BRAZIL; _FAILURE OF THE FRENCH AT_ RIO DE JANEIRO.
1510-1570.
In following the progress of discovery in South America it is necessary
to turn to another direction. The main centres from which discoveries
were made may for general purposes be set down as three, namely:--(1.)
From the Isthmus of _Panama_ by the Spaniards; (2.) From the river
_Plata_ by the Spaniards; and (3.) From _Bahia_, on the coast of
_Brazil_, by the Portuguese. We have now to turn to the last-named
point.
[Sidenote: 1510.]
The date at which the first Portuguese settler established himself in
_Bahia_ was about 1510. The name of this pioneer was Diogo Alvarez, the
sole survivor of a crew wrecked to the north of that beautiful bay. He
made himself useful to the natives, and being the fortunate possessor of
a musket and some gunpowder, he so impressed their imaginations that
they presently made him their chief. After a time, taking advantage of
the visit of a French vessel, he was enabled to return to Europe and to
initiate a trade between France and the region in which his lot was
cast. He likewise desired that his countrymen should colonize the
province; but the Portuguese Government were disposed rather to lend
assistance towards establishing a trade between their own and distant
countries than to encourage agricultural settlements abroad. For this
reason, _Brazil_, which, from the nature of its population, offered but
scanty inducements to traders, was neglected for many years after its
discovery. At length, however, it became of sufficient importance to
attract attention, and the system was adopted, which had succeeded in
other Portuguese settlements, of apportioning it out into captaincies,
extending, as a rule, each for fifty leagues along the coast.
[Sidenote: 1531]
The first person who took possession of one of these captaincies was
Martim Affonso de Sousa, afterwards governor of the Portuguese
possessions in India, and who had the distinction of carrying St.
Francis Xavier to the East. He has the honour of having discovered the
bay on which was to rise the future capital of _Brazil_, and which,
under the belief that it was the estuary of a river, he named _Rio de
Janeiro_, having discovered it on the first of January.
Having surveyed the coast southward to the _Plata_, he selected as a
spot for a settlement an island in the twenty-fourth degree of southern
latitude, and was fortunate enough to conciliate the good-will of the
neighbouring population through the medium of a ship-wrecked Portuguese
sailor whom he found amongst them. This colony soon removed to the
island of _S. Vicente_, from which the captaincy was named. Here Martim
Affonso introduced the sugar-cane, and reared the first cattle known to
that region.
Amongst the other captaincies founded about this period were those of
_S. Amaro_, which adjoined _S. Vicente_, and _Espirito Santo_ to the
north. Next came the captaincy of _Porto Seguro_, where Cabral had
landed on first taking possession of _Brazil_. Here sugar-works were
established with considerable success. Beyond came the captaincy of the
_Ilheos_ or Isles, so called from a river with three islands near its
bar. The town of old _S. Paulo_ was soon afterwards founded.
The coast from the _San Francisco_ river to the point of _Padram de
Bahia_ was granted to Francisco Coutinho, a distinguished _Fidalgo_, to
whom was likewise assigned that beautiful bay with its surrounding
creeks and hundred islands. It may be mentioned, as showing the mixture
of Portuguese and native blood which from the earliest settlement
existed in the Brazilian race, that two of Coutinho’s followers married
daughters of the first Portuguese settler, Diogo Alvarez, the mothers of
whom were native women. A son of one of the neighbouring chiefs having
been killed by the Portuguese, the savages attacked Coutinho, and after
seven years of hostilities compelled him to abandon his settlement and
retreat to the adjoining captaincy of the Isles. He was afterwards
treacherously slain.
One other captaincy was established about this time--that of
_Pernambuco_, the chief town of which, from its lovely situation,
received the suggestive name of _Olinda_. The tribe occupying the
vicinity were called _Cahetes_, and have handed down to this day the
remarkable wicker-work _catamarans_, which those who have landed at
_Pernambuco_ are not likely to forget. From this savage tribe, Coelho,
to whom the grant was assigned, had to conquer by inches what had been
granted to him by leagues; he was even attacked and besieged in his
town. By degrees, however, and by the aid of an alliance with another
tribe, he at length established himself in his captaincy.
The captaincy of _Maraham_ was assigned to John de Barros, the
historian, who, dividing his grant with two others, undertook a scheme
of conquest as well as of colonization, sending out from Portugal an
expedition of nine hundred men. Fortune, however, did not smile upon the
enterprise. The fleet was wrecked on some shoals, and the survivors
escaped to the island which bears the above-mentioned name.
It does not lie within the compass of this work to go into the condition
of the native tribes in any part of South America previously to the
arrival of the Spaniards and Portuguese. It will be sufficient to
indicate the materials, whether European, native, mixed, or African, of
which the several States of South America were composed at the period of
their declaring themselves independent of Spain and Portugal,
respectively. We therefore pass over much that is interesting, as told
by the early writers, of the condition of the tribes as they were found
by the settlers in _Brazil_, a _résumé_ of which may be found in the
pages of Southey. There is not much of an active nature to relate in the
history of the several captaincies at this period beyond a tale of
successive little wars, in which the Portuguese were for the most part
allied with some one native tribe against another.
[Sidenote: 1549.]
It was not until the lapse of half a century after the discovery of
_Brazil_ that the Portuguese possessions in that region came to be
looked upon as being of real importance to the mother country. It then
began to be perceived that the system of having so many captaincies or
separate governments, under no supreme authority nearer than Lisbon, was
one likely to be productive of considerable inconvenience and confusion.
The lives and property of the colonists were at the mercy of the several
governors, and serious complaints of this state of things reached the
king of Portugal. It was resolved, therefore, to revoke the powers of
the captains, whilst leaving them their grants, and to appoint over them
a governor-general. The person chosen for this high office was De Sousa,
who was instructed to establish himself at _Bahia_, which place he was
to put into a state of defence against all enemies. He took with him the
great Nobrega and some other Jesuit Fathers, the first of their order
who proceeded to South America. A new town was now built at _Bahia_. A
hundred houses arose within four months, and De Sousa’s fleet was
followed at no great distance of time by another, bearing a number of
maidens of noble family, who were to be given in marriage to the
officers and to receive dowries from the royal property. Young orphans
were likewise sent out year by year to be educated by the Jesuits, who
at once began the system of beneficence towards the natives from which
they never deviated; but they could not here, as they had done
elsewhere, engraft the principles of Christianity upon the existing
religion and manners of the country. It was impossible to come to any
compromise with cannibalism, and almost impossible to wean the natives
from this custom. The Jesuits, however, persevered in the face of all
difficulties; they built churches; they established schools for
children; they taught these to read and to write; and they made
themselves acquainted with the native tongues, into which they
translated the prayers of the Church. They had considerable
difficulties, however, to encounter in reconciling their teaching with
the practice of their fellow-countrymen; for it must be remembered that,
during the half century that elapsed between the discovery of _Brazil_
and the arrival of the Fathers, the colonists had been without religious
guides. In one respect the Jesuits’ work was easy. The youthful
Brazilians showed themselves passionately fond of music, and were in
this branch of education eager and apt pupils.
[Sidenote: 1552.]
The number of Jesuits soon increased, and in the year 1552 Nobrega
received the title of Vice-Provincial of _Brazil_. Two years later that
government became the seat of a bishop, to whose arrival Nobrega
anxiously looked forward for support against the easy-going priests,
who, far from being imbued with the zeal of the Jesuits, connived at
their countrymen enslaving the Brazilians and making their women their
concubines. A Jesuit College was established in the plains of
_Riatininga_, about thirteen leagues from _S. Vicente_, to which
thirteen of the company were sent, and which received the name of _S.
Paulo_, a name shared by the town which arose adjoining it. The chief of
this establishment, the celebrated Anchieta, devoted himself by day and
by night to the instruction of the numerous pupils who came to him from
the neighbouring settlements, whilst at the same time he did his best
to acquaint them with the arts of civilization.
[Sidenote: 1558.]
From the time of the discovery of _Brazil_ the French had occasionally
visited that coast, and about the year 1558 they attempted to establish
themselves at _Rio de Janeiro_ under Villegagnon, the same who had
conveyed Mary Queen of Scots from Scotland to Brittany, eluding the
vigilance of the English. He had obtained the permission of his
sovereign to undertake an expedition to America, having given his
assurances to Coligny that he would protect Protestants in the new
colony. He received two large vessels and a store-ship, together with
all that was necessary for the furtherance of his project. Being well
received by the natives at _Rio de Janeiro_, who were hostile to the
Portuguese, he took up his position on an island in the noble bay, not
far from the entrance. Here he erected a small fortification, to which
he gave the name of _Coligny_; in choosing a spot for a settlement,
however, he had overlooked one great disadvantage, the absence of water.
His expedition had been badly provided with stores; in consequence, his
men were immediately on their arrival made to subsist upon the food of
the country, and the result was a conspiracy against him. It was,
however, thwarted by the fidelity of three Scotchmen whom Villegagnon
reserved as his guard. Coligny was indefatigable in supplying the wants
of the colony, but he had been deceived by Villegagnon’s protestations
of zeal for the reformed religion, which had been feigned for the
purpose of gaining the admiral’s influence. In _Brazil_ he threw off the
mask, and those who had joined his settlement for the sake of liberty of
conscience found themselves even worse off than they had been in France.
The Portuguese permitted the French colony to remain for four years
unmolested, and had it not been for the treachery and double-dealing of
Villegagnon, _Rio de Janeiro_ might have remained a permanent French
settlement. Some ten thousand Huguenots were ready to emigrate, with
their arts, had they been sure of meeting with toleration; but the
governor’s arbitrary proceedings ruined the project. The court of Lisbon
was at length aroused by Nobrega to the dangerous rivalry of the French,
and orders were issued to destroy their fortifications at _Rio de
Janeiro_, two ships of war and a number of merchantmen being fitted out
for the purpose. Two days and nights were expended in battering the
fortresses. The Portuguese, after much waste of their resources, at
length succeeded in carrying the largest of the outworks, and likewise
the rock on which the magazine was situated. During the ensuing night
the French and their native allies fled, either to the ships or to the
mainland. The Portuguese, not being in sufficient strength to enable
them to retain the island, demolished the works, and sailed for
_Santos_, carrying off the artillery and stores. The credit of this
successful expedition is entirely due to the indefatigable Nobrega.
During this decisive affair Villegagnon was absent in France, where he
proposed to raise a fleet for the purpose of destroying the Portuguese
settlements in _Brazil_; but his previous treachery stood in the way of
his effecting his purpose.
The history of the early Portuguese in _Brazil_ is in some respects far
more satisfactory, if it be less exciting, than that of the Spaniards in
_Peru_. They were there for the legitimate purpose of colonizing and
cultivating a portion of a vast region where there was ample room at the
same time for them and for the tribes in their neighbourhood; and if the
colonists, on the one hand, were ever ready to enslave the natives, the
Churchmen who followed in their wake were, on the other hand, as ready
to denounce the practice, and to sow the seeds of real Christianity
amongst the savages. The foremost name in the records of this good work
is that of Nobrega, than whom a more sincere, self-denying, and
enlightened missionary was never sent forth by any branch of the
Christian Church.
The Jesuits in _Brazil_ began their efforts where all missionary efforts
that are to succeed must begin, with children. Their unprejudiced minds
were open to teaching, and they were at an age to acquire the Portuguese
language, and thus to become interpreters for the Fathers. The sick were
visited, and the death-bed was soothed. Nobrega and his companions
commenced their work with the tribes near _San Salvador_ or _Bahia_.
These they tried their best to persuade to live in peace and to be
reconciled to their enemies. It may seem to us somewhat strange that
while the Fathers are recorded to have succeeded in inducing their
converts to abstain from excessive drinking, and to take to one wife
alone, they should still have found it impossible to induce them to
abandon the supreme luxury of feeding on the flesh of their enemies. In
one instance a missionary is said to have succeeded where others failed,
by flagellating himself before the doors of the cannibals until he was
covered with blood, telling them that he thus punished himself to avert
the punishment of God upon them for their sins.
Being aided by a zealous governor in the person of Mem de Sa, the
Jesuits carried on their labours with considerable success, forming a
number of settlements of converted natives. But the character of their
progress was not unvaried. They had to contend with hostilities, which,
though originating in the proceedings of their countrymen, and in nowise
in their own conduct, still recoiled upon them. The small-pox, too,
which spread from island to coast, is said, though perhaps with some
exaggeration, to have carried off thirty thousand of the Indians who had
been their converts.
In the face of these disasters, Nobrega proclaimed aloud that the
Portuguese were but suffering the righteous judgment of Heaven. They had
broken treaties; they had enslaved prisoners; they had connived at
cannibalism on the part of their allies. He was no mere eloquent
declaimer. His words were followed by the most signal and heroic proof
that they came from his innermost soul. He himself, with his colleague
Anchieta, resolved to put themselves into the hands of the natives in
order to obtain peace; and it speaks volumes for the character of the
Fathers that, in the face of Portuguese treachery, the habit of their
order was a safe passport amongst the savages.
It is true that twelve native youths were sent to _S. Vicente_ as
hostages; but in face of the excitement and prejudice which prevailed,
it is probable that the two Fathers, who really deserved the name of
holy men, owed their safety, and what they valued infinitely more, the
success of their mission, rather to their own saintly and irreproachable
conduct than to the guarantee of hostages. They nobly refused to accept
peace on the condition of recommending their governor to give up three
native chiefs who had allied themselves with the Portuguese, and who had
accepted Christianity: their countrymen’s first duty, they said, was to
keep faith inviolate, and if they should betray their allies, how could
they now be trusted? The reply of the chief with whom they parleyed was,
that if the Portuguese should decline to give up these men whom,
according to their code of honour, it was incumbent they should receive,
there should be no peace. A reference to the governor was agreed upon on
both sides; but Nobrega, with a patriotic spirit which recalls that of
the Roman Regulus, warned him emphatically against concluding peace on
disgraceful terms under the apprehension of what might befall himself
and his colleague. For two months the missionaries remained in this
position. At the end of that time Nobrega was permitted to return, to
consult with the governor, whilst Anchieta remained as a hostage; but
after three months thus passed by the latter, he too for the time
failed to win the crown of martyrdom; and a reconciliation was effected,
chiefly through the efforts of Nobrega.
The small-pox about this period seems to have produced enormous havoc in
certain of the Portuguese settlements in _Brazil_, where some
three-fourths of the natives were carried away by it, or by the
pestilence which followed in its wake. Six of the settlements which had
been founded by the Jesuits had to be abandoned; and the Portuguese, we
are told, profiting by the misery of their neighbours, gave food in
exchange for slaves. Certain starving individuals sold their own
persons, whilst others parted with their children. But although the
lawfulness of these purchases was not questioned, the consciences of the
purchasers were somewhat ill-at-ease in the matter. They, it seems,
really thought it unfair and unchristian-like to claim men as their
slaves, over whom they had no other right save that acquired by giving
them food to save their lives. Yet they were unwilling to let them go
free, if for no other reason than that their souls would be no longer in
the way of salvation. In this dilemma a compromise was hit upon between
God and Mammon; the slaves were told they were no longer slaves; but
still, that they must continue to serve their possessors for life, to
receive yearly wages. Should they escape, they would be pursued and
punished; but the masters were not to sell or otherwise part with them.
[Sidenote: 1564.]
The Portuguese Government were not satisfied that the possession of
Villegagnon’s island at _Rio de Janeiro_ should not have been retained;
and a good opportunity of regaining it seemed to offer on the peace with
the _Tamoyos_, which had been procured by Nobrega and his companion.
Accordingly, the nephew of the Portuguese governor was sent to _Bahia_
with two vessels, and with orders for his uncle to supply him with the
force requisite for this purpose. Estacio de Sa reached his destination
in February 1564, and in accordance with the advice of his uncle, before
commencing operations, summoned Nobrega to his councils. They learned
from a Frenchman that the tribe of _Tamoyos_ had already broken the
recent peace, and were the allies of his countrymen. This unexpected
news completely upset the plans of the Portuguese commander, for the
French vessels were protected by the _Tamoyos_ at every point where an
attack was possible. They declined to put out to sea, and, for want of
small craft, he could not attack them at close quarters. Under these
circumstances, and having learned that _S. Vicente_ was beset by the
savages, he thought it prudent to proceed to the latter place; he was,
however, driven back by a storm to _Rio de Janeiro_.
It was now resolved by Estacio de Sa, in consultation with Nobrega, to
proceed to _Santos_, where they found to their relief that those natives
with whom the latter had been a hostage remained true to their
engagements; and his presence and influence materially contributed to
strengthen the force. These preparations, however, consumed the
remainder of the year, and it was not until the following January (1565)
that the expedition, consisting of six ships of war with a proportionate
number of smaller craft, was ready to put to sea. But so unfavourable
were the winds that, although they sailed from _Bertioga_ on the 20th of
January, it was the beginning of March when they reached _Rio de
Janeiro_.
The troops were landed at _Villa Velha_, beneath the “Sugar Loaf.”
Hardly had they intrenched themselves when they were attacked by the
_Tamoyos_, who, however, were routed. The war was carried on with
dilatoriness, a quality which has not unfrequently distinguished the
military operations of Portugal and of _Brazil_. More than a year was
wasted in petty skirmishes; at the end of this time the governor, Mem de
Sa, appeared in person on the scene, exactly two years after the
expedition had sailed from _S. Vicente_. On St. Sebastian’s day the
French stronghold was assaulted: not one of their native allies escaped;
two Frenchmen were killed, and five, who were made prisoners, were
hanged. The victors then proceeded to another fortress of the enemy on
_Cat_ Island. After a bombardment this too was carried, but in the
assault Estacio de Sa received a mortal wound. Most of the French
escaped, and having with their allies been totally defeated, sailed in
their four vessels to the province of _Pernambuco_, where they took
possession of _Recife_. They were, however, attacked by the Portuguese
governor of _Olinda_, and were compelled again to have recourse to their
ships. Thus was _Rio de Janeiro_ finally lost to the French. Those of
the sons of France who should have formed the enduring colony marked out
by Coligny were, through the treachery of Villegagnon, employed in
bearing arms against their countrymen in France.
According to his instructions, the governor’s first act was to lay the
foundations of a city, which, in honour of the Portuguese monarch and of
the saint on whose day the victory had been won, was called _S.
Sebastian_. The fortifications commanding the entrance to the harbour
were completed by the natives, under the eye of the Jesuits, without any
cost to the state; and it was but fair that the company should have
assigned to it the space within the city for a college, together with a
donation sufficient for the support of fifty brethren.
The French soon afterwards made an attempt to establish themselves at
_Paraïba_, where for some time they carried on a profitable trade, and
where they became allied with the natives; but they were not more
successful in maintaining themselves here than they had been at _Rio de
Janeiro_, and _Paraïba_ too became a Portuguese settlement.
[Sidenote: 1570.]
The Order of the Jesuits was at this time all-powerful in _Brazil_,
where they had indeed rendered great services to the crown as well as to
the Church; and a fresh accession to their strength was despatched with
the new governor, Luiz de Vasconcellos, who, in 1570, was appointed to
relieve Mem de Sa. The reinforcement which he brought with him was
headed by Azevedo, who was appointed Provincial. Nine and thirty
brethren embarked with Azevedo in the “St. Iago,” half of which vessel
was freighted for them, the other half bearing cargo for the island of
_Palma_ in the _Canaries_. The vessel had halted at _Madeira_, and as
the passage to _Palma_ was considered to be dangerous on account of
French pirates, Azevedo was entreated not to expose himself
unnecessarily. For himself he declined to take the advice given him, but
he permitted his comrades to exchange into another vessel. Only four
novices, whose places were quickly supplied by others, thought fit to do
so; for the rest, the near probability of the crown of martyrdom had an
irresistible charm. On the day after their departure five French ships
appeared. Vasconcellos at once put to sea; but the Frenchmen declined
action, and stood off towards the _Canaries_. The squadron was from _La
Rochelle_, and was commanded by a Huguenot. After seven days, Azevedo
reached the island of _Palma_, at three leagues’ distance from the town,
to which he was urged to proceed by land. The advice was disregarded,
with the result that, when he and his friends were off _Palma_, the
French appeared in sight. The Portuguese mariners made unavailing
resistance, and one alone of the Jesuits, being in lay costume, escaped
the death which for them had not only no terror, but seemed to be an
object of desire.
This catastrophe has been quoted with unlimited admiration, and the
martyrs have received all due posthumous honour; but if we look at the
circumstances from any point of view save that of a fanatic, our
admiration must be considerably qualified. Azevedo and his companions
were doubtless brave men; but they had been educated and sent out from
their country with the express purpose of converting the heathen; and it
was surely not their duty in any sense wantonly and recklessly to go out
of their way to seek premature death. If the crown of martyrdom was so
dear to them--if, in the language of certain writers, they were
swallowed up by other-worldliness--the prize might surely have been
gained more honourably amongst the savages of _Brazil_ than at the hands
of French corsairs. Of the eight-and-thirty foolhardy men whose blood so
uselessly stained the waters of _Palma_, one might have proved a second
Nobrega. To an unprejudiced person it seems that, so far from acting for
“_the greater glory of God_” by provoking wholesale massacre, they were
deliberately doing the contrary, since they were thus cutting themselves
off from a sphere of vast usefulness. Nor can we greatly blame the
commander of the French squadron for his conduct on the occasion. It was
but one scene in a fierce religious war, in which the priests, not the
Huguenots, were the aggressors.
Vasconcellos set sail with the remainder of his fleet. When, after a
long and miserable voyage, he sighted the coast of _Brazil_, his vessels
were driven far to the north and were dispersed. At length his followers
were so reduced in numbers that one vessel might contain them all; yet
not even this one vessel was destined to reach its destination in
safety. It was attacked by a French squadron, and, after a hopeless
resistance, the governor fell; whilst fourteen remaining Jesuits shared
the fate of the martyrs of _Palma_. Of sixty-nine Jesuit missionaries
who had set out with Azevedo, one alone reached _Brazil_.