_CONQUEST OF PERU._
1529-1542.
Pizarro, on his return to Spain, found the Emperor Charles V. at Toledo,
and met with a gracious reception. The court listened with eagerness to
his adventures by sea and land, and examined with interest the products
of _Peru_ which he had brought with him. His tales of the wealth which
he had witnessed were the more readily believed in consequence of the
experiences of another Spaniard whom he now met at court, the famous
conqueror of _Mexico_. Yet affairs in Spain progressed with proverbial
slowness, and it was not until the expiry of a year from the date of his
arrival in the country, that the capitulation was signed defining the
powers of Pizarro.
[Sidenote: 1529.]
By this agreement he was granted the right of discovery and conquest in
_Peru_, or New Castile, with the titles of Captain-general of the
province and _Adelantado_, or lieutenant-governor. He was likewise to
enjoy a considerable salary, and to have the right to erect certain
fortresses under his government, and, in short, to exercise the
prerogatives of a viceroy. Almagro was merely appointed commander of the
fortress of _Tumbez_, with the rank of _Hidalgo_; whilst Father Luque
became bishop of the same place. Luque was likewise to be “protector of
the Indians,” with a yearly salary, which, like those of his associates,
was to be derived from the revenues of the country to be conquered.
Pizarro, on his part, was bound to raise within six months a force of
two hundred and fifty men; whilst the government on theirs engaged to
furnish some assistance in the purchase of artillery and stores. Ruiz
received the title of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean; Pedro de
Candia, who had accompanied Pizarro, was named chief of artillery; and
the other eleven companions who had remained with him on the desolate
island were created _Hidalgos_ or gentlemen. Liberal provisions were
inserted in the agreement, to encourage emigration to _Peru_, and
Pizarro was enjoined to observe the standing regulations for the good
government and protection of the natives of America. “It is but justice
to the Spanish Government,” says Prescott, “to admit that its provisions
were generally guided by a humane and considerate policy, which was as
regularly frustrated by the cupidity of the colonist and the capricious
cruelty of the conqueror.” But what, it may be asked, is the
justification of the Spanish government in undertaking or sanctioning
the conquest of _Peru_ at all; in attacking an inoffensive people, and
disposing of their country by anticipation? Had the Peruvians been let
alone, there would have been no occasion to provide for their
protection; and however desirable might be their conversion, to effect
this by the sword might be sanctioned by the Koran, but certainly not by
the New Testament.
It may be remarked that whilst Pizarro was required to carry out with
him a specified number of ecclesiastics, he was at the same time
strictly prohibited from permitting the presence of lawyers in the new
settlements. On the whole, the terms of this arrangement did not tend to
increased belief in the probity of Pizarro, who had strictly bound
himself, whilst acting as their envoy, to proceed with perfect fairness
in securing the interests of his associates; but it is absurd to look in
the records of a transaction, which was one of spoliation and knavery
from beginning to end, for anything in the shape of probity.
[Sidenote: 1530.]
This solemn engagement having been completed to the satisfaction of the
new knight of Santiago, he found time to pay a flying visit to his
native town, Truxillo, where he was awaited by four half-brothers, who
were to play a prominent part in _Peru_; of these four, three were
Pizarros, of whom one only, Hernando, who was his senior, was
legitimate. The fourth was the illegitimate son of Francisco Pizarro’s
mother. Three of them were, like himself, to meet a violent death in
_Peru_. He found no small difficulty in complying with the terms of the
agreement within the specified time. He, however, contrived to start
from Seville in January 1530, his brother Hernando following him to the
_rendezvous_ at _Gomera_ in the Canaries; and in due time he reached the
port of _Nombre de Dios_, where he was joined by Luque and Almagro. The
latter of these was to no slight extent disappointed at the position
which had been assigned to him. Pizarro excused himself as best he
might, declaring that he had done what he could; that the government
objected to divided authority; and that the country before them was
large enough for both.
[Sidenote: 1531.]
A new element had now entered into the confederation which had
undertaken the conquest of _Peru_. Hernando Pizarro had everything to
gain from the exclusive supremacy of his brother, and at the outset
almost caused a rupture between him and Almagro. The latter indeed had
gone so far as to enter into negotiations for the purchase of vessels,
in order to prosecute the expedition without the aid of the Pizarros;
but from this course he was dissuaded by the representations of Luque.
This temporary reconciliation having been effected, no time was lost in
preparing for the voyage. Three vessels were provided to replace those
left on the opposite side of the Isthmus; a force was mustered of about
one hundred and eighty men, with twenty-seven horses; and Pizarro, early
in January 1531, sailed the third and last time for the coast of _Peru_.
Previously to his departure, a sermon had been preached to the little
force by one of the Dominicans selected for the mission; mass was
performed, and the Holy Communion was administered to each of the
soldiers setting out on this crusade--a crusade inspired by zeal for
riches rather than religion, and directed not against aggressive
Saracens, but inoffensive Americans, whose only crime was to possess
wealth.
Leaving his colleague Almagro to gather recruits, Pizarro steered for
_Tumbez_. Contrary winds, however, compelled him to anchor in the Bay of
_St. Matthew_, where he resolved to disembark his forces and advance
along the coast. The march was not easy, for the streams were full and
had to be crossed where they were widest. Pizarro’s buoyant spirit,
however, overcame every difficulty. At the first considerable hamlet the
natives were taken by surprise, and much plunder, including many
emeralds, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. The gold and silver
ornaments were deposited in a common heap; the royal fifth was deducted
for the crown, and the rest was distributed among the officers and
soldiers. This usage prevailed throughout the conquest, and any one
infringing it incurred the penalty of death. Pizarro now sent back to
_Panamá_ the vessels which had accompanied him so far along the coast,
and which took away a considerable quantity of gold, the sight of which
might allure recruits.
During the remainder of the march to the bay of _Guayaquil_ the
Spaniards suffered sorely, as well from a fatal epidemic as from the
intense heat of the sun. They had, however, no resistance to encounter
from the natives, who, alarmed at their proceedings, fled to the forest
on their approach. When he had reached the vicinity of _Tumbez_, Pizarro
determined to halt for a time on the small island of _Puná_, where an
arbitrary act of punishment on his part ere long involved him in a
fierce struggle with the islanders. Here as elsewhere Spanish discipline
prevailed against enormous odds; yet he was not sorry to be relieved
from his harassing situation by the arrival of two vessels bringing some
horses and a hundred recruits, with which, in addition to his former
force, he felt himself in sufficient strength to re-cross to the
continent and resume his aggressive operations.
The inhabitants of _Tumbez_ did not this time receive the Spaniards with
their previous cordiality. On the contrary, one of the _balsas_ bearing
them was seized, and three persons were borne into the adjacent woods
and massacred. Pizarro on entering the town was astonished to find it
not only deserted, but almost entirely demolished. A few substantial
buildings only--and these despoiled of their ornaments--remained to mark
the site of the government of Almagro and of the bishopric of Luque!
Pizarro, having despatched a small party in pursuit of the fugitives,
was so fortunate as to get possession of the governor of the place, from
whom he received the explanation that the dilapidated condition of the
town was the result of a fierce contest with the inhabitants of _Puná_.
He likewise learned that the two followers whom he had left on his
former visit had perished. One of these, however, had bequeathed him a
scroll, which Pizarro obtained from an unsuspecting native, and on which
were written the words: “Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set
foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver than there
is iron in Biscay.” This intelligence, however, encouraging as it was,
was not sufficient to restore the spirits of the soldiers, who had fully
counted on the spoils of _Tumbez_.
[Sidenote: 1532.]
Pizarro felt the pressing necessity of giving active employment to his
soldiers, but at the same time he dreaded to advance further into the
interior without complete information. He took a middle course. Leaving
behind part of his men, he himself with the remainder reconnoitered the
interior. In May a detachment under his own command kept advancing on
the more level region, whilst a smaller body skirted the slopes of the
_Andes_ under Hernando de Soto, a cavalier afterwards renowned as the
discoverer of the Mississippi, and whose portrait is to be seen in the
Rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. The Spanish leader, being awakened
to the necessity of not unnecessarily provoking the hostility of the
natives, maintained strict discipline, and enjoined his men to abstain
from all acts of violence. By lenient conduct he soon effaced the
previous unfavourable impressions respecting him, and he was welcomed in
the villages beneath the _Cordilleras_. Proclaiming everywhere that he
came in the name of the Pope and of the king of Spain, the simple
natives involuntarily saw themselves become subjects of the latter, as a
preliminary to being members of the faith of which the former was the
head.
After a month spent in exploration, Pizarro fixed on the valley of
_Tangarala_ as the site of his new settlement. This rich locality,
traversed by streams navigable from the sea, was distant thirty leagues
from _Tumbez_, and thither he ordered the men he had left there to
repair. No sooner had they arrived than preparations were made for
building the settlement. Timber and stone abounded, and ere long _San
Miguel_ could boast a church, a magazine, a hall of justice, and a fort.
A municipal government was organized; the neighbouring lands were
divided amongst the residents; and each colonist had a number of natives
assigned to him as labourers,--this last measure being held to tend to
their initiation in the true faith. Luque, “the protector of the
Indians,” had been left behind at _Panamá_.
This important operation having been effected, Pizarro caused the gold
and silver which he had robbed to be melted down. After a fifth had been
deducted for the crown, the soldiers were persuaded to relinquish their
share for the present, and it was sent back to _Panamá_ to pay the
shipowners and the outfitters of the expedition. The chief had meanwhile
gained important information respecting the empire of _Peru_. That
unhappy land had recently been the subject of contest between two
brothers, and the victor and his forces were now encamped at a distance
of ten days’ march from _San Miguel_. Pizarro judged that on the whole
it was better to lead his men on active service rather than to allow
their ardour to be damped whilst waiting for further reinforcements.
This force was indeed a small one with which to attempt the conquest of
a powerful empire. It consisted of about a hundred and seventy men,
after deducting fifty for the defence of his settlement. But no one can
accuse Pizarro of irresolution. He determined to strike directly at the
_Inca_, and in September quitted _San Miguel_ at the head of his
available men.
The Peruvian empire was now resting after an internal struggle between
the sons of Huayna Capac, the conqueror of _Quito_, and who had left the
two kingdoms of his empire to his sons Huascar and Atahualpa. Five years
later the brothers went to war with each other, and their two years’
contest had but recently been decided in favour of the latter, who had
now assumed the scarlet _borla_ or diadem of the _Incas_. On leaving
_San Miguel_, Pizarro and his band marched through primeval forests,
broken here and there by barren shoots of the _Andes_. The country was
as fertile as it was lovely, and was cultivated with no mean skill.
Wherever the Spaniards came to, they were received by the natives with
unsuspecting hospitality, which for their own sake they were careful not
to abuse. In every considerable place a royal _caravanserai_, or
resting-place for provisions, was found, in which the _Inca_ was wont to
lodge on his royal progresses. Halting on the fifth day, Pizarro found
that his band numbered one hundred and seventy-seven, of which
sixty-seven were horsemen. Of these, however, nine, being faint-hearted
or lukewarm, were permitted to return to _San Miguel_. The rest
volunteered to follow their captain whithersoever he might lead them.
Again resuming his march, Pizarro neared the _Andes_. De Soto was
despatched in advance to reconnoitre, but on the eighth day he returned,
accompanied by an envoy from the _Inca_. The Peruvian had brought with
him some valuable gifts for Pizarro, whom Atahualpa welcomed to his
country and invited to visit him at his camp. The march was now resumed,
and the Spanish leader sent forward one of his Indians to the royal camp
across the mountains with instructions to observe and report upon the
route, and more particularly if the passes were guarded. After three
days’ further march the base of the _Andes_ was reached, and Pizarro had
now the final choice before him of proceeding to the south along a broad
and level road to _Cuzco_, the southern capital, or of climbing the
steep and narrow way across the _Cordilleras_, to the camp of Atahualpa.
As was to be expected from his daring character, he chose the latter.
The difficulties of the Spaniards’ march over mountain paths which had
been constructed for the passage of no animal of greater burden than the
_llama_, may be easily imagined by those who may have travelled in
Northern Turkey, Asia Minor, or Persia. To miss one’s footing was in
many places to ensure being dashed to pieces over the precipices
beneath; and had their progress been opposed, Pizarro’s little band must
have been repulsed or annihilated, more especially as there were some
strong works of stone commanding angles of the road. As it was, however,
the Spaniards and their horses contrived to toil up the steep ascent and
at length reached the crest of the _Cordillera_, where the cold was so
great that the men were glad of the protection of tents and the warmth
of fires. Here Pizarro was rejoined by one of the messengers whom he had
sent forward, and who informed him that the road was unguarded, and that
an embassy from the _Inca_ was on its way to his camp. The Peruvian
envoy renewed the greetings of his master, who again invited Pizarro and
his companions to _Caxamalca_, which place he reached on the evening of
the 15th of November 1532.
[Sidenote: 1532.]
Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, Pizarro forthwith despatched
his brother Hernando, together with De Soto and a party of horsemen, to
the _Inca’s_ camp. They were received with politeness, and Atahualpa
deigned to promise a visit to the Spaniards on the morrow, upon which De
Soto and his companions returned to give to their comrades such an
account of the state and military strength of the Peruvian monarch as
filled them with dismay. At this critical moment the master spirit of
Pizarro asserted its supremacy. Matters had now arrived at such a pass
that all must be staked on the hazard of the die. Going amongst his men,
he exhorted them not to be downcast, since from their marvellous
successes hitherto they were manifestly under the special protection of
the heavenly powers, and hence the numbers against them mattered
nothing. He then summoned a council of officers and unfolded to them for
the first time his project, which was nothing more or less than to seize
the _Inca_. What follows is so far beyond ordinary credulity that it
would not be ventured on by a writer of fiction unless he were to
suppose supernatural agency.
When the morning broke of Saturday the 16th of November, the Spaniards
were called to arms by the trumpet’s sound, and were acquainted by their
leader with his daring plan, which was to be executed on that very day.
They were then carefully stationed within the spacious buildings of
_Caxamalca_, so as to be hidden from view until the signal should sound
for their appearance. Everything, said Pizarro, depended on concert,
coolness, and celerity. Nothing was overlooked by the indefatigable
chief, even to the horses being furnished with bells, to add to the
confusion of the Peruvians. Mass was of course performed, and the God of
battles was impiously invoked in favour of the treacherous brigands. It
was not, however, till late in the day that any movement was visible in
the Peruvian camp; and when Atahualpa and his troops at length neared
_Caxamalca_, the _Inca_ sent a message to Pizarro that in consequence of
the lateness of the hour he would encamp on the open for the night and
pay his visit on the following morning.
His message, as we may well believe, disturbed the Spanish leader to no
slight extent; but he was a man of many resources, amongst which
treachery was by no means the least conspicuous. His men had been under
arms all day, and their powers might be tried too far. He therefore
returned a message to the effect that he had prepared an entertainment
for the _Inca_ for that evening, and he trusted he might not be
disappointed in his coming. Deceived by these smooth words, the
unsuspecting monarch at once gave orders for a change of plan, and
leaving his warriors on the plain, came on to _Caxamalca_ with an
unarmed guard, sending on in advance a messenger to Pizarro to excuse
the simplicity of his visit.
Shortly before sunset the van of the royal procession reached
_Caxamalca_, and as the leading files entered the great square, where
not a Spaniard was to be seen, the Dominican, Valverde, afterwards
bishop of _Cuzco_, came forward with a bible and a crucifix, and
attempted to explain to the astonished Peruvian the intricate doctrine
of the Trinity; ranging, as we are told, from the creation of man to the
representative of the Prince of the Apostles. To what must have sounded
to him, hearing it as he did for the first time under these strange
circumstances, as incomprehensible, the _Inca_ replied with disdain that
his god, pointing to the sinking sun, lived in the heavens above them,
upon which he threw the bible to the ground. This indignity to the
sacred volume scandalized Valverde, who, picking it up and hastening to
Pizarro, urged him no longer to delay in giving the appointed signal.
Thereupon the chief waved his scarf; the signal-gun was fired; and the
Spaniards, springing like tigers from their lair, rushed upon their
prey. Some thousands of unarmed Peruvians had entered with the _Inca_,
but they were utterly powerless against the butchers who assailed them.
The gates of the town had been closed on their entry; but by mere force
of numbers they burst through the frail walls, and thus many of them
escaped. A fierce struggle, however, raged round the golden litter of
the _Inca_, whose person it was Pizarro’s object to secure alive, and in
effecting which he himself received the only wound of which the
Spaniards could boast on that shameful day, the glory of which
undoubtedly rests with the Peruvians. Some thousands of them fell--all
or most unarmed--through their devotion to their monarch, whom as a
captive Pizarro was enabled to entertain at the feast to which he had
invited him.
Some thoughtless persons have instituted a parallel, founded on numbers
alone, between the attack on the Peruvians by Pizarro’s band and the
defence of Thermopylæ against the Persians by the immortal three
hundred. A more insulting comparison was never imagined. Leonidas and
his band devoted themselves to the defence of their country, of freedom
and civilization, and were sure to meet death from an overwhelming armed
force. The Spaniards, on the other hand, can claim no more sympathy or
respect than can a band of modern Greek brigands, who are alike entitled
with them to the praise belonging to enterprise, temperance, patient
endurance of severe hardship, and the most constant observance of
religious duties. As to personal danger, the Spaniards engaged in the
slaughter of the unarmed Peruvians attending the capture of the _Inca_
incurred no more risk than does the butcher amongst so many sheep.
It must be confessed, however, that, its moral aspect apart, the seizure
of Atahualpa was a master-stroke of policy. Such was the sacredness in
which his person was regarded, that with his capture the whole activity
of his government collapsed. Holding this hostage, the Spaniards were
omnipotent; for the slightest attempt at a rising or rescue would have
at once cost the _Inca_ his life. Whilst the prisoner of the Spaniards,
he held his court in captivity, and was treated by the highest lords and
officers of his realm with the ceremonious deference which formed part
of the innermost being of all who owned his theocratic sway. But
notwithstanding the respectful treatment which the _Inca_ was permitted
to enjoy, he could not but pine in his captivity, and his mind bent
itself to the means of obtaining his freedom. He was the more anxious in
this respect, as he feared his lately defeated elder brother Huascar
would turn his confinement to account by bribing his jailers to place
him at liberty and set him upon the Peruvian throne.
Under these circumstances, the captive _Inca_ one day offered to Pizarro
to purchase his liberation at the cost of filling the room in which he
stood to his own height--the apartment was seventeen feet by
twenty-two--in gold, and the adjoining smaller room twice full with
silver, which offer was accepted, two months being given for the
execution of the compact. The _Inca_ had not deceived himself in his
forebodings as to the conduct of Huascar, who indeed made overtures to
the Spaniard, offering a still larger bribe than had his brother. He
was, however, in the hands of the latter, who, on learning his
proceedings through his creatures, gave orders that he should be put to
death. Meanwhile the _Inca’s_ ransom was being collected, but ere it had
reached _Caxamalca_ the situation of affairs became materially changed
by the unexpected arrival of Almagro with a reinforcement of about a
hundred and seventy men. With these Pizarro now found himself in force
to proceed to the south and complete the subjugation of the country. But
the question presented itself, What was to be done with the _Inca_? To
set him at liberty would manifestly be to restore cohesion to a
government which had collapsed, and thus to undo what had already been
effected. If, on the other hand, they should detain him in captivity,
the force requisite to guard so precious a hostage would seriously
cripple the operations of the conquerors.
In this trying position the Spaniards were at no loss for an excuse for
a line of conduct which might justify the measure on which their chief
had resolved. In the face of their experience and of all probabilities,
a general Peruvian rising was invented; and notwithstanding that the
_Inca_ had paid a ransom estimated as equivalent to three million and a
half pounds sterling, he was put upon his trial on charges the most
absurd, and respecting which, as the circumstances stated had occurred
before their arrival, the Spaniards had in any case no pretence of
jurisdiction. These, however, had involved themselves so deeply that
they had scarcely a choice but to wade on through crime to crime. The
_Inca_ was condemned to death, and, to keep up the grim farce to the
end, his sentence was finally commuted from being burnt alive to
strangulation, on condition of his professing himself a Christian. The
Dominican Valverde, who had consented to his execution, has the credit
of this conversion.
The death of the _Inca_ proved, as was to be expected, the signal for
disorders throughout _Peru_. The late monarch had, indeed, by his own
proceedings at the time of his victory over his brother, paved the way
for such a result; for he had given orders to exterminate all members of
the Imperial house. The Peruvian empire, with its civilization, which it
had cost so much to build up, and which was perhaps equivalent to that
of Japan, was now at an end. The provinces remote from _Cuzco_ lost no
time in shaking off their allegiance. Early in September, Pizarro and
his followers, by this time amounting to about five hundred men, set out
for the Peruvian capital, taking with them a younger brother of
Atahualpa, whom they set up as the nominal _Inca_. Their march was a
severe one; and at _Xauxa_ they had to encounter the opposition of a
numerous but impotent force. From this moment their progress was
disputed; and it might have fared hardly with De Soto, who was sent on
in advance, had he not, while encompassed by the Peruvians after a
desperate engagement in the _Sierra_, received timely succour from
Almagro. At _Xauxa_ Pizarro left a small garrison of forty men, who were
to guard the treasure, which he did not think it prudent to take with
him on the march.
[Sidenote: 1533.]
An agreeable surprise now awaited Pizarro in the arrival of _Manco_, the
brother of Huascar, and who was the rightful heir to the Peruvian crown.
No event could have happened better suited to the Spanish interests. The
prince’s petition for protection was at once accorded, and he
accompanied the invaders to _Cuzco_, which city was entered on the 15th
of November. It had already been to a considerable extent denuded of its
treasures, which had gone to form part of the ransom of Atahualpa, but
it still formed a prize well worth the grasping, containing as it did,
together with its suburbs, some five-and-twenty thousand houses. _Cuzco_
was a populous, well-built and well-regulated city, with houses of
stone, wholly or in part, and with long, regular streets, crossing one
another at right angles, and meeting in the great square, which through
them communicated with the high-roads of the empire. Through the capital
ran a river of pure water, the banks of which for twenty leagues were
faced with stone, and which was crossed at intervals by bridges.
Here, as usual, almost the first care of the Spaniards, after their
arrival, was to collect the treasure, which was computed to amount to
about six hundred _pesos_ of gold and two hundred and fifteen marks of
silver. Pizarro’s next object was to set up a civil government, and with
this view the young _Inca_ was crowned, with the formalities which would
have been observed had he really been destined to power, whilst at the
same time Spanish _alcaldes_ and _regidores_ were appointed, two of the
latter being Pizarro’s brothers. But all was not tranquil in _Peru_, and
Almagro had soon to take the field to reduce one of the two generals of
the late _Inca_, who, when defeated by him on this occasion, retreated
to _Quito_, where he defied the Spaniards until he was assassinated by
his troops. Soon afterwards Pizarro had the good fortune to purchase
from the governor of _Guatemala_, for the consideration of a hundred
thousand gold pieces, a fleet of twelve vessels, great and small, with
forces, stores and ammunition.
_Peru_ was now, in all seeming, conquered, and the governor’s next
concern was to select a suitable situation for the future capital of
this vast colony. After much consideration, he decided on a spot about
six miles from the mouth of the river _Rimac_, almost in the latitude of
_Cuzco_, and on which, with wonderful rapidity, arose the beautiful city
of _Lima_. Pizarro was now somewhat advanced in years, and the
development of the new city in its delightful situation formed the
immediate interest of the remainder of his life, he throwing into this
object the same vigour by which he had been ever distinguished in
exploration or in war.
It will be remembered that Pizarro’s elder brother, Hernando, had been
despatched to Spain to announce the progress of his countrymen and the
capture of the _Inca_. He was graciously received by the emperor, who
manifested great interest as well in the fabrics and other products
which he had brought with him as in the gold and silver, for which he
had more immediate occasion. The adventurers who had returned with him
had likewise such a tale to tell that he was at no loss for volunteers
to return with him to _Peru_. He likewise brought back for his brother a
patent for the rank of marquis, with the permission to extend his
government seventy leagues to the south; and for Almagro the permission
to discover and occupy the country for two hundred leagues still
further, he himself having been named a knight of _St. Iago_. It so
happened that no one could tell at this time the exact latitude of
_Cuzco_, and consequently it was an open point whether it fell within
the dominions allotted to Pizarro or within the grant of Almagro, a
point which was not long in producing civil war amongst the conquerors.
This was, however, for a time deferred, and Almagro consented to set out
for the conquest of _Chili_.
[Sidenote: 1535.]
Notwithstanding occasional hostile encounters at different points, the
success of the Spaniards had been so uniform that almost the last
occurrence which they looked for was a general rising of the inhabitants
of _Peru_. They were, consequently, correspondingly astonished when, the
_Inca_ Manco having made his escape from _Cuzco_, his subjects rose at
his orders as one man to resist the Spanish yoke and, if possible, to
exterminate the invaders. In all directions the Spaniards were assailed,
and many of them, who, in full belief of their security, had settled
upon isolated properties throughout the country, were without difficulty
cut off by the natives. But their grand effort was directed to the
reduction of _Cuzco_, where the Spaniards under Hernando Pizarro were
besieged for months. Although the numbers of the latter did not exceed
two hundred besides a thousand native auxiliaries, they had, in the
course of the siege, to undergo the trials of famine; besides which they
were to be deemed fortunate in that they were not enveloped in the
flames to which the city was consigned by the stratagem of the
besiegers. They were reduced to terrible straits, and being cut off from
all communication from outside the walls, were alike without the hope of
succour and the knowledge of a place of refuge. Pizarro indeed had sent
no fewer than four expeditions to their assistance, but these had been
either repulsed or annihilated.
[Sidenote: 1535.]
From this desperate position they were at length relieved by the
necessities of the besiegers. It was now the month of August--six months
from the commencement of the siege,--and the _Inca_ Manco, whose
multitudinous host was already straitened for provisions, saw that if
his followers should not return to their fields at the sowing season, a
famine would be the result. He accordingly gave orders that the greater
part of his troops should return to their homes, to re-assemble when
their agricultural labours were over. This measure, which was perhaps
necessary for the Peruvians, was to the Spaniards a reprieve from death.
With energy sharpened by apprehension and hunger, their foraging parties
now scoured the neighbourhood for provisions, and, with the buoyancy
naturally following such depression and long inaction, Hernando Pizarro
was not slow in assuming the offensive. He even made a bold attempt, by
a vigorous attack in the dead of night, to secure the _Inca’s_ person.
This was defeated, and he was pursued by the Peruvians to before the
walls of _Cuzco_; but with the necessity which compelled him to order
his warriors to exchange their swords for the ploughshare, the _Inca_
lost the latest hope which remained to his countrymen of expelling the
Spanish invaders.
Almagro’s march, undertaken with the object of taking possession of his
future government of _Chili_, was of the most arduous that could be
conceived. The cold which he and his men encountered in the passes of
the _Andes_ was intense, whilst the straits to which both Spaniards and
their attendant Indians were reduced by hunger were so great that the
former were glad of the carcases of the horses which fell victims to the
climate, whilst the latter were forced to feed on the bodies of their
comrades who fell. The accounts, too, received from the exploring
expedition which had been sent on in advance, held out no immediate
prospect of plunder; so that under these circumstances it was not
difficult for his advisers to persuade Almagro to retrace his way to
_Cuzco_. With the remembrance of his recent passage through the mountain
defiles, he this time determined to follow the coast; but he had avoided
one set of difficulties to encounter another, perhaps as great, for his
route led across the great desert of _Atacama_. On reaching the town of
_Arequipa_, Almagro learned for the first time the revolt of the
Peruvians, and he was so fortunate, whilst on his way to _Cuzco_, as to
inflict on the _Inca_ a final defeat.
But before he could obtain possession of that city he had to encounter
yet another foe. It was too important a prize to be yielded up without a
struggle. Negotiations, it is true, took place between Almagro and the
brothers of Pizarro who were in command; but in the end recourse was had
to arms, with the result that the former remained master of the city of
the _Incas_, whilst Hernando Pizarro and his brother were his prisoners.
[Sidenote: 1537.]
These successes of Almagro did not fail to rouse the jealousy of
Pizarro, but in the end mediation between them was listened to, and
Hernando was liberated on a solemn agreement that there should be no
more strife between them. Scarcely, however, had Hernando reached his
brother’s camp than they at once set on foot a hostile expedition
against Almagro, of which Hernando Pizarro was to take command. Almagro
was too weak to place himself at the head of his own troops, the command
of whom he deputed to Orgoñez. A fierce engagement took place between
them and those of his rival within sight of _Cuzco_. Pizarro was
victorious, and after the battle, in which Orgoñez, after performing
prodigies of valour, fell, Almagro himself became a prisoner. He had
injured too deeply the pride of Hernando Pizarro to be forgiven; the
same farce of a mock trial which had been played in the case of
Atahualpa now took place upon Pizarro’s confederate. The trial was a
waste of time, as the sentence was a foregone conclusion, and the
veteran Almagro had to submit to the same traitor’s death which had been
inflicted on the _Inca_. But he was not to be unavenged. His position
had been too prominent to make it possible that the circumstances of
his fate should escape inquiry, and Hernando Pizarro, who took an abrupt
departure for Spain, where his riches might avail him, had to undergo an
imprisonment of twenty years.
[Sidenote: 1541.]
The civil war which had occurred in _Peru_ drew the attention of the
Spanish Government to that country, and a member of the Royal Audience
of Valladolid was sent out in the capacity of a royal judge, holding
certain co-ordinate powers with Pizarro, and with a warrant to assume
the government in the case of his death. He reached _Peru_ at the close
of 1541. The affairs of the colony urgently demanded his presence, for
the _Inca_ Manco meanwhile kept up a desultory war from the fastnesses
of the _Cordilleras_, from which the Spaniards found it impossible to
dislodge him, whilst the natives throughout the country, seeing the
Spaniards engaged in war amongst themselves, were more unsettled than
ever. The governor now attempted to remedy this state of things by
establishing provincial settlements. One of these sprang up at
_Guamanga_ and another in the mining district of _Charcas_, called the
_Villa de la Plata_, whilst the city of _Arequipa_ was founded by the
sea. Pizarro continued to display his wonted energy as a governor,
encouraging commerce with the colonies north of _Peru_, and facilitating
measures for internal intercourse. Husbandry was stimulated by the
importation of European grains, which he had the satisfaction to see
thrive in a country whose soil and climate were so productive and
varied. But the chief object of attention was the development of the
mines, the produce of which very soon attracted European immigrants in
numbers. Their arrival enabled Pizarro to send out two important
expeditions in opposite directions--the one to _Chili_ under Valdivia,
the other under his brother Gonzalo, from his government of _Quito_,
which region had been conquered by Benalcazar, towards the unknown
country to the east. The latter expedition was destined to lead to
results which those who sent it out were far from foreseeing.
[Sidenote: 1540.]
Gonzalo Pizarro proceeded on his mission with ardour, and in a short
time mustered three hundred and fifty Spaniards and four thousand
Indians, one hundred and fifty of the former being mounted. At the
commencement few difficulties presented themselves, but they had no
sooner become involved in the ranges of the _Andes_ than dearth, hunger,
intense cold, and hardships and incessant toil awaited them at every
stage. As they descended the eastern slopes the cold of the mountains
was exchanged for tropical heat and a deluge of tropical rains. Some
months of this depressing labour brought them at length to the land of
cinnamon-trees (_Canelas_), of which they were in search. The precious
bark lay before them covering forests of trees; but in the absence of
the means of transport it was useless. They were lured onwards by
fabulous accounts of a land of gold before them; but the rumours proved
illusive, and they found themselves at every step still further
entangled in primeval forests of stupendous growth, the exuberance of
the vegetation being such as to defy the imagination of any but those
who have witnessed it. Their condition was now pitiable in the extreme.
Their provisions and livestock were consumed, and they were reduced to
feed upon the carcases of the thousand dogs which they had brought with
them, many of them destined for hunting the natives. When this source of
food too was gone, they had to content themselves with such herbs and
roots as the forest afforded.
If anything can mitigate the horror with which we look on the cruelties
exercised by the Spanish conquerors of America, it is the fact that if
they never spared others, they were equally unsparing of themselves.
They shrank from no exposure, fatigue, or danger, and were as
enterprising as they were remorseless.
Gonzalo Pizarro, setting out once more from a valley where he had
halted, came to a deep river, the _Napo_, which it was necessary for him
to cross. Its narrowest breadth was twenty feet, and the banks were
precipitous, and some two hundred fathoms in height. His men succeeded
in laying a beam across, and in traversing this bridge of _Al Sirath_,
one soldier fell into the hell beneath. The others proceeded, through
marshes and by swamps and lakes, until their provisions were expended.
On the river’s banks they determined to construct a raft which might
support the sick and convey the whole party from the one bank to the
other as occasion might seem to render prudent. The bits and stirrups of
the horses’ harness supplied nails for the raft; the forest furnished
gum in place of pitch, and the garments of the soldiers were used
instead of oakum. The vessel thus constructed conveyed the sick and the
stores, while the main body of the expedition followed on foot the
course of the stream, through thickets, caves, plantations, and
inundated fields. Gonzalo Pizarro would have belied his name had he not
strewed his track with mementoes of his cruelty. Whether or not the
chiefs of the tribes by which he passed received him well, their
inevitable fate was to be carried along with him, although he observed a
distinction between such as had given him a friendly welcome and such as
had not, by placing only the latter in chains. But one day these
_caciques_--the chained as well as the unchained--took the opportunity
of leaping into the river, thinking the risk of death preferable to the
tender mercies of a Pizarro. By this time more than one thousand
Peruvians of the party had perished, and as by the native accounts they
were not more than eighty leagues from the junction between the stream
and a great river, Orellana was ordered to proceed in the vessel to the
point of meeting, taking with him fifty men. In the course of three days
Orellana reached the point where the _Coca_ joins the _Napo_, where,
finding no provisions, he urged upon his men the necessity of
proceeding down the river, leaving Pizarro to his fate. A youthful
knight of Badajoz, whose chivalrous ideas revolted against this act of
treachery, was left alone by the water’s side, to subsist as best he
might until the arrival of Pizarro.
[Sidenote: 1541.]
On the last day of the year 1541 this voyage was commenced, and to such
straits were the explorers reduced ere it ended, that they had recourse
to boiling their leathern girdles and their shoes, to eat with the herbs
upon which they had to subsist. At length the sound of a drum was heard,
and four canoes were seen, when Orellana, landing his men, attacked the
Indians with the impetuosity of wolves. The plunder of their property
supplied the explorers for the present with food, and a further stock
was obtained for the voyage. By means of an Indian language some verbal
intercourse took place between Orellana and his hosts, and from this
arose the name by which the river they were descending was destined to
be ever afterwards known. Further down the stream--so the Indians
said--there was a country inhabited by a tribe of female warriors. The
Spaniards made themselves another boat and descended the river, passing
by the mouths of numerous affluents and through the territories of many
_caciques_. They landed at several places, and formally took possession
of them for their monarch. They had at length to fight a battle, in
which, it was affirmed, ten or twelve females took part. These women, of
whom, according to the priest of the explorers, the Spaniards slew seven
or eight, were tall and well formed; they were of fair complexion; they
wore but a girdle; and they fought with desperation.
[Sidenote: 1542.]
This voyage extended until the 26th of August 1542, when the triumphant
Spaniards emerged at the mouth of the river, and courageously committed
their frail barques to the currents and waves of the sea. Steering
northwards, they desired to reach the island of _Cubagua_. The newly
discovered river was at first named after _Orellana_, but soon
afterwards took its enduring name from the real or imaginary female
warriors,--“The _Amazons_.”
[Sidenote: 1542.]
To return to Gonzalo Pizarro: After in vain awaiting during several
miserable weeks the return of Orellana, Gonzalo determined to set out on
the same journey by land; but two months were expended in toiling
through the forest ere they reached the spot of the junction of the
_Napo_ with the _Coca_, which distance had been accomplished by Orellana
by water in three days. There they found Vargas, who had been set on
shore, and from him they learned that they had been deserted by their
comrades. Their situation was now indeed deplorable, but they did not
give way to despair, and after a toilsome return march, which occupied
more than a year, a portion of the wayworn band arrived again at
_Quito_. Their absence had extended over two years and a half. Their
horses were no more; their clothing was replaced by the skins of wild
animals; and they themselves from civilized beings had become
transformed into wild men of the woods, with wasted frames, blackened
faces, and tangled locks. Of the four thousand Indians who had
accompanied them, one-half of the number alone returned, whilst the
three hundred and fifty Spaniards were now represented by eighty.
There is but one more event to be recorded in order to complete this
sketch of the origin of Spanish _Peru_. Among men of such hot blood and
of such lawless manners as were the conquerors, it was scarcely probable
that the followers of Almagro would await tamely whatever retribution
for his death might be exacted in Spain; and in order that Almagro’s
youthful son might be the more harmless, he was deprived by Pizarro in
great part of his property, and likewise of the government of _Chili_. A
conspiracy against the life of the marquis was the result, and the news
of an appointment of a colleague with Pizarro in the government gave
confidence to his enemies. The arrival of this officer being delayed by
severe weather, the conspirators resolved no longer to await for public
justice, but to take the law into their own hands. A band of eighteen
formed themselves into a committee for its execution. They attacked
Pizarro in his palace, and, after a desperate defence on his part and on
that of the friends who surrounded him, consigned him to the fate which
formed the appropriate close of his stormy career.