_Controversy on Comets—Saggiatore—Galileo's reception by Urban
VIII—His family._
THE year 1618 was remarkable for the appearance of three comets, on
which almost every astronomer in Europe found something to say and
write. Galileo published some of his opinions with respect to them,
through the medium of Mario Guiducci. This astronomer delivered a
lecture before the Florentine academy, the heads of which he was
supposed to have received from Galileo, who, during the whole time of
the appearance of these comets, was confined to his bed by severe
illness. This essay was printed in Florence _at the sign of The Medicean
Stars_.[77] What principally deserves notice in it, is the opinion of
Galileo, that the distance of a comet cannot be safely determined by its
parallax, from which we learn that he inclined to believe that comets
are nothing but meteors occasionally appearing in the atmosphere, like
rainbows, parhelia, and similar phenomena. He points out the difference
in this respect between a fixed object, the distance of which may be
calculated from the difference of direction in which two observers (at a
known distance from each other) are obliged to turn themselves in order
to see it, and meteors like the rainbow, which are simultaneously formed
in different drops of water for each spectator, so that two observers
in different places are in fact contemplating different objects. He then
warns astronomers not to engage with too much warmth in a discussion on
the distance of comets before they assure themselves to which of these
two classes of phenomena they are to be referred. The remark is in
itself perfectly just, although the opinion which occasioned it is now
as certainly known to be erroneous, but it is questionable whether the
observations which, up to that time, had been made upon comets, were
sufficient, either in number or quality, to justify the censure which
has been cast on Galileo for his opinion. The theory, moreover, is
merely introduced as an hypothesis in Guiducci's essay. The same opinion
was for a short time embraced by Cassini, a celebrated Italian
astronomer, invited by Louis XIV. to the Observatory at Paris, when the
science was considerably more advanced, and Newton, in his _Principia_,
did not think it unworthy of him to show on what grounds it is
untenable.
Galileo was become the object of animosity in so many quarters that none
of his published opinions, whether correct or incorrect, ever wanted a
ready antagonist. The champion on the present occasion was again a
Jesuit; his name was Oratio Grassi, who published _The Astronomical and
Philosophical Balance_, under the disguised signature of Lotario Sarsi.
Galileo and his friends were anxious that his reply to Grassi should
appear as quickly as possible, but his health had become so precarious
and his frequent illnesses occasioned so many interruptions, that it was
not until the autumn of 1623 that Il Saggiatore (or The Assayer) as he
called his answer, was ready for publication. This was printed by the
Lyncean Academy, and as Cardinal Maffeo Barberino, who had just been
elected Pope, (with the title of Urban VIII.) had been closely connected
with that society, and was also a personal friend of Cesi and of
Galileo, it was thought a prudent precaution to dedicate the pamphlet to
him. This essay enjoys a peculiar reputation among Galileo's works, not
only for the matter contained in it, but also for the style in which it
is written; insomuch that Andrès[78], when eulogizing Galileo as one of
the earliest who adorned philosophical truths with the graces and
ornaments of language, expressly instances the Saggiatore, which is also
quoted by Frisi and Algarotti, as a perfect model of this sort of
composition. In the latter particular, it is unsafe to interfere with
the decisions of an Italian critic; but with respect to its substance,
this famous composition scarcely appears to deserve its preeminent
reputation. It is a prolix and rather tedious examination of Grassi's
Essay; nor do the arguments seem so satisfactory, nor the reasonings so
compact as is generally the case in Galileo's other writings. It does
however, like all his other works, contain many very remarkable
passages, and the celebrity of this production requires that we should
extract one or two of the most characteristic.
The first, though a very short one, will serve to shew the tone which
Galileo had taken with respect to the Copernican system since its
condemnation at Rome, in 1616. "In conclusion, since the motion
attributed to the earth, which I, as a pious and Catholic person,
consider most false, and not to exist, accommodates itself so well to
explain so many and such different phenomena, I shall not feel sure,
unless Sarsi descends to more distinct considerations than those which
he has yet produced, that, false as it is, it may not just as deludingly
correspond with the phenomena of comets."
Sarsi had quoted a story from Suidas in support of his argument that
motion always produces heat, how the Babylonians used to cook their eggs
by whirling them in a sling; to which Galileo replies: "I cannot refrain
from marvelling that Sarsi will persist in proving to me, by
authorities, that which at any moment I can bring to the test of
experiment. We examine witnesses in things which are doubtful, past, and
not permanent, but not in those things which are done in our own
presence. If discussing a difficult problem were like carrying a weight,
since several horses will carry more sacks of corn than one alone will,
I would agree that many reasoners avail more than one; but _discoursing_
is like _coursing_, and not like carrying, and one barb by himself will
run farther than a hundred Friesland horses. When Sarsi brings up such a
multitude of authors, it does not seem to me that he in the least degree
strengthens his own conclusions, but he ennobles the cause of Signor
Mario and myself, by shewing that we reason better than many men of
established reputation. If Sarsi insists that I believe, on Suidas'
credit, that the Babylonians cooked eggs by swiftly whirling them in a
sling, I will believe it; but I must needs say, that the cause of such
an effect is very remote from that to which it is attributed, and to
find the true cause I shall reason thus. If an effect does not follow
with us which followed with others at another time, it is because, in
our experiment, something is wanting which was the cause of the former
success; and if only one thing is wanting to us, that one thing is the
true cause. Now we have eggs, and slings, and strong men to whirl them,
and yet they will not become cooked; nay, if they were hot at first,
they more quickly become cold: and since nothing is wanting to us but to
be Babylonians, it follows that being Babylonians is the true cause why
the eggs became hard, and not the friction of the air, which is what I
wished to prove.—Is it possible that in travelling post, Sarsi has
never noticed what freshness is occasioned on the face by the continual
change of air? and if he has felt it, will he rather trust the relation
by others, of what was done two thousand years ago at Babylon, than what
he can at this moment verify in his own person? I at least will not be
so wilfully wrong, and so ungrateful to nature and to God, that having
been gifted with sense and language, I should voluntarily set less value
on such great endowments than on the fallacies of a fellow man, and
blindly and blunderingly believe whatever I hear, and barter the freedom
of my intellect for slavery to one as liable to error as myself."
Our final extract shall exhibit a sample of Galileo's metaphysics, in
which may be observed the germ of a theory very closely allied to that
which was afterwards developed by Locke and Berkeley.—"I have now only
to fulfil my promise of declaring my opinions on the proposition that
motion is the cause of heat, and to explain in what manner it appears to
me that it may be true. But I must first make some remarks on that which
we call heat, since I strongly suspect that a notion of it prevails
which is very remote from the truth; for it is believed that there is a
true accident, affection, and quality, really inherent in the substance
by which we feel ourselves heated. This much I have to say, that so soon
as I conceive a material or corporeal substance, I simultaneously feel
the necessity of conceiving that it has its boundaries, and is of some
shape or other; that, relatively to others, it is great or small; that
it is in this or that place, in this or that time; that it is in motion,
or at rest; that it touches, or does not touch another body; that it is
unique, rare, or common; nor can I, by any act of the imagination,
disjoin it from these qualities: but I do not find myself absolutely
compelled to apprehend it as necessarily accompanied by such conditions,
as that it must be white or red, bitter or sweet, sonorous or silent,
smelling sweetly or disagreeably; and if the senses had not pointed out
these qualities, it is probable that language and imagination alone
could never have arrived at them. Because, I am inclined to think that
these tastes, smells, colours, &c., with regard to the subject in which
they appear to reside, are nothing more than mere names, and exist only
in the sensitive body; insomuch that, when the living creature is
removed, all these qualities are carried off and annihilated; although
we have imposed particular names upon them, and different from those of
the other first and real accidents, and would fain persuade ourselves
that they are truly and in fact distinct. But I do not believe that
there exists any thing in external bodies for exciting tastes, smells,
and sounds, but size, shape, quantity, and motion, swift or slow; and if
ears, tongues, and noses were removed, I am of opinion that shape,
number, and motion would remain, but there would be an end of smells,
tastes, and sounds, which, abstractedly from the living creature, I take
to be mere words."
In the spring following the publication of the "Saggiatore," that is to
say, about the time of Easter, in 1624, Galileo went a third time to
Rome to compliment Urban on his elevation to the pontifical chair. He
was obliged to make this journey in a litter; and it appears from his
letters that for some years he had been seldom able to bear any other
mode of conveyance. In such a state of health it seems unlikely that he
would have quitted home on a mere visit of ceremony, which suspicion is
strengthened by the beginning of a letter from him to Prince Cesi, dated
in October, 1623, in which he says: "I have received the very courteous
and prudent advice of your excellency about the time and manner of my
going to Rome, and shall act upon it; and I will visit you at Acqua
Sparta, that I may be completely informed of the actual state of things
at Rome." However this may be, nothing could be more gratifying than his
public reception there. His stay in Rome did not exceed two months,
(from the beginning of April till June,) and during that time he was
admitted to six long and satisfactory interviews with the Pope, and on
his departure received the promise of a pension for his son Vincenzo,
and was himself presented with "a fine painting, two medals, one of gold
and the other of silver, and a good quantity of agnus dei." He had also
much communication with several of the cardinals, one of whom, Cardinal
Hohenzoller, told him that he had represented to the pope on the subject
of Copernicus, that "all the heretics were of that opinion, and
considered it as undoubted; and that it would be necessary to be very
circumspect in coming to any resolution: to which his holiness replied,
that the church had not condemned it, nor was it to be condemned as
heretical, but only as rash; adding, that there was no fear of any one
undertaking to prove that it must necessarily be true." Urban also
addressed a letter to Ferdinand, who had succeeded his father Cosmo as
Grand Duke of Tuscany, expressly for the purpose of recommending Galileo
to him. "For We find in him not only literary distinction, but also the
love of piety, and he is strong in those qualities by which pontifical
good-will is easily obtained. And now, when he has been brought to this
city to congratulate Us on Our elevation, We have very lovingly embraced
him;—nor can We suffer him to return to the country whither your
liberality recalls him without an ample provision of pontifical love.
And that you may know how dear he is to Us, We have willed to give him
this honourable testimonial of virtue and piety. And We further signify
that every benefit which you shall confer upon him, imitating, or even
surpassing your father's liberality, will conduce to Our gratification."
Honoured with these unequivocal marks of approbation, Galileo returned
to Florence.
His son Vincenzo is soon afterwards spoken of as being at Rome; and it
is not improbable that Galileo sent him thither on the appointment of
his friend and pupil, the Abbé Castelli, to be mathematician to the
pope. Vincenzo had been legitimated by an edict of Cosmo in 1619, and,
according to Nelli, married, in 1624, Sestilia, the daughter of Carlo
Bocchineri. There are no traces to be found of Vincenzo's mother after
1610, and perhaps she died about that time. Galileo's family by her
consisted of Vincenzo and two daughters, Julia and Polissena, who both
took the veil in the convent of Saint Matthew at Arcetri, under the
names of Sister Arcangiola and Sister Maria Celeste. The latter is said
to have possessed extraordinary talents. The date of Vincenzo's
marriage, as given by Nelli, appears somewhat inconsistent with the
correspondence between Galileo and Castelli, in which, so late as 1629,
Galileo is apparently writing of his son as a student under Castelli's
superintendence, and intimates the amount of pocket-money he can afford
to allow him, which he fixes at three crowns a month; adding, that "he
ought to be contented with as many crowns, as, at his age, I possessed
groats." Castelli had given but an unfavourable account of Vincenzo's
conduct, characterizing him as "dissolute, obstinate, and impudent;" in
consequence of which behaviour, Galileo seems to have thought that the
pension of sixty crowns, which had been granted by the pope, might be
turned to better account than by employing it on his son's education;
and accordingly in his reply he requested Castelli to dispose of it,
observing that the proceeds would be useful in assisting him to
discharge a great load of debt with which he found himself saddled on
account of his brother's family. Besides this pension, another of one
hundred crowns was in a few years granted by Urban to Galileo himself,
but it appears to have been very irregularly paid, if at all.
About the same time Galileo found himself menaced either with the
deprivation of his stipend as extraordinary professor at Pisa, or with
the loss of that leisure which, on his removal to Florence, he had been
so anxious to secure. In 1629, the question was agitated by the party
opposed to him, whether it were in the power of the grand duke to assign
a pension out of the funds of the University, arising out of
ecclesiastical dues, to one who neither lectured nor resided there. This
scruple had slept during nineteen years which had elapsed since
Galileo's establishment in Florence, but probably those who now raised
it reckoned upon finding in Ferdinand II., then scarcely of age, a less
firm supporter of Galileo than his father Cosmo had been. But the matter
did not proceed so far; for, after full deliberation, the prevalent
opinion of the theologians and jurists who were consulted appeared to be
in favour of this exercise of prerogative, and accordingly Galileo
retained his stipend and privileges.
FOOTNOTES:
[77] In Firenze nella Stamperia di Pietro Cecconcelli alle stelle
Medicee, 1619.
[78] Dell'Origine d'ogni Literatura: Parma, 1787.