general in the _West Indies_ and _Brazil_. The expedition
was fitted out in Brittany, and sailed in March 1612; and, after a
severe voyage, it reached the island of _Fernando Noronha_, whence it
proceeded to _Maranham_. The islanders put themselves, as had been
expected, under the protection of France, and their example was followed
by two tribes on the mainland. The Cross and the French flag were
planted side by side. Unfortunately, however, for the French, the
Brazilian Government had just at this time turned its attention in the
same direction; and before any tidings of the above proceedings had
reached Madrid, orders had been sent out to prosecute the discovery and
conquest of the river _Amazons_ and the adjoining regions. The governor
was ordered to fix his residence at _Olinda_ in order to push on the
expedition, to the command of which Geronymo de Albuquerque was
appointed. He was later joined by Compos Moreno. Their progress,
however, was slow, and in due time they came into collision with the
French, of whose presence in that region the Brazilian authorities now
for the first time became aware. It so happened that the officer who
made the discovery was prevented by contrary winds from returning from
_Maranham_ to _Pernambuco_. He was driven to the Spanish Main, whence he
set sail for Spain. On his arrival there he immediately despatched his
pilot to _Brazil_ to warn the authorities, whilst he himself proceeded
for the same purpose to Madrid. In this way the colonial government
heard of the French occupation of _Mararnham_ not from _Brazil_, but
from Europe.
Fresh instructions were now sent out to the governor, with stringent
orders to direct his whole attention towards the island of _Maranham_.
The preparations for that object were accordingly pushed forward with
renewed vigour; and in course of time the expedition reached the port of
_Peria_, in the vicinity of _Maranham_, to examine which a
reconnoitering party was now sent out. From a deserter the Portuguese
commander learned that the French meant to attack his vessels. He,
however, contented himself with drawing them up on shore, and the French
victory was confined to securing three of his six ships. The Portuguese,
meanwhile, endured such sufferings that a conspiracy was formed amongst
the soldiers to blow up the powder-magazine, and thus compel a retreat
to _Pernambuco_ by land. The question was, however, settled by the
arrival of the French commander Rivardiere, with seven ships and many
canoes, containing four hundred Frenchmen and four hundred natives. He
forthwith ordered half his force to take possession of a hill which
commanded the Portuguese encampment, whilst his native allies proceeded
to entrench themselves by means of fascines which they had carried with
them, and by means of which they kept themselves in communication with
the fleet. Albuquerque, seeing that he was thus cut off from the hope of
obtaining fresh water, had no alternative but to fight, although his
force both of Portuguese and of natives bore a very small proportion to
that opposed to him.
Of the two Portuguese chiefs, the one attacked the enemy on the beach;
the other undertook to dislodge him from the hill, each having a force
of seventy Portuguese and forty natives, whilst a small body was kept in
reserve. The Portuguese attack was so well planned that the French on
the hill, not perceiving their own danger, descended to the help of
their countrymen, and were unexpectedly charged on the flank. After a
short but severe struggle one of their commanders fell, and they retired
to their entrenchments on the hill; but the Portuguese, following them,
stormed these works likewise and put their defenders to the rout.
Rivardiere was so confident in his superiority of numbers that he did
not think it necessary to succour his men engaged until the moment had
passed for doing so. The tide having now fallen, his canoes were left
high and dry on the beach. He attempted to attack the fort, but the
muddy shore kept his launches at a distance, and the invalids kept up a
brisk fire upon him. One hundred and fifteen of his men were left dead
on the field, whilst nine were taken prisoners.
A correspondence now took place between the commanders on either side,
as a result of which the following terms were proposed namely, that
there should be a truce till the end of the following year, whilst
meanwhile two cavaliers, the one French, the other Portuguese, should
proceed to France, and likewise two to Spain, to lay the matter before
their sovereigns; and that when the determination of the two courts
should arrive, the party which should receive orders to remove should
evacuate the country, the prisoners meanwhile being released. Rivardiere
further bound himself to withdraw his ship and allow free ingress to the
supplies which the Portuguese expected. These articles were duly signed,
and accordingly two vessels were sent with commissioners to France and
Spain respectively.
But the terms of the convention were not long observed. After a while
Albuquerque began to receive reinforcements; and finding himself in
sufficient strength, he now informed Rivardiere that he had received
instructions stating that these countries belonged to the Portuguese
crown, and that he was therefore under the necessity of considering the
treaty between them as annulled. The French commander now agreed to
evacuate the island of _Maranham_ within five months, on condition that
the Portuguese should pay for the artillery to be left there, thus to
enable him to pay for transports for his people. As security for his
good faith he surrendered one of the forts, of which Albuquerque took
possession; but from the length of time for which he stipulated before
his withdrawal, it is probable that he calculated on something occurring
meanwhile which might render that operation unnecessary.
[Sidenote: 1615.]
Campos had meanwhile reached Lisbon, where he pressed upon the
Government the necessity of sending out reinforcements without loss of
time. He himself returned with adequate succours for that purpose to
_Pernambuco_, where he found the governor busily employed towards the
same end. Their united force amounted to nine hundred men, who were
embarked in seven ships. Compos had left _Maranham_ for Europe in
January 1615, and he returned to that island early in October of the
same year, the supreme command of the expedition being now given to De
Moura, the late captain of _Pernambuco_. In flagrant breach of the
second convention with Rivardiere, the French were now attacked in Fort
_St. Louis_, whither they had retired. The French commander submitted
unconditionally, and was allowed to sail for France with four hundred of
his countrymen. By his incapacity in treating with the Portuguese when
his superiority at sea put it within his power to cut off their
provisions, the island of _Maranham_ was lost to France.
The next enemy with whom the Portuguese had to contend were of a
different race. The Dutch had begun to trade on the north of the
_Amazons_, and had established factories on some of the numerous islands
at its mouth. They had given out to the natives that a fleet would soon
arrive to establish a colony, and when this intelligence reached
Caldeira (a Portuguese officer who had been sent north from _Maranham_
with two hundred men to establish a settlement on the _Amazons_), it was
confirmed by the arrival of a large Dutch vessel. The ship was attacked
by his orders, but the Dutchmen defended themselves so well that they
could not be conquered save by setting fire to the vessel. This new
Captaincy, which was called _Pará_, was disturbed with serious
dissensions, which led to Caldeira, the governor, being put in chains by
his mutinous garrison. The colony had likewise to encounter
long-continued hostility on the part of the natives. A new governor was
sent out from Lisbon, with orders to send home as prisoners both
Caldeira and the officer who had accepted the government in his place
from the mutineers. When this was done, the war against the natives was
prosecuted, and they were successfully hunted down by a ruffian called
Maciel, whose object seemed to be to exterminate them. If this were his
purpose, it was still further assisted by the fearful havoc caused at
this time amongst them by the small-pox.
[Sidenote: 1622.]
In the year 1622 a new governor-general brought with him some Jesuits;
but the appearance of these Fathers in _Maranham_ excited a tumult
against them; for, much to the credit of their order, it had set itself
in systematic opposition to the iniquitous conduct of the Portuguese
towards the natives. A compromise had to be arrived at, by which the
Jesuits agreed, under pain of banishment and the confiscation of their
property, not to interfere with the domesticated natives. As a wide belt
of desolation had been placed round the Portuguese settlements by
Maciel, it was somewhat difficult for the Fathers to find any other
natives to exercise their influence upon. About this time much was done
to explore the region of the Lower _Amazons_, in which service it is to
be admitted that Maciel, who was now captain of _Pará_, was as energetic
as he was ever savage in his bearing towards the Indians. At the river
_Curupá_ some of his people found Dutch, English, and French
adventurers, who had made trenches for their defence, and had enlisted
natives to assist them. From this post they were driven by Maciel, who
destroyed their factories both on the _Curupá_ and on the island of
_Tocujuz_.
Having effected this congenial work, he returned to _Belem_, now called
_Parâ_. His new conquests were considered at Madrid to be of such
consequence as to deserve to be erected into a separate government,
partly on account of the difficulty of communication between _Maranham_
and _Pernambuco_. But the days were at hand when the natives were to be
avenged by the arm of another European nation for the wrongs which they
had suffered from Maciel and his like.
NOTE.--Chapters V., IX., XV. and XVI. of vol. I. are founded on
“History of _Brazil_;” by Robert Southey. Longman. 1810.
On “The History of _Paraguay_;” Charles A. Washburn. Lee and
Shepard. New York. 1871.
On “_Noticia Biografica De Fernando de Magallanes_;” by Navarrete.
On “_Lettres Édifiautes et Curienses,;” écrites des Missions
Étrangères. Nouv. edit._; _par_ Querbeuf.
On “_La Plata_;” _Etude Historique_; _par_ Santiego Arcos. Paris.
1865.
On “History of the Indies;” by J. de Acosta; Hakluyt Society. 1880.
On works previously referred to.
And on “_Voyage dans l’Amérigue Méridionale_;” _par Don_ F. de
Azara. 4 vols. 8vo. 1809.