1889-1892
Early in 1889 Selous met Frank Johnson at Bamangwato and was asked by
him to act as guide for a gold prospecting expedition to the upper
regions of the Mazoe River. As it was then impossible to conduct such an
expedition through Matabeleland, Lobengula having closed all the roads,
Selous, accompanied by Mr. Burnett and Mr. Thomas, an experienced miner,
travelled by sea to Quilimani, in Portuguese territory, and then to
Lokoloko on the Quaqua by boat, and thence overland to Mazaro on the
Zambesi. From here the party travelled up-stream to Tete, where the
Governor, Senhor Alfredo Alpuina, neither helped nor hindered them to
any extent. Selous had orders to mark out gold-bearing areas in
Portuguese territory, but from the first had difficulty with his porters
(Shakundas), who were fearful of meeting the natives of Motoko, with
whom the Portuguese had been at war.
On August 18th the travellers left Tete, and went first towards Zumbo
and then south to the Kangadzi and Kansawa rivers, where they met a
troop of lions, one of which, a lioness, Burnett killed. On September
1st twenty-nine out of forty-two carriers bolted, and their loss was
more or less made good by men from surrounding villages. At the kraal of
a chief, Maziwa, they were subjected to the usual extortion, which
excited the remaining Shakunda carriers to practise a little blackmail.
Things got so bad that Selous decided to destroy a good part of his
trade goods and to push on in spite of Maziwa's threats. A short retreat
was, however, necessary, and the remaining Shakunda carriers, except one
who remained faithful, were dismissed. From Rusambo a fresh start was
made. Near the head of the Umkaradsi Valley Selous found a fine unnamed
mountain, which he called Mount Darwin, after the illustrious
naturalist, and then pushed on to Mapondera's kraal, which was in the
centre of a gold-bearing district. Mapondera, chief of the Makori-kori,
was a powerful chief, and from him Selous obtained a mineral concession,
and got him to sign a paper to the effect that he considered himself in
no way under Portuguese rule. This was important, for at this time the
Portuguese, although holding none of the country, considered that they
owned Mashunaland.
Having concluded his business, Selous decided to try and fix the actual
source of the Mazoe, which was then unknown. Accordingly, he and Burnett
started off on their wanderings, leaving Thomas, who was ill with fever,
at Mapondera's kraal.
We need not follow the travels of Selous and his companions in their
subsequent journeys, for Selous' own survey of this country and his
remarks on Mount Hampden and its neighbourhood, are published in the
Journals of the Royal Geographical Society. Suffice it to say, that on
October 10th Selous and Burnett returned to Rusambo, after having
carefully surveyed the adjoining country. The party then struck down the
Ruenya river, where they killed some hippopotami, and reached Tete again
on October 23rd. Here Selous had a stormy interview with the Governor,
who accused him of being an agent of the British Government, and
demanded the document made between himself and Mapondera. This, however,
Selous declined to agree to, but eventually gave him a copy. After this
the party had no further trouble, and reached Cape Town early in
December.
At this time (1890) all circumstances seemed to point to the fact that
unless the British Government took possession of Mashunaland the
Portuguese intended to do so. In 1888 Lord Salisbury had proclaimed it
to be within the sphere of British influence, and said that he would not
recognize the claims of Portugal unless that country could show
occupation. It was therefore, in Selous' opinion at any rate, clear that
the Portuguese expeditions of 1889 made against local chiefs in the
North-East, were undertaken to prove conquest and ownership, for at this
time no Englishman was domiciled nearer Mashunaland than Matabeleland.
In view therefore of coming trouble Selous, who was then aware of
Rhodes' schemes, wrote this letter to the "Selous Syndicate," setting
forth the extreme importance of establishing occupation at once by
British pioneers, or the valuable country of Mashunaland would be lost
to us. On reaching Cape Town he at once proceeded to Kimberley, and was
delighted to find that Mr. Rhodes fully concurred with his views, and
was determined that the country should be occupied in the cause of the
British South African Company during the coming year (1890). Selous then
laid before him his idea of cutting a road passing from the south-east
of Matabeleland due north to the Portuguese frontier. This scheme Rhodes
did not at first approve of,[40] but he afterwards accepted it in its
entirety.
"It is due to Mr. Cecil Rhodes alone," writes Selous, "I cannot
too often repeat, that to-day our country's flag flies over
Mashunaland. He alone of all Englishmen possessed at the same
time the prescience and breadth of mind to appreciate the
ultimate value of the country, combined with the strong will
which, in spite of all obstacles, impelled the means and the
power successfully to carry out the scheme of its immediate
occupation. What the acquisition of this vast country means is
as yet scarcely apparent to the great majority of Englishmen,
perhaps to none who are not acquainted with the history of South
Africa during the present century, or who have not watched the
giant strides which have taken place in its development during
the last twenty years. But, in the not distant future, when
quick and easy communications into Mashunaland have been
established, and the many difficulties which now hamper the
development of this the youngest of British colonies have been
overcome, then I think Englishmen will be able to appreciate
what they owe to Mr. Rhodes for inaugurating a new departure in
South African history, and securing for his countrymen the first
'show in' in a country which must ultimately become a very
valuable possession."
By the end of 1889 Rhodes drew up his plan of occupation, which was
approved by Sir Henry Loch, High Commissioner for South Africa, and
other authorities. The guidance of the expedition was left entirely in
the hands of Selous. The route of the road to be cut was from the
Macloutsie river, over the high plateaux of Fort Charter and Salisbury,
and north to Manica.
In January, 1890, Selous wrote his letter to the "Times," which gave a
very complete survey of the Portuguese and British claims, as well as a
general description of the country it was proposed to occupy.
In February and March he made a flying visit to Bulawayo, where
he saw Lobengula, who gave him a message for Cecil Rhodes.
Writing from Palapswi, on March 26th, he says: "I got back the
day before yesterday from Matabeleland and leave to-morrow for
Kimberley. I am the bearer of a message from Lobengula to Mr.
Cecil Rhodes. He promises to come to an understanding with Mr.
Rhodes as to the opening up of Mashunaland if Rhodes will go up
to Bulawayo and arrange with him personally. I am going to try
and persuade Mr. Rhodes to accompany me back to Bulawayo
immediately. I hope he will be able to go, and trust some
satisfactory arrangement may be come to. Still, I distrust
Lobengula and his people. Things are in such a condition just now
regarding Matabeleland and Mashunaland that it is quite
impossible to tell what may happen. Everything may be settled
peaceably (or forcibly) this year. Or again, the High
Commissioner may forbid any expedition to be made this year
against the wish of Lobengula. The question is a very strange
one. The Charter was granted to the South African Company on the
strength of their having obtained a concession from Lobengula for
the mineral rights in Matabele- and Mashunaland. These rights
were really bought, and a lot of money was paid to Lobengula
directly, and to his people indirectly, by the agents of the
Company. Now it seems as if Lobengula was inclined to disallow
Europeans to work for gold, either in Matabele- or Mashunaland.
In order to avoid trouble, the Company now wish to waive their
rights in Matabeleland proper, where they would necessarily come
in contact with the Matabele people, and to exploit and develop
Mashunaland, a country to which the Matabele have no just title.
In order to do this without coming into contact with Lobengula
and his people, the Company now wish to make a road to
Mashunaland that shall not touch Matabeleland at all, but pass to
the south of that country, and it is quite possible that
Lobengula and his people, fearing to let whites get beyond him
and establish themselves in Mashunaland, will try and prevent
this road being made. At present the political situation in
England is a most ridiculous one as regards Mashunaland. Lord
Salisbury has warned the Portuguese out of it, saying that it is
to him the sphere of British influence, and now Lobengula will
not allow British subjects or any white men to enter his country
as long as he can keep them out. I abhor the Matabele, yet I
would not have them interfered with or their country invaded
without a _casus belli_; but that they should keep Europeans out
of Mashunaland is preposterous."
In March, 1890, Selous was sent up to Palapswi with instructions to get
men from Khama to cut a waggon-road to the eastern border of his
country. He was, moreover, to be assisted by some Matabele in this
critical work, and so visited Lobengula at Bulawayo to explain the
objects in view. Lobengula, however, denied having ever given Dr.
Jameson any promise about assisting in the making of the road, and
firmly asserted that he would not allow it to be made. He said that he
would not discuss matters with any of Rhodes' emissaries, and that if
there was to be any talk the "Big White Chief" himself must come to
visit him. Wherefore Selous returned to Kimberley and saw Mr. Rhodes,
who sent Dr. Jameson, and with him Selous then returned to Tati.
Meanwhile a considerable force, about four hundred white men, had been
gathered at the Macloutsie with the intention of occupying Mashunaland,
whether the Matabele liked it or not. Selous himself was sent
eastward to pick out a good line for a waggon-road as far as the Shashi
and Tuli rivers--which survey he concluded by May. It was during one of
these journeys he was lucky enough to find and kill the best koodoo bull
he ever saw, a magnificent specimen, 60 inches long on the curve and
45-3/8 straight. By the 10th of June the waggon-track to Tuli was open.
[Illustration: ON THE MASHUNA PLATEAU.]
The pioneer expedition now moved, with the scouts in front; the Matabele
threatened to attack, but did not do so, and Selous, with his scouting
parties in advance and covered by Khama's mounted men, commenced cutting
the long road from the Macloutsie to Mount Hampden, a distance of four
hundred and sixty miles. As each section of the road was cut the main
expeditionary force followed after. About the worst section was between
the Umzingwane and the Umshabetse rivers, a desolate thirst-land; but
this was passed in three days. This territory, which I visited in 1893,
was claimed by the Matabele, and includes the King's private
hunting-ground, and the pioneers expected every moment to be attacked;
so every precaution was taken, the mounted men keeping a sharp watch and
the axe-men doing the cutting.
From the Umshabetse river Selous wrote to his mother (July 13th,
1890): "I am here with an advanced party of the pioneer
force--forty men--all mounted. We have already cut nearly 120
miles of road from the B.S.A. Company's camp on the Macloutsie
river, and are now on the borders of the Banyai country. We are
already far to the east of all the inhabited part of
Matabeleland and are now going north-east, always keeping more
than 150 miles as the crow flies from Bulawayo. So far we have
seen nothing of the Matabele. We are, however, taking every
precaution against surprise, and always have scouts out in front
and several miles behind us on the road who do not come in till
after dark. We keep watch all night, too, with relays of guards.
Should a large impi come down to attack us, we shall simply
abandon our waggons and retire on the main body, which is now
coming on, on the road we have made. Our main body is composed
of four hundred good men, besides fifty native mounted scouts
supplied by Khama. If we can get two hours' notice of the
approach of the Matabele, just sufficient time to have all the
waggons put into 'laager' on the old Boer plan, Lobengula's men
can do nothing to us. If they attack us in 'laager' they must
suffer fearful loss. The young men want to fight, but Lobengula
and the older men want peace. However, do not be downhearted,
dearest mother. Personally, I hope there will be no fighting."
On July 18th the main column caught up the roadmakers at the Umshabetse
river, and on August 1st the Lunti river was reached. Selous now scouted
ahead and found an easy road to the plateau ahead, and by "Providential
Pass" the expedition eventually emerged from the forest into the open
country.
Whilst they were cutting the road from the Lunti to Fort Victoria an
ultimatum was received from Lobengula by Colonel Pennefather that he
must turn back at once, unless he "thought he was strong enough to go
on," and warning him to expect trouble if he did so.
By this time, however, Lobengula had lost his best chance of attacking
the expeditionary force, for they had now emerged on the open downs; yet
it is a wonder he managed to keep his young men in check. Had he
attacked in the bush country it is doubtful if our forces, even if they
had not met with a reverse, would have been able to proceed. At any rate
intense excitement prevailed in Matabeleland, and many new impis of
warriors were formed ready to take action.
On September 1st the expedition reached the source of the Umgezi, where
Fort Charter was established; so that by September 30th the Company had
a continuous chain of forts and posts over eight hundred miles from Tuli
to Fort Salisbury. Here Selous left the expedition, as he was the only
man who knew the surrounding country, and it was essential for him to go
with Mr. A. R. Colquhoun to confer with Umtasa, the chief of Manica. On
September 14th a treaty was agreed to by which the British South Africa
Company acquired and took possession of a large area of auriferous
country--much to the annoyance of the Portuguese, who claimed it.
Treaties were concluded with all the other chiefs except Motoko, whom
Selous visited early in November. The Portuguese, however, did not give
up their claims without some show of force, for when Major Forbes went
down to take over parts of Manica he had trouble with the Portuguese,
and had to arrest Colonel d'Andrada and others, to avoid bloodshed; and
for safety sent his prisoners to Fort Salisbury.
Before reaching Salisbury at the end of November, Selous spent three
months altogether in travelling through the northern and eastern
districts of Mashunaland and concluding treaties of amity with all the
native chiefs. This, besides mapping and literary work--describing the
country--occupied his time till the middle of December, when he again
visited Motoko, chief of the Mabudja, to obtain a treaty of friendship,
as well as a mineral concession, in which he was quite successful. In
October he wrote home from Mangwendi's kraal praising the climate of
Eastern Mashunaland, and evidently in high spirits at the great success
of the pioneer expedition. "The opening up of Mashunaland seems like a
dream, and I have played a not unimportant part in it all, I am proud to
say. The road to Mashunaland is now being called the 'Selous Road,' and
I hope the name will endure, though I don't suppose it will. At any
rate, the making of the road was entrusted _entirely_ to me and I did my
work to everyone's satisfaction. An old Boer officer said to me, just
before the expedition started, 'I think that the expedition without Mr.
Selous would be like a swarm of bees that has lost its Queen and does
not know where to go to.' Yet it is too bad of me to sing my own
praises, but I do feel most proud at the share I had in putting it
through, _the whole idea, too, of making the road at all and thus
circumventing the Matabele and gaining possession of Mashunaland was my
own_. I proposed it to Rhodes in Kimberley on my return from the Zambesi
last December. At first he did not like the idea; but after thinking it
over, resolved to try and carry it out, with the result that Mashunaland
is now practically a British province.
"Before the rainy season is over, the Company will probably have
come to some definite understanding with Lobengula, who, by the
by, recognized my importance in the expedition by sending down a
message to Sir Henry Loch, the High Commissioner, that 'Selous
had turned his oxen and his horses into his (Lobengula's)
cornfields.'"
Writing from Motoko's kraal on November 16th, he says: "Before
coming here, I have had no difficulty with any of the other
chiefs, but here I have had a lot of worry and trouble. My great
difficulty is that the whole country is really ruled, not by the
chief (Motoko) but by one whom they call the 'Lion-God.' This
appears to be a hereditary office, and the holder of it lives
away by himself in the mountains, and is looked upon with
superstitious dread and reverence by the Chief and his people.
However, I have now got things on a friendly footing, but I
shall have to go back to Fort Salisbury, in order to get certain
articles to appease the 'Lion-God,' and then return here before
I shall finally be able to conclude the treaty with Motoko. I am
under engagement to the Company till the end of next August, and
do not think I shall take a fresh engagement, as I am anxious to
get home. Having passed the best part of my life in the
wilderness and amongst savages, I should now like to see
something of civilized countries, with perhaps an occasional
short trip into an out-of-the-way place. If I live to be an old
man, I should like to re-visit this country, thirty or forty
years hence, by railroad."
In January, 1891, he returned to Umtali, where he received orders to cut
a road from that place to Lower Revui, and afterwards to lay a new road
from the Odzi river to Salisbury. February was the wet season, so it was
with some difficulty that he set about his task on the Odzi in company
with Mr. W. L. Armstrong. On May 3rd, however, he had made one hundred
and fifty miles of road to Salisbury, riding three strong horses to a
standstill in his numerous peregrinations. Then news reached him of
further trouble with the Portuguese, and he was asked by Mr. Colquhoun
to take two waggon-loads of stores and ammunition to the small British
garrison isolated at Manica, where there was an imminent prospect of
fighting. Whereat he expresses his views clearly as to his own
inclinations as regards soldiering. "Now I am not a fighting man, and
neither look forward with enthusiasm to the prospect of being shot, nor
feel any strong desire to shoot anyone else."
However, he regarded the matter, as he always did when called upon, as a
duty, and left at once for Manica with Lieutenant Campbell and twenty
ex-pioneers. On May 13th the party reached Umtali, where they heard that
the Portuguese had made a sortie from Massi-Kessi, and had attacked
Captain Heyman's camp near Chua. The Portuguese troops, numbering one
hundred whites and blacks from Angola, however, had shot so badly that
no one was hit and soon lost heart and bolted back to Massi-Kessi, which
was soon after occupied by our forces. To his mother he wrote from
Umtali, May 20th, 1891:--
"I got down here on the 13th by the new road I have made for the
Company, with about twenty men and two waggon-loads of
provisions, and we were astonished to hear that a fight had
already taken place near Massi-Kessi on the afternoon of the
11th, and I will now tell you what has actually taken place. It
appears that on the 5th of this month the Portuguese reoccupied
Massi-Kessi, with a force consisting of about one hundred white
soldiers and three or four hundred black troops. Thereupon
Captain Heyman went over from here (Umtali Camp) to near
Massi-Kessi with fifty men and a seven-pounder cannon, and a lot
of Umtasa's men, to protest against the invasion of Umtasa's
country. Two days later, Captain Heyman and Lieutenant Morier (a
son of Sir Robert Morier, British Ambassador at St. Petersburg)
went down to Massi-Kessi with a flag of truce, to interview
Ferreira, the Commander of the Portuguese forces, and the
Governor of Manica. Ferreira told him that he was at
Massi-Kessi, in accordance with the terms of the _modus vivendi_
which the Company's forces were breaking, by being at Umtali,
and said that he would drive the Company's men out of the
country. Captain Heyman then said that he had better not do
anything before the expiration of the _modus vivendi_, to which
he replied that he would attack him whenever he thought fit to
do so. Captain Heyman's position was on a hill about five miles
from Massi-Kessi. On the 10th, I think, one of the Portuguese
officers came up with a flag of truce, evidently to see what
number of men Captain Heyman had with him. He only saw about
fifteen, as all the rest were lying down in the long grass, and
it must have been from his report that an attack was resolved
upon. Captain Heyman told me that he was immensely surprised to
see the Portuguese troops swarming out of Massi-Kessi at about 2
p.m. on the 11th. They advanced in two bodies, led by the
Portuguese officers. Captain Heyman first fired a blank charge
with the cannon to which they paid no attention, and then seeing
that they meant business the firing commenced in earnest. The
firing lasted two hours. The Portuguese officers did all they
could to get their men on, and behaved very well indeed; but
their men evidently did not relish the business, and after
making two attempts to reach a hill which would have commanded
Captain Heyman's position, broke and fled back to Massi-Kessi.
Not a single man of the Company's force was hit, but the
Portuguese lost an officer (Captain Bettencourt), and it is
believed about twenty men. Early next morning Captain Heyman
sent a man down to Massi-Kessi with a flag of truce, offering
the services of the doctor, and when he got there he found the
place deserted. For some unaccountable reason the Portuguese had
deserted the place, leaving nine machine-guns, ammunition, and
stores and provisions of all kinds behind them. It is thought
that a panic set in amongst the black troops, and the white
Portuguese were afraid to remain behind without them. The whole
affair is very inglorious to the Portuguese arms, and will have
a great effect on their prestige with the natives. Of course
Massi-Kessi was seized and looted by the northern barbarians,
and has now been blown up and destroyed. Everybody is longing
for another Portuguese expedition to come up, as then there will
be a chance of more loot. What will happen now it is impossible
to say, but I think that the British Government must step in,
and either order the Company to leave Manica, or else support it
against the Portuguese, in which case they will be unable to do
anything of importance. They will now, I think, have great
difficulty in getting up here, as the natives are all hostile to
them and all their carriers will have to be brought from other
parts. The country, too, is a very difficult one to travel
through. I shall be very glad when things are settled, as
Mashunaland will be kept back until they are. I have been down
with Colonel Pennefather, as I told you, on a reconnaissance
about thirty miles beyond Massi-Kessi, on the track of the
Portuguese, and they have evidently beaten a hasty retreat."
Immediately after this fiasco Selous went down to Umliwan's kraal,
situated between the Pungwi and the Busi rivers, to fetch away the
abandoned waggons. One night, whilst on the return journey, the camp was
attacked by five lions and an ox killed. Next morning Selous, of course,
went after them, but failed to get a shot. The following night he made a
small hut close to the carcase of the ox, and into this Selous and
Armstrong crept at sunset, and the night's adventure as described by
Selous[41] is one of the best stories he ever wrote. The lions kept
continually returning to the carcase. Several shots were fired and two
lionesses and a hyena killed, but one wounded lion succeeded in
escaping.
Although he says little of it at the time, Selous did an immense amount
of tramping to and fro, all footwork because of the "fly," in the
unhealthy country, both contiguous to and in the Portuguese territory
about the Pungwi and Busi rivers in 1891 and 1892, in the hope of
finding a road to the East Coast that would be free from the tsetse fly
and where waggons could pass. In this he was unsuccessful, and he was
reluctantly forced to admit that a railway would be the only method of
transport to the coast, and that until this was made no progress was
possible. However, his journeys carried him for the first time into the
last great haunt of game south of the Zambesi, for at this time the
whole of the territory in the neighbourhood of these rivers was one huge
game reserve which, owing to its unhealthiness, was seldom visited by
sportsmen or even meat-hunters. And so it continued till 1896, when the
rinderpest swept off nine-tenths of the koodoos, elands and buffalo.
Since that day the game recovered in a measure, and even to-day there is
more game there than anywhere south of the Zambesi, but it contains a
shadow of its former abundance at the time when Selous first visited it.
Practically Selous was the first white man to see this great assembly of
game and to hunt them, for the Portuguese were not hunters and never
left the footpaths. He found vast herds of buffaloes in the reed-beds,
bushbucks as tame as in the Garden of Eden stood gazing at a few yards
and did not fly at the approach of man, whilst out on the plains there
was a constant procession of Liechtenstein's hartebeest, blue
wildebeests, tsessebes, water-bucks, zebras, and here and there were
always scattered parties of reedbucks, oribis, and the smaller
antelopes. Wart-hogs and bush-pigs were equally tame and confiding, and
hippopotami disported in the rivers and lagoons in broad daylight, and
there was not a night that several troops of lions were not heard
roaring. Yet curiously enough, in spite of the abundance of the
last-named, Selous only saw three individuals, one of which he killed
after it had charged twice. This, he says, was the last of "thirty-one
lions I have shot."[42] This number does not tally with the statement,
"I have only shot twenty-five lions when entirely by myself,"[43] but
the discrepancy is accounted for by the fact that he killed six lions
between 1893 and 1896.
The opening up of the new country proceeded rapidly till June, 1892,
when Selous wrote to his mother from Salisbury:--
"The telegraph wire is now at Fort Charter, and before the end
of next month the office will be opened here in Salisbury, and
Mashunaland will be in telegraph communication with the whole of
the civilized world. This, if you come to think of it, is really
a magnificent piece of enterprise. We are having the most lovely
weather up here, although it is the middle of summer and the
rainy season; nice cool cloudy days, with showers of rain
occasionally, but nothing worth speaking of. The Government
buildings are progressing rapidly. We now have an abundance of
vegetables here. Everything thrives marvellously, potatoes,
cabbage, onions, shalots, radishes, lettuces, etc. etc. Wheat
sowed in August last by the head of the Africander Bond
deputation, ripened and was cut in four months and a few days
from the date of sowing, and has been sent down to Cape Town.
Major Johnson's agricultural expert pronounced it to be as fine
a sample of wheat as he had ever seen, and says he will be able
to raise two crops a year. In fact, the country is now proved to
be an exceptionally fine one for both agriculture and
stock-farming, in spite of Mr. Labouchere and Lord Randolph
Churchill. The gold prospects are also improving, and many of
Mr. Perkins' prognostications have already been falsified. I
think there is no doubt that this country will have a grand
future, but the development will be very slow for some time yet;
in fact, until a railway has been made from the East coast, at
least as far as Manica. Once this railway has been built,
however, the country must be developed very quickly, I think.
All impartial persons agree that the climate on this plateau is
cooler and altogether more enjoyable than that of Kimberley and
many other parts of civilized South Africa; but, of course,
directly one leaves the plateau and gets into the low
bush-country towards the Zambesi, the East coast, or the
Transvaal, fever is rife during the rainy season. Unfortunately,
most of the gold-belts are in this unhealthy zone, and until the
bush is cut down, the land cultivated, and good houses are built
round the mines, miners will suffer from fever in the bad
season; but this is the same in all new countries. I am now
going down to make a road from Manica to the other side of
Massi-Kessi, so as to be ready from our side to meet the tramway
or railway which the Mozambique Company have undertaken to make
from the Pungwi river. My intention is to leave the Company's
service in June next, and in August I shall go down to the East
coast, and hope to be in Johannesburg in October, and in England
before the end of the year. I do not intend to re-visit
Mashunaland for several years, but I shall have considerable
interests there, which will increase in value as the country
develops. I intend to visit America, to see the World's Fair, in
1893, and should like to visit Japan at the same time. I
consider myself independent, as I can live on the L330 a year
which my de Beers shares produce, and I have a good many more
properties which may turn out valuable."
Selous continued making roads until May, 1892, when there being no
further work for him to do, he terminated his engagement with the
British South Africa Company, and went down to Beira, and so to Cape
Town and England, which he reached on December 17th, 1892. Before
leaving, however, he did a little hunting, and killed his last lion on
October 3rd, and his last elephant, a splendid old bull, with tusks
weighing 108 lbs. the pair, on October 7th.
It was in December, 1891, that Selous killed his finest lion, a splendid
animal with a good mane, and one whose pegged-out skin measured over
eleven feet. This lion had done much damage at Hartley Hills, breaking
into stables and kraals, and destroyed many horses and goats. This was
an unusually daring beast, and efforts to destroy him had been of no
avail. Whilst dining with Dr. Edgelow one night, Selous heard his
driver, John, fire from his camp close by, and called out to ask the
cause. The driver replied that a lion had just killed one of the loose
oxen. Nothing could be done that night, but at dawn Selous took the
spoor in the wet ground, but lost it on the dry veldt. Next evening he
made a shelter against a tree.
"As the shooting-hole between the overhanging branches of the
tree behind which I sat only allowed me to get a view directly
over the carcase of the ox, I arranged another opening to the
right, which gave me a good view up the waggon-road along which
I thought the lion would most likely come, and I placed the
muzzle of my rifle in this opening when I entered my shelter. As
the night was so light, I thought it very likely that my vigil
might be a long one; for even if he did not wait until the moon
had set, I never imagined that the lion would put in an
appearance until after midnight, when the camp would be quite
quiet. Under this impression, I had just finished the
arrangement of my blankets, placing some behind me and the rest
beneath me, so as to make myself as comfortable as possible in
so confined a space, and was just leaning back, and dreamily
wondering whether I could keep awake all night, when, still as
in a dream, I saw the form of a magnificent lion pass rapidly
and noiselessly as a phantom of the night across the moonlight
disc of the shooting-hole I had made to the right of the
tree-stem. In another instant he had passed and was hidden by
the tree, but a moment later his shaggy head again appeared
before the opening formed by the diverging stems. Momentary as
had been the glimpse I had of him as he passed the right-hand
opening, I had marked him as a magnificent black-maned lion with
neck and shoulders well covered with long shaggy hair. He now
stood with his forelegs right against the breast of the dead ox,
and, with his head held high, gazed fixedly towards my waggon
and oxen, every one of which he could, of course, see very
distinctly, as well as my boy John and the Kafirs beside him. I
heard my horse snort, and knew he had seen the lion, but the
oxen, although they must have seen him too, showed no sign of
fear. The Kafirs were still laughing and talking noisily not
fifty yards away, and, bold as he was, the lion must have felt a
little anxious as he stood silently gazing in the direction from
which he thought danger might be apprehended.
"All this time, but without ever taking my eyes off the lion, I
was noiselessly moving the muzzle of my little rifle from the
right-hand-side opening to the space that commanded a view of
his head. This I was obliged to do very cautiously, for fear of
touching a branch behind me and making a noise. I could see the
black crest of mane between his ears move lightly in the wind,
for he was so near that had I held my rifle by the small of the
stock I could have touched him with the muzzle by holding it at
arm's length. Once only he turned his head and looked round
right into my eyes, but, of course, without seeing me, as I was
in the dark, and, apparently, without taking the slightest
alarm, as he again turned his head and stood looking at the
waggon as before. I could only see his head, his shoulder being
hidden by the right-hand stem of the tree, and I had made up my
mind to try and blow his brains out, thinking I was so near
that I could not fail to do so, even without being able to see
the sight of my rifle. I had just got the muzzle of my rifle
into the fork of the tree, and was about to raise it quite
leisurely, the lion having hitherto showed no signs of
uneasiness. I was working as cautiously as possible, when
without the slightest warning he suddenly gave a low grating
growl, and turned round, his head disappearing instantly from
view. With a jerk I pulled the muzzle of my rifle from the one
opening and pushed it through the other just as the lion walked
rapidly past in the direction from which he had come. He was not
more than four or five yards from me, and I should certainly
have given him a mortal wound had not my rifle missed fire at
this most critical juncture, the hammer giving a loud click in
the stillness of the night. At the sound the lion broke into a
gallop, and was almost instantly out of sight."
This was a terrible misfortune, but next morning Selous tracked the lion
up a watercourse and soon found him.
"John was looking about near the edge of this shallow water, and
I had turned my horse's head to look along the bank higher up,
when the unmistakable growl of a lion issued from the bushes
beyond the rivulet, and at the same time John said, 'Daar hij'
(there he is). I was off my horse in an instant to be ready for
a shot, when he turned round and trotted away, and John ran to
try and catch him. I thought the luck was all against me, as I
expected the lion would make off and get clean away; but I ran
forward, trying to get a sight of him when he suddenly made his
appearance in the bush about fifty yards away, and catching
sight of me, came straight towards me at a rapid pace, holding
his head low and growling savagely. I suppose he wanted to
frighten me, but he could not have done a kinder thing. He came
right on to the further bank of the little stream just where it
formed a pool of water, and stood there amongst some rocks
growling and whisking his tail about, and always keeping his
eyes fixed upon me. Of course, he gave me a splendid shot, and
in another instant I hit him, between the neck and the shoulder,
in the side of his chest, with a 360-grain expanding bullet. As
I pulled the trigger I felt pretty sure he was mine. With a loud
roar he reared right up, and turning over sideways fell off the
rock on which he had been standing into the pool of water below
him. The water was over three feet deep, and for an instant he
disappeared entirely from view, but the next instant regaining
his feet stood on the bottom with his head and shoulders above
the surface. I now came towards him, when again seeing me, he
came plunging through the water towards me, growling angrily.
But his strength was fast failing him, and I saw it was all he
could do to reach the bank, so I did not fire, as I was anxious
not to make holes in his skin. He just managed to get up the
bank, when I finished him with a shot through the lungs, to
which he instantly succumbed."[44]
Selous has always been regarded by the British public as the first
lion-hunter of all time. They would like to have seen him travelling
round with a large circus and a band giving demonstrations of shooting
lions from horseback a la Buffalo Bill, but nothing was further from his
own ideas than such a showman's display. Being as truthful as he was
modest, he always entirely disclaimed any great prowess as a lion-hunter
and said what was true--that many men had killed a far greater number of
lions than himself. It was only on particular occasions like the last
adventure described that he went out of his way to shoot lions that had
become troublesome and dangerous, but at all times he never declined a
fight when he was lucky enough to meet lions, whether he was himself
afoot or accompanied by dogs. If he had wished to make a great bag of
lions, doubtless he could have done so; but he never wished to pose as a
lion-hunter like Jules Gerard and others, and so his total bag was
modest. Actually, he himself shot thirty-one lions and assisted in the
destruction of eleven others. Even his good friend, H. A. Bryden,
usually so accurate in his statements, says: "He was easily the greatest
lion-hunter of his time," and the general public, taking the cue from
many writers, say a thing is so-and-so and the statement becomes
standardized. But, after all, it is only a very few men who know the
real facts of any case, and they often have a habit of holding their
tongues. Doubtless, if Selous had enjoyed the opportunities of the
Brothers Hill, he would have been just as active and successful in
destroying lions as they--if he had not been killed in the process.
Selous, as a matter of fact, had no more genius for hunting than that
enjoyed by many others. He was an admirable hunter, but just as unable
to spoor a lion on dry veldt as other white men--that gift alone
belonging to certain black races. The title, therefore, of being "the
greatest lion-hunter"--even if we admit the desirability of using
superlatives--seems to belong to the man or men who by perfectly fair
means and taking risks--the same as Selous himself did--have shot the
greatest number of lions. Wherefore, I give a few particulars.
As Selous himself has said, probably the greatest lion-hunter within his
experience of South Africa was Petrus Jacobs, who killed in his
life--chiefly with the assistance of dogs--well over one hundred lions,
and was himself badly mauled when he was over seventy-three years of
age.
Probably the greatest all-round hunter of African game now living is
William Judd, now a professional hunter in British East Africa. In South
and East Africa he has killed forty-eight lions and been in at the death
of forty-three others. In giving me these particulars, he says: "I have
never had any really narrow squeaks from lions with the exception of the
time I was out with Selous on the Gwasin Guishu plateau" (see "Field,"
May 28th, 1910). It may be remarked that this immunity is due to the
fact that he is a magnificent shot. He considers the Buffalo a far more
dangerous opponent. A. B. Percival, Game Warden, is said to have shot
fifty lions during his residence in British East Africa.
In Somaliland, hunting almost exclusively for lions, Colonel Curtis in
one season killed twenty-seven, and in the same time Colonel Paget and
Lord Wolverton nearly as many. Captain Mellis also in one season
accounted for twenty-one lions, and several other British sportsmen have
killed twenty in one trip in that part of Africa.
What a man does and what he could actually do in the way of lion-killing
is perhaps beside the question. A great lion-hunter like Sir Alfred
Pease, both an admirable shot and a superb horseman, has only killed
fourteen lions and joined in eleven "partnerships," but this in no way
represents the number of lions he _could_ have killed had he wished to
do so. Being of an unselfish disposition it was ever his pleasure, since
he had killed all the specimens he wanted, to give his friends who were
anxious to shoot lions every opportunity of doing so. In fact, on many
occasions, at his farm on the Kapiti Plains, he himself "rounded up" the
lions for other men to kill, and simply looked on--standing ready in
case of trouble. "Lions were so plentiful at my place on the Athi," he
writes, "that one party killed in one day (1911-12) fourteen lions. I
have often spared a fine lion to give a guest a chance, and have never
seen him again. The finest lion I ever saw was an enormous black-maned
fellow. I prevented my son-in-law from firing at him, as I wished
President Roosevelt to get him during his stay with me. Subsequently, I
think a German got his skin; but in reality, I believe H. D. Hill killed
him after a German party and the Brothers Hill had fought a great battle
with him near Lukania."
Sir Alfred then goes on to give particulars of the astounding
performances of the Brothers Harold D. Hill and Clifford Hill, who if
they wished it--which they probably do not--are justly entitled to the
right of being called the first of modern lion-hunters. "Harold Hill
managed my farm in British East Africa for several years. He told me a
year ago that he had, since he had been there, 1906-15, on my farms of
Theki and Katanga, and on his own and his brother's farms--Katelembo and
Wami--killed himself one hundred and thirty-six lions. I think this
figure will include a very great number of what I should call
'partnerships,' for his brother Clifford must have killed as many or
more than Harold, for he has done more actual hunting.[45] Clifford Hill
acted as professional hunter to many 'safaris,' but you could
absolutely rely on any statement he made, although it is not likely that
he believed, himself, in counting heads of game killed. I should not be
surprised if these two brothers have not been in at the death of over
three hundred lions during their residence in East Africa."
"Some years ago Lord Delamere had, I think, killed between fifty
and sixty lions. Many of these (over twenty) were killed in
Somaliland. Some of these were 'ridden,' and others may have
been killed at night, but Delamere was, nevertheless, a keen and
fearless hunter."
Commenting on the different methods of hunting lions in Somaliland and
British East Africa, Sir Alfred says:--
"The Somaliland method of hunting (i.e. following a fresh spoor
on hard ground till the lion was viewed) was, in my opinion, the
best test of skill and sporting qualities, since you tracked and
did the whole thing on your own initiative. Personally, I
enjoyed most the B.E.A. work. You saw much more of the beasts,
and I loved galloping and rounding them up for others to kill as
much as I enjoyed anything in my whole life."
Paul Rainey's methods of hunting lions with a large pack of hounds can
hardly come into the true category of lion-hunting where risks are
taken. The dogs, it is true, were often killed or wounded; but as a
friend who had taken part in these hunts remarked, "It was just like
rat-hunting, and about as dangerous." It is true that one man, George
Swartz (formerly a German waiter at the Norfolk Hotel, Nairobi), was
killed in one of these hunts, but the accident was singular. Swartz was
a very bold fellow and moved close in in thick bush when the dogs had a
lion at bay one day in the Kedong in 1912. The lion "broke bay," and
either intentionally charged Swartz or ran over to him by chance as he
worked the cinema-camera. The beast gave the man one bite in the stomach
and then left him, but the unfortunate fellow died shortly afterwards of
his wounds. Paul Rainey claims to have killed over two hundred lions
with his dogs.
[Illustration: THE BATTLE OF THE STRONG.]
It has always been the custom amongst hunters that he who draws first
blood from any animal--even if it is only a scratch--is entitled to the
beast when subsequently killed. It is a good law on the whole, but there
are many instances where it is scarcely justified--that is to say, when
the first shooter has done little beyond slightly injuring the animal,
if a dangerous one, and the second hunter has stood "all the racket,"
and killed the beast at the risk of his life. Here is such an example
given to me by Sir Alfred Pease:--
"I lent my rifle (a .256 Mannlicher) to a friend, also my horse
to gallop and 'round up' a lion, whilst I kept watch on a bush
where another had hidden, not being able--owing to dongas--to
get round him. My friend soon jumped off and fired two or three
shots at the first lion, which worked round and came and lay
down under a thin thorn-bush less than a hundred yards from my
position. I then went towards the bush and the lion charged me.
I fired twice with a 10-bore gun at about sixty and fifteen
yards, and the beast--a very fine black-maned lion--fell dead to
my second barrel.
"My friend now came up, and to my disgust said excitedly, 'My
lion!' I said, 'Mine, I think?' He said, 'No; I had first
blood!' I had no idea the lion had been hit, but when we
examined him there was a .256 hole in his back ribs. I was
rather sore, as I had stood the racket; but _it was the rule_. I
killed the second lion in a quarter of an hour. We did not
quarrel, however, and he gave my daughter the skin of the first
lion, which was nice of him."
However, if he did kill a considerable but not a remarkable number of
lions, Selous will always remain the greatest authority on the subject,
for in his numerous writings he has given us accounts of sport and
natural history in connection with this animal that are quite unequalled
by any other writer. In all the descriptions and the accounts of its
habits he accumulated a vast mass of material, mostly new and
original--which is without a blemish, without a single incorrect
statement. These writings by Selous, especially his admirable notes in
"African Nature Notes and Reminiscences," and the small monograph on
"The Lion," by Sir Alfred Pease, constitute a complete record of the
natural history and sport connected with this interesting animal.
To clever and broad-minded people in other lands it may be a wonder that
so excellent a field naturalist as Selous was not granted a State
allowance, to pursue his work as a pioneer and naturalist, so as to
relieve him of the constant strain on his slender resources. We know
that in France, Germany, Austria, Italy, America and Japan such a thing
would have been done long ago; but foreigners have no knowledge of our
various Governments' neglect of science, or of the miserable pittances
they allowed to the various scientific bodies for such a purpose in this
country. Heaven alone knows what inventions, amounting in value to vast
sums, have been literally driven out of England by this abominable
stinginess, and sold to other countries, which in time became our
deadliest enemies in trade and war. And so in turn our scientific
societies, each and all of which considered their own branch the most
important, have pursued a policy of neglect and jealousy towards all
young workers in whatever branch they showed exceptional originality.
The officials of the British Museum are poorly paid, and they and the
Zoological Society, having little or no money to expend on researches of
importance in foreign lands, have to go and beg from the general public
whenever any expedition is being sent abroad.
In America, where matters are worked on broad-minded principles, field
zoology is now recognized as being as important as purely scientific
zoology, and ample funds are given to all genuine collectors outside the
body corporate, and the advancement of general knowledge is all that is
desired. The result is that more excellent work in this branch of
science is being done to-day in New York and Washington than in all
other countries. It is true they have ample funds for such purposes and
these are generously distributed; but there are no jealous cliques
there, and the spirit in which the work is done is wholly admirable.
Perhaps the only scientific society that has received great monetary
help is the Royal Geographical Society, and when Arctic or Antarctic
expeditions are launched the public has always responded magnificently.
I have often wondered why, for beyond the individual effort of bravery
on the part of the gallant members of these expeditions, the scientific
and material results of these expeditions are very small compared with
those of one well-conducted expedition to Central Asia or Africa, which
in time has often given considerable scientific results, as well as
knowledge of new countries that have become the homes of white men. From
the time of Denham and Clapperton to Selous what has ever been done for
our African explorers? Absolutely nothing. These grand men have taken
quite as great risks as Arctic or Antarctic travellers, have explored
thousands of square miles of new country and done it all out of their
own pockets, often ruining themselves in purse and health. An Antarctic
expedition costs the British nation anything from L30,000 to L50,000,
and its leaders receive knighthoods, and other official distinctions,
but we never heard Livingstone called anything but a wandering
missionary, or Selous aught but a big game hunter; nor has any
Government taken the smallest notice of them. Yet these two men, by
their courage, tact in dealing with natives, personal influence, skill
in mapping and eventual advice to those in authority, did more, both for
Science and the Empire, than all the expeditions to the wildernesses of
perpetual snow and ice.
It must not be supposed that Selous, had he wished, could not have
obtained some of these material rewards which are valued by most men. He
was not without influential friends, both at home and in Africa, but his
natural modesty forbade him to make use of them. One man above all
others should have made it his duty to have helped him, but let us see
how he acted.
Cecil Rhodes was a big man--big in almost every way except in the matter
of gratitude--and when he found that Selous was--to use an
Americanism--such an "easy mark," he exploited him to the limit of his
capacity. Rhodes knew that without Selous' immense local knowledge and
tact with the native Mashuna chiefs his best-laid schemes might go
astray, so he played on his patriotism, and promised him many things,
not one of which he ever performed.
Selous was, in fact, the whole Intelligence Department, and when he cut
the road north with such rapidity it really gave Lobengula no time to
act until it was too late. So that the first expedition, which might
easily have been a failure, turned out an unqualified success.
"Let me introduce you to Mr. Selous," said Rhodes to a member of the
Government at a big luncheon party in 1896, "the man above all others to
whom we owe Rhodesia to the British Crown." These were fine words, and a
fine acknowledgment of Selous' services. But what happened afterwards,
and were Rhodes' promises to him kept? When the Empire builder found his
tool was of no further use, he absolutely ignored him, and could never
find time even to see him. To his cynical mind gratitude simply did not
exist. Selous was just one of the pawns in the game, and he could now go
to the devil for all he cared.
If others gained gold and titles out of the efforts of Selous and the
Chartered Company, these mushroom successes strut their uneasy hour and
are soon forgotten; but Selous left behind him an imperishable name for
all that was best in the new lands, which is well voiced in the words of
Mr. A. R. Morkel, in a letter to the Selous Memorial Committee (1917):--
"The natives around my farm all remember him, though it is well
over twenty-five years since he was last here; and it is a
pretty good testimony to his character, that wherever he
travelled amongst natives, many of whom I have talked to about
him, he was greatly respected and esteemed as a just man. We,
settlers of Rhodesia, will always have this legacy from him,
that he instilled into these natives a very good idea of British
justice and fairness."
We need express no surprise that the man who did the most hard work was
left unrewarded, for such is life. It is on a par with the experience of
a gallant officer in a Highland regiment who, after nearly three years
of intense warfare in the front line (1914-17), and still without a
decoration of any kind, although twice wounded, came to Boulogne, where
he met an old brother officer, who had been there in charge of stores
for one and a half years, wearing the D.S.O. and M.C. ribbons. "I am not
a cynical man," he remarked to me, "but I must say that for once in my
life I felt so."
FOOTNOTES:
[40] Rhodes' original plan was to attack Lobengula with a small force.
This, Selous pointed out to him, would be certain to lead to disaster
since Rhodes' information as to the strength of the Matabele was
obviously incorrect. It is therefore clear that Selous in
over-persuading him to abandon this method rendered him and the nation a
considerable service.
[41] "Travel and Adventure in S.E. Africa," pp. 417-425.
[42] "African Native Notes and Reminiscences," p. 311, 1908.
[43] Badminton Library. "The Lion in S. Africa," p. 316, 1894.
[44] Badminton Library. "The Lion in S. Africa," p. 343.
[45] In a letter to me from East Africa, March 12th, 1918, Harold Hill
states that he has been in at the death of 135 lions and that his
brother Clifford has seen 160 lions shot. In most cases, he admits, he
and his brother generally allowed some friend to have his first shot.