taken by the Spaniards; they have been seized by petty vessels as they
were entering our ports, and congratulating themselves upon their escape
from danger.
In the late war with France, an enemy much more formidable both for
power and situation, methods were discovered by which our trade was more
efficaciously protected: by stationing a squadron at the mouth of the
Channel, of which two or three ships at a time cruized at a proper
distance on the neighbouring seas, the privateers were kept in awe, and
confined to their own harbours, or seized if they ventured to leave
them.
But of such useful regulations in the present war there is little hope;
for if the publick papers are of any credit, the king of Spain considers
the captures of our merchants as a standing revenue, and has laid an
indulto upon them as upon other parts of the Spanish trade.
It is, therefore, to little purpose that measures are proposed in this
house, or schemes presented by the merchants for the preservation of our
commerce; for the merchants are considered as the determined enemies of
our minister, who therefore resolved that they should repent of the war
into which he was forced by them, contrary to those favourite schemes
and established maxims, which he has pursued till the liberties of
mankind are almost extinguished.
There are, indeed, some hopes, my lords, that new measures, resolutely
pursued, might yet repair the mischiefs of this absurd and cowardly
conduct, and that by resolution and dexterity, the ambition of France
might once more be disappointed. The king of Prussia appears, at length,
convinced that he has not altogether pursued his real interest, and that
his own family must fall in the ruin of the house of Austria. The king
of Sardinia appears firm in his determination to adhere to the queen of
Hungary, and has therefore refused a passage through his dominions to
the Spanish troops. The States of Holland seem to have taken the alarm,
and nothing but their distrust of our sincerity can hinder them from
uniting against the house of Bourbon.
This distrust, my lords, we may probably remove, by reviving, on this
occasion, our ancient forms of address, and declaring at once to his
majesty, and to all the powers of Europe, that we are far from approving
the late measures.
There is another reason why the short addresses of our ancestors may be
preferred to the modern forms, in which a great number of particular
facts are often comprehended. It is evident, that the addresses are
presented, before there can be time to examine whether the facts
contained in them are justly stated; and they must, therefore, lose
their efficacy with the people, who are sufficiently sagacious to
distinguish servile compliance from real approbation, and who will not
easily mistake the incense of flattery for the tribute of gratitude.
With regard to the propriety of the address proposed to your lordships,
which is, like others, only a repetition of the speech, there is, at
least, one objection to it too important to be suppressed.
It is affirmed in the speech, in what particular words I cannot exactly
remember, that since the death of the late German emperour, the interest
of the queen of Hungary has been diligently and invariably promoted; an
assertion which his majesty is too wise, too equitable, and too generous
to have uttered, but at the persuasion of his ministers.
His majesty well knows, that no important assistance has been hitherto
given to that unhappy princess; he knows that the twelve thousand men,
who are said to have been raised for the defence of the empire, those
mighty troops, by whose assistance the enemies of Austria were to be
scattered, never marched beyond the territory of Hanover, nor left that
blissful country for a single day. And is it probable that the queen
would have preferred money for troops, had she not been informed that it
would be more easily obtained?
Nor was even this pecuniary assistance, though compatible with the
security of Hanover, granted her without reluctance and difficulty; of
which no other proof is necessary, than the distance between the promise
and the performance of it. The money, my lords, is not yet all paid,
though the last payment was very lately fixed. Such is the assistance
which the united influence of justice and compassion has yet procured
from the court of Britain.
Our ministers have been, therefore, hitherto, my lords, so far from
acting with vigour in favour of the house of Austria, that they have
never solicited the court of Muscovy, almost the only court now
independent on France, to engage in her defence. How wisely that mighty
power distinguishes her real interest, and how ardently she pursues it,
the whole world was convinced in her alliance with the late emperour;
nor is it unlikely, that she might have been easily persuaded to have
protected his daughter with equal zeal. But we never asked her alliance
lest we should obtain it, and yet we boast of our good offices.
Our governours thought it more nearly concerned them to humble our
merchants than to succour our allies, and therefore admitted the
Spaniards into Italy; by which prudent conduct they dexterously at once
gratified the house of Bourbon, embarrassed the queen of Hungary, and
endangered the effects of the British merchants, lying at Leghorn;
effects which were lately valued at six hundred thousand pounds, but
which, by the seasonable arrival of the Spaniards, are happily reduced
to half their price.
I hope, therefore, I need not urge to your lordships the necessity of
confining our address to thanks and congratulations, because it is not
necessary to say how inconsistent it must be thought with the dignity of
this house to echo falsehood, and to countenance perfidy.
Then the duke of NEWCASTLE spoke to the following effect:--My lords, the
manner in which the noble lord who spoke last expresses his sentiments,
never fails to give pleasure, even where his arguments produce no
conviction; and his eloquence always receives its praise, though it may
sometimes be disappointed of its more important effects.
In the present debate, my lords, I have heard no argument, by which I am
inclined to change the usual forms of address, or to reject the motion
which has been made to us.
The address which has been proposed, is not, in my opinion, justly
chargeable either with flattery to the ministers, or with disingenuity
with respect to the people; nor can I discover in it any of those
positions which have been represented so fallacious and dangerous. It
contains only a general declaration of our gratitude, and an assertion
of our zeal; a declaration and assertion to which I hope no lord in this
assembly will be unwilling to subscribe.
As an inquiry into the propriety of this address has produced, whether
necessarily or not, many observations on the present state of Europe,
and many animadversions upon the late conduct, it cannot be improper for
me to offer to your lordships my opinion of the measures which have been
pursued by us, as well in the war with Spain, as with regard to the
queen of Hungary, and to propose my conjectures concerning the events
which may probably be produced by the distractions on the continent.
This deviation from the question before us, will at least be as easily
pardoned in me as in the noble lords who have exhibited so gloomy a
representation of our approaching condition, who have lamented the
slavery with which they imagine all the states of Europe about to be
harassed, and described the insolence and ravages of those oppressors to
whom their apprehensions have already given the empire of the world. For
surely, my lords, it is an endeavour no less laudable to dispel terrour,
than to excite it; and he who brings us such accounts as we desire to
receive, is generally listened to with indulgence, however unelegant may
be his expressions, or however irregular his narration.
That the power of the family of Bourbon is arrived at a very dangerous
and formidable extent; that it never was hitherto employed but to
disturb the happiness of the universe; that the same schemes which our
ancestors laboured so ardently and so successfully to destroy, are now
formed afresh, and intended to be put in immediate execution; that the
empire is designed to be held henceforward in dependence on France; and
that the house of Austria, by which the common rights of mankind have
been so long supported, is now marked out for destruction, is too
evident to be contested.
It is allowed, my lords, that the power of the house of Austria, which
there was once reason to dread, lest it might have been employed against
us, is now almost extinguished; and that name, which has for so many
ages filled the histories of Europe, is in danger of being forgotten. It
is allowed, that the house of Austria cannot fall without exposing all
those who have hitherto been supported by its alliance, to the utmost
danger; and I need not add, that they ought, therefore, to assist it
with the utmost expedition, and the most vigorous measures.
It may be suggested, my lords, that this assistance has been already
delayed till it is become useless, that the utmost expedition will be
too slow, and the most vigorous measures too weak to stop the torrent of
the conquests of France: that the fatal blow will be struck, before we
shall have an opportunity to ward it off, and that our regard for the
house of Austria will be only compassion for the dead.
But these, my lords, I hope, are only the apprehensions of a mind
overborne with sudden terrours, and perplexed by a confused survey of
complicated danger; for if we consider more distinctly the powers which
may be brought in opposition to France, we shall find no reason for
despairing that we may once more stand up with success in defence of our
religion and the liberty of mankind, and once more reduce those
troublers of the world to the necessity of abandoning their destructive
designs.
The noble lord has already mentioned the present disposition of three
powerful states, as a motive for vigorous resolutions, and a
consideration that may, at least, preserve us from despair; and it is no
small satisfaction to me to observe, that his penetration and experience
incline him to hope upon the prospect of affairs as they now appear;
because I doubt not but that hope will be improved into confidence, by
the account which I can now give your lordships of the intention of
another power, yet more formidable, to engage with us in the great
design of repressing the insolence of France.
A treaty of alliance, my lords, has been for some time concerted with
the emperour of Muscovy, and has been negotiated with such diligence,
that it is now completed, and I doubt not but the last ratifications
will arrive at this court in a few days; by which it will appear to your
lordships, that the interest of this nation has been vigilantly
regarded, and to our allies, that the faith of Britain has never yet
been shaken. It will appear to the French, that they have precipitated
their triumphs, that they have imagined themselves masters of nations by
whom they will be in a short time driven back to their own confines, and
that, perhaps, they have parcelled out kingdoms which they are never
likely to possess.
It was affirmed, and with just discernment, that applications ought to
be made to this powerful court, as the professed adversary of France;
and if it was not hitherto known that their assistance had been
assiduously solicited, our endeavours were kept secret only that their
success might be more certain, and that they might surprise more
powerfully by their effects.
Nor have the two other princes, which were mentioned by the noble lord,
been forgotten, whose concurrence is at this time so necessary to us:
and I doubt not but that the representations which have been made with
all the force of truth, and all the zeal that is awakened by interest
and by danger, will in time produce the effects for which they were
intended; by convincing those princes that they endanger themselves by
flattering the French ambition, that they are divesting themselves of
that defence of which they will quickly regret the loss, and that they
are only not attacked at present, that they may be destroyed more easily
hereafter.
But it is always to be remembered, my lords, that in publick
transactions, as in private life, interest acts with less force as it is
at greater distance, and that the immediate motive will generally
prevail. Futurity impairs the influence of the most important objects of
consideration, even when it does not lessen their certainty; and with
regard to events only probable, events which a thousand accidents may
obviate, they are almost annihilated, with regard to the human mind, by
being placed at a distance from us. Wherever imagination can exert its
power, we easily dwell upon the most pleasing views, and flatter
ourselves with those consequences, which though perhaps least to be
expected, are most desired. Wherever different events may arise, which
is the state of all human transactions, we naturally promote our hopes,
and repress our fears; and in time so far deceive ourselves, as to quiet
all our suspicions, lay all our terrours asleep, and believe what at
first we only wished.
This, my lords, must be the delusion by which some states are induced to
favour, and others to neglect the encroachments of France. Men are
impolitick, as they are wicked; because they prefer the gratification of
the present hour to the assurance of solid and permanent, but distant
happiness. The French take advantage of this general weakness of the
human mind, and by magnificent promises to one prince, and petty grants
to another, reconcile them to their designs. Each finds that he shall
gain more by contracting an alliance with them, than with another state
which has no view besides that of preserving to every sovereign his just
rights, and which, therefore, as it plunders none, will have nothing to
bestow.
This, my lords, is the disadvantage under which our negotiators labour
against those of France; we have no kingdoms to parcel out among those
whose confederacy we solicit; we can promise them no superiority above
the neighbouring princes which they do not now possess; we assume not
the province of adjusting the boundaries of dominion, or of deciding
contested titles: we promise only the preservation of quiet, and the
establishment of safety.
But the French, my lords, oppose us with other arguments, arguments
which, indeed, receive their force from folly and credulity; but what
more powerful assistance can be desired? They promise not mere negative
advantages, not an exemption from remote oppression, or an escape from
slavery, which, as it was yet never felt, is very little dreaded; they
offer an immediate augmentation of dominion, and an extension of power;
they propose new tracts of commerce, and open new sources of wealth;
they invite confederacies, not for defence, but for conquests; for
conquests to be divided among the powers by whose union they shall be
made.
Let it not, therefore, be objected, my lords, to our ministers, or our
negotiators, that the French obtain more influence than they; that they
are more easily listened to, or more readily believed: for while such is
the condition of mankind, that what is desired is easily credited, while
profit is more powerful than reason, the French eloquence will
frequently prevail.
Whether, my lords, our seeming want of success in the war with Spain
admits of as easy a solution, my degree of knowledge in military
affairs, does not enable me to determine. An account of this part of our
conduct is to be expected from the commissioners of the admiralty, by
whom, I doubt not, but such reasons will be assigned for all the
operations of our naval forces, and such vindications offered of all
those measures, which have been hitherto imputed too precipitately to
negligence, cowardice, or treachery, as will satisfy those who have been
most vehement in their censures.
But because it does not seem to me very difficult to apologize for those
miscarriages which have occasioned the loudest complaints, I will lay
before your lordships what I have been able to collect from inquiry, or
to conjecture from observation; and doubt not but it will easily appear,
that nothing has been omitted from any apparent design of betraying our
country, and that our ministers and commanders will deserve, at least,
to be heard before they are condemned.
That great numbers of our trading vessels have been seized by the
Spaniards, and that our commerce has, therefore, been very much
embarrassed and interrupted, is sufficiently manifest; but to me, my
lords, this appears one of the certain and necessary consequences of
war, which are always to be expected, and to be set in our consultations
against the advantages which we propose to obtain. It is as rational to
expect, that of an army sent against our enemies, every man should
return unhurt to his acquaintances, as that every merchant should see
his ship and cargo sail safely into port.
If we examine, my lords, the late war, of which the conduct has been so
lavishly applauded, in which the victories which we obtained have been
so loudly celebrated, and which has been proposed to the imitation of
all future ministers, it will appear, that our losses of the same kind
were then very frequent, and, perhaps, not less complained of, though
the murmurs are now forgotten, and the acclamations transmitted to
posterity, because we naturally relate what has given us satisfaction,
and suppress what we cannot recollect without uneasiness.
If we look farther backward, my lords, and inquire into the event of any
other war in which we engaged since commerce has constituted so large a
part of the interest of this nation, I doubt not but in proportion to
our trade will be found our losses; and in all future wars, as in the
present, I shall expect the same calamities and the same complaints. For
the escape of any number of ships raises no transport, nor produces any
gratitude; but the loss of a few will always give occasion to clamours
and discontent. For vigilance, however diligent, can never produce more
safety than will be naturally expected from our incontestable
superiority at sea, by which a great part of the nation is so far
deceived as to imagine, that because we cannot be conquered, we cannot
be molested.
Nor do I see how it is possible to employ our power more effectually for
the protection of our trade than by the method now pursued of covering
the ocean with our fleets, and stationing our ships of war in every
place where danger can be apprehended. If it be urged, that the
inefficacy of our measures is a sufficient proof of their impropriety,
it will be proper to substitute another plan of operation, of which the
success may be more probable. To me, my lords, the loss of some of our
mercantile vessels shows only the disproportion between the number of
our ships of war, and the extent of the sea, which is a region too vast
to be completely garrisoned, and of which the frequenters must
inevitably be subject to the sudden incursions of subtle rovers.
The disposition of our squadrons has been such, as was doubtless
dictated by the most acute sagacity, and the most enlightened
experience. The squadron which was appointed to guard our coasts has
been ridiculed as an useless expense; and its frequent excursions and
returns, without any memorable attempt, have given occasion to endless
raillery, and incessant exclamations of wonder and contempt. But it is
to be considered, my lords, that the enemies of this nation, either
secret or declared, had powerful squadrons in many ports of the
Mediterranean, which, had they known that our coasts were without
defence, might have issued out on a sudden, and have appeared
unexpectedly in our Channel, from whence they might have laid our towns
in ruin, entered our docks, burnt up all our preparations for future
expeditions, carried into slavery the inhabitants of our villages, and
left the maritime provinces of this kingdom in a state of general
desolation.
Out of this squadron, however necessary, there was yet a reinforcement
of five ships ordered to assist Haddock, that he might be enabled to
oppose the designs of the Spaniards, though assisted by their French
confederates, whom it is known that he was so far from favouring, that
he was stationed before Barcelona to block them up. Why he departed from
that port, and upon what motives of policy, or maxims of war, he
suffered the Spaniards to prosecute their scheme, he only is able to
inform us.
That the Spaniards have not at least been spared by design, is evident
from their sufferings in this war, which have been much greater than
ours. Many of our ships have, indeed, been snatched up by the rapacity
of private adventurers, whom the ardour of interest had made vigilant,
and whose celerity of pursuit as well as flight, enables them to take
the advantage of the situation of their own ports, and those of their
friends. But as none of our ships have been denied convoys, I know not
how the loss of them can be imputed to the ministry; and if any of those
who sailed under the protection of ships of war have been lost, the
commanders may be required to vindicate themselves from the charge of
negligence or treachery.
But this inquiry, my lords, must be, in my opinion, reserved for another
day, when it may become the immediate subject of our consultations, with
which it has at present no coherence, or to which, at least, it is very
remotely related. For I am not able, upon the most impartial and the
most attentive consideration of the address now proposed to your
lordships, to perceive any necessity of a previous inquiry into the
conduct of the war, the transaction of our negotiations, or the state of
the kingdom, in order to our compliance with this motion, by which we
shall be far from sheltering any crime from punishment, or any doubtful
conduct from inquiry; shall be far from obstructing the course of
national justice, or approving what we do not understand.
The chief tendency of his majesty's speech is to ask our advice on this
extraordinary conjuncture of affairs; a conduct undoubtedly worthy of a
British monarch, and which we ought not to requite with disrespect; but
what less can be inferred from an alteration of our established forms of
address, by an omission of any part of the speech? For what will be
imagined by his majesty, by the nation, and by the whole world, but that
we did not approve what we did not answer?
The duke of ARGYLE spoke to the following purpose:--My lords, it is with
great reason that the present time has been represented to us from the
throne as a time of uncommon danger and disturbance, a time in which the
barriers of kingdoms are broken down, in contempt of every law of heaven
and of earth, and in which ambition, rapine, and oppression, seem to be
let loose upon mankind; a time in which some nations send out armies and
invade the territories of their neighbours, in opposition to the most
solemn treaties, of which others, with equal perfidy, silently suffer,
or secretly favour the violation.
At a time like this, when treaties are considered only as momentary
expedients, and alliances confer no security, it is evident that the
preservation of our rights, our interest, and our commerce, must depend
only on our natural strength; and that instead of cultivating the
friendship of foreign powers, which we must purchase upon
disadvantageous conditions, and which will be withdrawn from us whenever
we shall need it; we ought, therefore, to collect our own force, and
show the world how little we stand in need of assistance, and how little
we have to fear from the most powerful of our enemies.
Our country, my lords, seems designed by nature to subsist without any
dependence on other nations, and by a steady and resolute improvement of
these advantages with which providence has blessed it, may bid defiance
to mankind; it might become, by the extension of our commerce, the
general centre at which the wealth of the whole earth might be collected
together, and from whence it might be issued upon proper occasions, for
the diffusion of liberty, the repression of insolence, and the
preservation of peace.
But this glory, and this influence, my lords, must arise from domestick
felicity; and domestick felicity can only be produced by a mutual
confidence between the government and the people. Where the governours
distrust the affections of their subjects, they will not be very
solicitous to advance their happiness; for who will endeavour to
increase that wealth which will, as he believes, be employed against
him? Nor will the subjects cheerfully concur even with the necessary
measures of their governours, whose general designs they conceive to be
contrary to the publick interest; because any temporary success or
accidental reputation, will only dazzle the eyes of the multitude, while
their liberties are stolen away.
This confidence, my lords, must be promoted where it exists, and
regained where it is lost, by the open administration of justice, by
impartial inquiries into publick transactions, by the exaltation of
those whose wisdom and bravery has advanced the publick reputation, or
increased the happiness of the nation, and the censure of those, however
elate with dignities, or surrounded with dependants, who by their
unskilfulness or dishonesty, have either embarrassed their country or
betrayed it.
For this reason, my lords, it is, in my opinion, necessary to gratify
the nation, at the present juncture, with the prospect of those
measures, without which no people can reasonably be satisfied; and to
pacify their resentment of past injuries, and quiet their apprehensions
of future miseries, by a possibility, at least, that they may see the
authors of all our miscarriages called to a trial in open day, and the
merit of those men acknowledged and rewarded, by whose resolution and
integrity they imagine that the final ruin of themselves and posterity
has been hitherto prevented.
That the present discontent of the British nation is almost universal,
that suspicion has infused itself into every rank and denomination of
men, that complaints of the neglect of our commerce, the misapplication
of our treasure, and the unsuccessfulness of our arms, are to be heard
from every mouth, and in every place, where men dare utter their
sentiments, I suppose, my lords, no man will deny; for whoever should
stand up in opposition to the truth of a fact so generally known, would
distinguish himself, even in this age of effrontery and corruption, by a
contempt of reputation, not yet known amongst mankind.
And indeed, my lords, it must be confessed that these discontents and
clamours are produced by such an appearance of folly, or of treachery,
as few ages or nations have ever known; by such an obstinate
perseverance in bad measures, as shame has hitherto prevented in those
upon whom nobler motives, fidelity to their trust, and love of their
country, had lost their influence.
Other ministers, when they have formed designs of sacrificing the
publick interest to their own, have been compelled to better measures by
timely discoveries, and just representations; they have been criminal
only because they hoped for secrecy, and have vindicated their conduct
no longer than while they had hopes that their apologies might deceive.
But our heroick ministers, my lords, have set themselves free from the
shackles of circumspection, they have disburdened themselves of the
embarrassments of caution, and claim an exemption from the necessity of
supporting their measures by laborious deductions and artful reasonings;
they defy the publick when they can no longer delude it, and prosecute,
in the face of the sun, those measures which they have not been able to
support, and of which the fatal consequences are foreseen by the whole
nation.
When they have been detected in one absurdity, they take shelter in
another; when experience has shown that one of their attempts was
designed only to injure their country, they propose a second of the same
kind with equal confidence, boast again of their integrity, and again
require the concurrence of the legislature, and the support of the
people.
When they had for a long time suffered our trading vessels to be seized
in sight of our own ports, when they had despatched fleets into the
Mediterranean, only to lie exposed to the injuries of the weather, and
to sail from one coast to another, only to show that they had no hostile
intentions, and that they were fitted out by the friends of the
Spaniards, only to amuse and exhaust the nation, they at length thought
it necessary to lull the impatience of the people, who began to discover
that they had hitherto been harassed with taxes and impresses to no
purpose, by the appearance of a new effort for the subjection of the
enemy, and to divert, by the expectations which an army and a fleet
naturally raise, any clamours at their past conduct'.
For this end, having entered into their usual consultations, they
projected an expedition into America, for which they raised forces and
procured transports, with all the pomp of preparation for the conquest
of half the continent, not so much to alarm the Spaniards, which I
conceive but a secondary view, as to fill the people of Britain with
amusing prospects of great achievements, of the addition of new
dominions to this empire, and an ample reparation for all their damages.
Thus provided with forces sufficient, in appearance, for this mighty
enterprise, they embarked them after many delays, and dismissed them to
their fate, having first disposed their regulations in such a manner,
that it was impossible that they should meet with success.
I can call your lordships to witness, that this impossibility was not
discovered by me after the event, for I foretold in this house, that
their designs, so conducted, must evidently miscarry.
Nor was this prediction, my lords, the effect of any uncommon sagacity,
or any accidental conjecture on future consequences which happened to be
right; for to any man who has had opportunities of observing that
knowledge in war is necessary to success, and experience is the
foundation of knowledge, it was sufficiently plain that our forces must
be repulsed.
The forces sent into America, my lords, were newly raised, placed under
the direction of officers not less ignorant than themselves, and
commanded by a man who never had commanded any troops before; and who,
however laudable he might have discharged the duty of a captain, was
wholly unacquainted with the province of a general.
Yet was this man, my lords, preferred, not only to a multitude of other
officers, to whom experience must have been of small advantage, if it
did not furnish them with knowledge far superiour to his, but to five
and forty generals, of whom I hope the nation has no reason to suspect
that any of them would not gladly have served it on an occasion of so
great importance, and willingly have conducted an expedition intended to
retrieve the honour of the British name, the terrour of our arms, and
the security of our commerce.
When raw troops, my lords, with young officers, are to act under the
command of an unskilful general, what is it reasonable to expect, but
what has happened--overthrow, slaughter, and ignominy? What but that
cheap victories should heighten the insolence, and harden the obstinacy
of our enemies; and that we should not only be weakened by our loss, but
dispirited by our disgrace; by the disgrace of being overthrown by those
whom we have despised, and with whom nothing but our own folly could
have reduced us to a level.
The other conjecture which I ventured to propose to your lordships, with
regard to the queen of Hungary, was not founded on facts equally evident
with the former, though experience has discovered that it was equally
true. It was then asserted, both by other lords and myself, that money
would be chosen by that princess as an assistance more useful than
forces; an opinion, which the lords who are engaged in the
administration vigorously opposed. In consequence of their
determination, forces were hired, for what purpose--let them now
declare, since none but themselves have yet known.
That at least they were not taken into our pay for the service for which
they were required, the succour of the house of Austria, is most
evident, unless the name of armies is imagined sufficient to intimidate
the French, as the Spaniards are to be subdued by the sight of fleets.
They never marched towards her frontiers, never opposed her enemies, or
afforded her the least assistance, but stood idle and unconcerned in the
territories of Hanover; nor was it known that they existed by any other
proof than that remittances were made for their pay.
Such, my lords, was the assistance, asked with so much solicitude, and
levied with so much expedition, for the queen of Hungary; such were the
effects of the zeal of our illustrious ministers for the preservation of
that august house, to whose alliance we are perhaps indebted for the
preservation of our religion and our liberties, and to which all Europe
must have recourse for shelter from the oppression of France.
When this formidable body of men was assembled, my lords, and reviewed,
they were perhaps found too graceful and too well sorted to be exposed
to the dangers of a battle; and the same tenderness that has so long
preserved our own forces from any other field than the park, might
rescue them from the fatigues of accompanying the active hussars in
their incursions, or the steady Austrians in their conflicts.
Whatever was the reason, my lords, it is certain that they have been
reserved for other opportunities of signalizing their courage; and they
slept in quiet, and fattened upon the wealth of Britain, while the
enemies of our illustrious, magnanimous, and unfortunate ally, entered
her territories without opposition, marched through them uninterrupted,
and rather took possession than made conquests.
That in this condition of her affairs, the queen would refuse an offer
of twelve thousand men; that when she was driven from one country to
another, attended by an army scarcely sufficient to form a flying camp,
she would not gladly have accepted a reinforcement so powerful, let
those believe, my lords, who have yet never been deceived by ministerial
faith.
The real designs of the ministry, my lords, are sufficiently obvious,
nor is any thing more certain, than that they had, in requiring this
mock assistance for the queen of Hungary, no other design than that of
raising her expectations only to deceive them; and to divert her, by
confidence in their preparations, from having recourse to more
efficacious expedients, that she might become, without resistance, the
slave of France.
For this purpose they determined to succour her with forces rather than
with money, because many reasons might be pretended, by which the march
of the forces might be retarded; but the money, my lords, when granted,
must have been more speedily remitted.
At last the queen, weary with delays, and undoubtedly sufficiently
informed of those designs, which are now, however generally discovered,
confidently denied, desired a supply of money, which might be granted
without leaving Hanover exposed to an invasion. With this demand, which
they had no pretence to deny, they have yet found expedients to delay
their compliance. For it does not appear that the whole sum granted has
yet been paid; and it would well become those noble lords, whose offices
give them an opportunity of observing the distribution of the publick
money, to justify themselves from the suspicions of the nation, by
declaring openly what has been remitted, and what yet remains to be
disbursed for some other purpose.
Is it not, therefore, evident, my lords, that by promising assistance to
this unhappy princess, the ministry intended to deceive her? That when
they flattered her with the approach of auxiliary forces, they designed
only to station them where they might garrison the frontiers of Hanover?
And that when they forced her to solicit for pecuniary aid, they delayed
the payment of the subsidy, that it might not be received till it could
produce no effect?
This, my lords, is not only evident from the manifest absurdity of their
conduct upon any other supposition, but from the general scheme which
has always been pursued by the man whose dictatorial instructions
regulate the opinions of all those that constitute the ministry, and of
whom it is well known, that it has been the great purpose of his life to
aggrandize France, by applying to her for assistance in imaginary
distresses from fictitious confederacies, and by sacrificing to her in
return the house of Austria, and the commerce of Britain.
How then, my lords, can it be asserted by us, that the house of Austria
has been vigilantly supported? How can we approve measures, of which we
discover no effect but the expense of the nation? A double expense,
produced first by raising troops, which though granted for the
assistance of the Austrians, have been made use of only for the
protection of Hanover, and by the grant of money in the place of these
troops, which were thus fallaciously obtained, and thus unprofitably
employed!
For what purpose these forces were in reality raised, I suppose no man
can be ignorant, and no man to whom it is known can possibly approve it.
How then, my lords, can we concur in an address by which the people must
be persuaded, that we either are deceived ourselves, or endeavour to
impose upon them; that we either dare not condemn any measures, however
destructive, or that, at least, we are in haste to approve them, lest
inquiry should discover their tendency too plainly to leave us the power
of applauding them, without an open declaration of our own impotence, or
disregard for the welfare of the publick.
The complaints of the people are already clamorous, and their discontent
open and universal; and surely the voice of the people ought, at least,
to awake us to an examination of their condition. And though we should
not immediately condemn those whom they censure and detest, as the
authors of their miseries, we ought, at least, to pay so much regard to
the accusation of the whole community, as not to reject it without
inquiry, as a suspicion merely chimerical.
Whether these complaints and suspicions, my lords, proceed from real
injuries and imminent dangers, or from false accusations and groundless
terrours, they equally deserve the attention of this house, whose great
care is the happiness of the people: people equally worthy of your
tenderness and regard, whether they are betrayed by one party or
another; whether they are plundered by the advocates of the
administration, under pretence of supporting the government, or
affrighted with unreasonable clamours by the opponents of the court,
under the specious appearance of protecting liberty. The people, my
lords, are in either case equally miserable, and deserve equally to be
rescued from distress.
By what method, my lords, can this be effected, but by some publick
assurance from this house, that the transactions of the nation shall no
longer be concealed in impenetrable secrecy; that measures shall be no
longer approved without examination; that publick evils shall be traced
to their causes; and that disgrace, which they have hitherto brought
upon the publick, shall fall for the future only upon the authors of
them.
Of giving this assurance, and of quieting by it the clamours of the
people; clamours which, whether just or not, are too formidable to be
slighted, and too loud not to be heard, we have now the most proper
opportunity before us. The address which the practice of our ancestors
requires us to make to his majesty, may give us occasion of expressing
at once our loyalty to the crown, and our fidelity to our country; our
zeal for the honour of our sovereign, and our regard for the happiness
of the people.
For this purpose it is necessary that, as we preserve the practice of
our ancestors in one respect, we revive it in another; that we imitate
those in just freedom of language whom we follow in the decent forms of
ceremony; and show that as we preserve, like them, a due sense of the
regal dignity, so, like them, we know likewise how to preserve our own,
and despise flattery on one side, as we decline rudeness on the other.
A practice, my lords, has prevailed of late, which cannot but be allowed
pernicious to the publick, and derogatory from the honour of this
assembly; a practice of retaining in our address the words of the
speech, and of following it servilely from period to period, as if it
were expected that we should always adopt the sentiments of the court;
as if we were not summoned to advise, but to approve, and approve
without examination.
By such addresses, my lords, all inquiries may be easily precluded; for
the minister by whom the speech is compiled, may easily introduce the
most criminal transactions in such a manner, as that they may obtain the
approbation of this house; which he may plead afterwards at our bar,
when he shall be called before it, and either involve us in the disgrace
of inconsistency, and expose us to general contempt, or be acquitted by
our former suffrages, which it would be reproachful to retract, and yet
criminal to confirm.
It is not necessary, my lords, on this occasion to observe, what all
parties have long since acknowledged, when it did not promote their
interest to deny it, that every speech from the throne is to be
considered as the work of the minister, because it is generally written
by him; or if composed by the king himself, must be drawn up in
pursuance of the information and counsel of the ministry, to whom it is,
therefore, ultimately to be referred, and may consequently be examined
without any failure of respect to the person of the prince.
This ought, however, to be observed, my lords, that it may appear more
plainly how certainly this practice may be imputed to the artifices of
ministers, since it does not promote the honour of the prince, and
manifestly obstructs the interest of the people; since it is a practice
irrational in itself, because it is inconsistent with the great purpose
of this assembly, and can, therefore, serve no other purpose than that
of procuring indemnity to the ministers, by placing them out of the
reach of future animadversion.
Let not, my lords, the uninterrupted continuance of this practice for
some reigns be pleaded in its defence; for nothing is more worthy of the
dignity of this house, than to prevent the multiplication of dangerous
precedents. That a custom manifestly injurious to the publick has
continued long, is the strongest reason for breaking it, because it
acquires every year new authority and greater veneration: if when a
nation is alarmed and distracted, a custom of twenty years is not to be
infringed, it may in twenty years more be so firmly established, that
many may think it necessary to be supported, even when those calamities
are incontestably felt, which, perhaps, now are only feared.
I shall, therefore, my lords, propose, that of the address moved for,
all be left out but the first paragraph; it will then be more consistent
with the honour of your lordships, with our regard for the people, and
with our duty to the crown, and hope no lord will refuse his
concurrence.
Lord HARDWICKE rose next, and spoke to the following effect:--My lords,
upon an attentive consideration of the address now proposed, I am not
able to discover any objections which can justly hinder the unanimous
concurrence of this assembly, since there is not any proposition
contained in it either dangerous or uncertain.
The noble lords who have opposed this motion with the most ardent
vehemence, are very far from denying what is asserted in it; they
readily grant that designs are concerted by many formidable powers
against the house of Austria, and that the consequences of the ruin of
that family must extend to the utmost parts of Europe, and endanger the
liberties of Britain itself; that the power of France will then be
without a rival, and that she may afterwards gratify her ambition
without fear and without danger.
Nor is it, my lords, less obvious in itself, or less generally allowed,
that this is a time which demands the most active vigour, the most
invariable unanimity, and the most diligent despatch; that nothing can
interrupt the course of our common enemies but the wisest counsels, and
the most resolute opposition; and that upon our conduct at this great
conjuncture may probably depend the happiness and liberty of ourselves,
our allies, and our posterity.
All this, my lords, is allowed to be apparently and indisputably true; I
am, therefore, at a loss to conceive what can be the occasion of the
debate in which some of your lordships have engaged. As the causes of
the calamities which are said to threaten us are not assigned in the
address, we shall leave ourselves at full liberty to charge them upon
those who shall appear from future inquiries to deserve so heavy an
accusation.
If the ministers of the court have, by any inconstancy in their
measures, or folly in their negotiations, given an opportunity to the
enemies of Europe to extend their influence, or endangered either our
own interest, or that of our allies; if they have by oppression or
negligence alienated from his majesty the affections of his people, or
the confidence of his confederates, nothing that is contained in the
address now before us can be produced by them in justification of their
conduct, or secure them from accusation, censure, and punishment.
If the war, my lords, has been hitherto carried on with clandestine
stipulations, or treacherous compacts; if our admirals have received
orders to retire from the coast of Spain, only to give our enemies an
opportunity of invading the dominions of the queen of Hungary, or have,
without directions, deserted their stations, and abandoned the
protection of our commerce and our colonies; we shall, notwithstanding
this address, retain in our hands the privilege of inquiring into their
conduct, and the power, if it be found criminal, of inflicting such
penalties as justice shall require.
I know not, therefore, my lords, upon what motives the debate is
continued, nor what objections they are which hinder our unanimity, at a
time when all petty controversies ought to be forgot, and all nominal
distinctions laid aside; at a time when general danger may justly claim
general attention, and we ought to suspend the assertion of our
particular opinions, and the prosecution of our separate interests, and
regard only the opposition of France, the support of our allies, and the
preservation of our country.
The noble lords who have offered their sentiments on this occasion, have
very diffusely expatiated on the miseries that impend over us, and have
shown uncommon dexterity and acuteness in tracing them all to one
source, the weakness or dishonesty of the British ministry.
For my part, my lords, though, perhaps, I believe that many
circumstances of the present distress are to be imputed to accidents
which could not be foreseen, and that the conduct of the ministry,
however sometimes disappointed of the effects intended by it, was yet
prudent and sincere, I shall at present forbear to engage in their
defence, because the discussion of a question so complicated must
necessarily require much time, and because I think it not so useful to
inquire how we were involved in our present difficulties, as by what
means we may be extricated from them.
The method by which weak states are made strong, and by which those that
are already powerful, are enabled to exert their strength with efficacy,
is the promotion of union, and the abolition of all suspicions by which
the people may be incited to a distrust of their sovereign, or the
sovereign provoked to a disregard of his people. With this view, my
lords, all addresses ought to be drawn up, and this consideration will
be sufficient to restrain us from any innovations at a time like this.
If it should be granted, my lords, that the ancient method were better
adapted to the general intention of addresses, more correspondent to the
dignity of this house, and liable to fewer inconveniencies than that
which later times have introduced, yet it will not follow that we can
now safely change it.
Nothing in the whole doctrine of politicks is better known, than that
there are times when the redress of grievances, inveterate and
customary, is not to be attempted; times when the utmost care is barely
sufficient to avert extreme calamities, and prevent a total dissolution;
and in which the consideration of lighter evils must not be suffered to
interrupt more important counsels, or divert that attention which the
preservation of the state necessarily demands.
Such, my lords, is the present time, even by the confession of those who
have opposed the motion, and of whom, therefore, it may be reasonably
demanded, why they waste these important hours in debates upon forms and
words?
For that only forms and words have produced the debate, must be
apparent, even to themselves, when the fervour of controversy shall have
slackened; when that vehemence, with which the most moderate are
sometimes transported, and that acrimony, which candour itself cannot
always forbear, shall give way to reflection and to reason. That the
danger is pressing, and that pressing dangers require expedition and
unanimity, they willingly grant; and what more is asserted in the
address?
That any lord should be unwilling to concur in the customary expressions
of thankfulness and duty to his majesty, or in acknowledgments of that
regard for this assembly with which he asks our assistance and advice, I
am unwilling to suspect; nor can I imagine that any part of the
opposition to this proposal can be produced by unwillingness to comply
with his majesty's demands, and to promise that advice and assistance,
which it is our duty, both to our sovereign, our country, and ourselves,
to offer.
That those, my lords, who have expressed in terms so full of indignation
their resentment of the imaginary neglect of the queen of Hungary's
interest, have declared the house of Austria the only bulwark of Europe,
and expressed their dread of the encroachments of France with emotions
which nothing but real passion can produce, should be unwilling to
assert their resolution of adhering to the Pragmatick sanction, and of
defending the liberties of the empire, cannot be supposed.
And yet, my lords, what other reasons of their conduct can be assigned
either by the emperour, or the people, or the allies of Britain; those
allies whose claim they so warmly assert, and whose merits they so
loudly extol? Will it not be imagined in foreign courts, that the
measures now recommended by the emperour, are thought not consistent
with the interest of the nation? Will it not be readily believed, that
we propose to abandon those designs of which we cannot be persuaded to
declare our approbation?
What will be the consequence of such an opinion artfully propagated by
France, and confirmed by appearances so likely to deceive, may easily be
foreseen, and safely predicted. The French will prosecute their schemes
with fresh ardour, when they dread no longer any interruption from the
only nation able to resist them; and it is well known, my lords, how
often confidence, by exciting courage, produces success.
Nor, indeed, can the success of their endeavours, thus animated and
quickened, be easily doubted, since the same appearances that encourage
them will intimidate their enemies. Our allies will then think no longer
of union against the general enemy; they must imagine their united force
insufficient, and the only emulation amongst them will quickly be, which
shall first offer his liberty to sale, who shall first pay his court to
the masters of the world, and merit mercy by a speedy submission.
Thus, my lords, will the house of Austria, that house so faithful to
Britain, and so steady in its opposition to the designs of the French
ambition, be finally sunk in irrecoverable ruin, by those who appear to
please themselves with declamations in its praise, and resolutions for
its defence; and who never speak of the French without rage and
detestation.
If on this occasion, my lords, we should give any suspicion of unusual
discontent, what could be concluded but that we are unwilling any longer
to embarrass ourselves with remote considerations, to load this nation
with taxes for the preservation of the rights of other sovereigns, and
to hazard armies in the defence of the continent? What can our allies
think, but that we are at present weary of the burdensome and expensive
honour of holding the balance of power in our hands, are content to
resign the unquiet province of the arbiters of Europe, and propose to
confine our care henceforward to our immediate interest, and shut up
ourselves in our own island?
That this is the real design of any of those noble lords who have
opposed the motion, I do not intend to insinuate; for I doubt not but
they believe the general interest both of this nation and its allies,
most likely to be promoted by the method of address which they
recommend, since they declare that they do not think our state
desperate, and confess the importance of the affairs on which we are
required by his majesty to deliberate, to be such, that nothing ought to
repress our endeavours but impossibility of success.
Such is the knowledge and experience of those noble lords, that the
hopes which I had formed of seeing the destructive attempts of the
French once more defeated, and power restored again to that equipoise
which is necessary to the continuance of tranquillity and happiness,
have received new strength from their concurrence, and I shall now hear
with less solicitude the threats of France.
That the French, my lords, are not invincible, the noble duke who spoke
last has often experienced; nor is there any reason for imagining that
they are now more formidable than when we encountered them in the fields
of Blenheim and Ramillies. Nothing is requisite but a firm union among
those princes who are immediately in danger from their encroachments, to
reduce them to withdraw their forces from the countries of their
neighbours, and quit, for the defence of their own territories, their
schemes of bestowing empires, and dividing dominions.
That such an union is now cultivated, we have been informed by his
majesty, whose endeavours will probably be successful, however they may
at first be thwarted and obstructed; because the near approach of danger
will rouse those whom avarice has stupified, or negligence intoxicated;
thus truth and reason will become every day more powerful, and sophistry
and artifice be in time certainly detected.
When, therefore, my lords, we are engaged in consultations which may
affect the liberties of a great part of mankind, and by which our
posterity to many ages may be made happy or miserable; when the daily
progress of the enemies of justice and of freedom ought to awaken us to
vigilance and expedition, and there are yet just hopes that diligence
and firmness may preserve us from ruin, let us not waste our time in
unnecessary debates, and keep the nations of Europe in suspense by the
discussion of a question, the decision of which may be delayed for
years, without any manifest inconvenience. Let us not embarrass his
majesty by an unusual form of address, at a time when he his negotiating
alliances, and forming plans for the rescue of the empire.
Nothing, my lords, is more remote from the real end of addresses, than a
representation of them as made only to the minister; for if there be any
commerce between a prince and his subjects, in which he is the immediate
agent, if his personal dignity be interested in any act of government, I
think it is not to be denied, that in receiving the addresses of the two
houses, he assumes a peculiar and distinct character, which cannot be
confounded with his council or ministry.
The duke of ARGYLE rose again, and spoke to this effect:--My lords, if
there was now any contest amongst us for superiority of regard to his
majesty, of zeal for his honour, or reverence of his person, I should
not doubt of proving that no lord in this house can boast of more
ardour, fidelity, or respect than myself; and if the chief question now
amongst us related to the terms in which he deserves to be addressed by
us, I should be unwilling that any man should propose language more
submissive and reverend, or more forcible and comprehensive than myself.
But addresses, however they may for present purposes be represented as
regarding the personal character of the king, are in reality nothing
more than replies to a speech composed by the minister, whose measures,
if we should appear to commend, our panegyrick may, in some future
proceeding, be cited against us. Every address, therefore, ought to be
considered as a publick record, and to be drawn up, to inform the
nation, not to mislead our sovereign.
The address now proposed, is, indeed, equally indefensible to whomsoever
it may be supposed to relate. If it respects the people, it can only
drive them to despair; if it be confined to the sovereign, our advice,
not our panegyrick, is now required, and Europe is to be preserved from
ruin, not by our eloquence, but our sincerity. Respect to his majesty,
my lords, will be best shown by preserving his influence in other
nations, and his authority in his own empire. This can only be done by
showing him how the one has been impaired, and how the other may be in
time endangered.
By addresses like this which is now proposed, my lords, has his majesty
been betrayed into an inadvertent appro bation of measures pernicious to
the nation, and dishonourable to himself, and will now be kept ignorant
of the despicable conduct of the war, the treacherous connivance at the
descent of the Spaniards upon the dominions of the queen of Hungary, and
the contempt with which every nation of the continent has heard of the
neutrality lately concluded. By addresses like this, my lords, have the
rights of the nation been silently given up, and the invaders of
liberty, and violators of our laws, preserved from prosecution; by such
addresses have our monarchs been ruined at one time, and our country
enslaved at another.
Lord HARRINGTON spoke next, in the following manner:--My lords, it is
necessary to explain that treaty of neutrality which has been mentioned
by some lords as an act to the last degree shameful, an act by which the
nation has been dishonoured, and the general liberties of Europe have
been betrayed; a representation so distant from the truth, that it can
only be imputed to want of information.
This treaty of neutrality, my lords, is so far from being reproachful to
this nation, that it has no relation to it, being made by his majesty
not in the character of emperour of Britain, but elector of Hanover, nor
is any thing stipulated by it but security of the dominions of Hanover,
from the invasion of the French for a single year.
What part of this transaction, my lords, can be supposed to fall under
the cognizance of this assembly? Or with what propriety can it be
mentioned in our debates, or produce an argument on either side? That
the dominions of Britain and Hanover are distinct, and independent on
each other, has often been asserted, and asserted with truth; and I hope
those who so studiously separate their interest on all other occasions,
will not now unite them only to reflect maliciously on the conduct of
his majesty.
I do not, indeed, charge any lord with a design so malignant and unjust;
having already asserted it as my opinion, that these reproaches were
produced only by ignorance of the true state of the affair, but cannot
with equal readiness allow that ignorance to be wholly blameless.
It is necessary, my lords, in common life, to every man who would avoid
contempt and ridicule, to refrain from speaking, at least from speaking
with confidence, on subjects with which he has not made himself
sufficiently acquainted. This caution, my lords, is more necessary when
his discourse tends to the accusation or reproach of another, because he
can then only escape contempt himself by bringing it, perhaps unjustly,
on him whom he condemns. It is more necessary still, to him who speaks
in the publick council of the nation, and who may, by false reflections,
injure the publick interest; and is yet more indispensably required in
him who assumes the province of examining the conduct of his sovereign.
Lord ISLAY spoke in substance as follows:--'My lords, it appears that
all those who have spoke on either side of the present question, however
they may generally differ in their opinions, agree at least in one
assertion, that the time which is spent in this debate might be far more
usefully employed, and that we, in some degree, desert the great cause
of liberty, by giving way to trifling altercations. This, indeed, is an
argument of equal force for a concession on either side; but, as in
affairs of such importance, no man ought to act in a manner contrary to
the convictions of his own reason, it cannot be expected that we should
be unanimous in our opinions, or that the dispute should be determined
otherwise than by the vote.
I have, indeed, heard no arguments against the motion, which require
long consideration; for little of what has been urged, has, in my
opinion, been very nearly connected with the question before us, which
is not whether the ministers have pursued or neglected the interest of
the nation, whether the laws have been violated or observed, the war
timorously or magnanimously conducted, or our negotiations managed with
dexterity or weakness, but whether we shall offer to his majesty the
address proposed.
In this address, my lords, it has never yet been proved that any
assertions are contained either false or uncertain in themselves, or
contrary to the dignity of this assembly; that any act of cowardice or
treachery, any crime, or any errour, will be secured by it from
detection and from punishment.
That this, my lords, may appear more plainly, I move that the motion may
be read; nor do I doubt but that the question will, by a closer
examination, be speedily decided.
[The motion being again read, in order to put the question.]
Lord BATHURST spoke to the effect following:--My lords, I know not why
the noble lord should expect, that by reading the motion, a more speedy
determination of the question would be produced; for if the repeated
consideration of it operates upon the minds of the lords that have
opposed it, in the same manner as upon mine, it will only confirm their
opinion, and strengthen their resolution.
We are required, my lords, to join in an address of thanks to his
majesty for his endeavours to _maintain_ the balance of power; in an
address, that implies a falsehood open and indisputable, and which will,
therefore, only make us contemptible to our fellow-subjects, our allies,
and our enemies.
What is meant, my lords, by the balance of power, but such a
distribution of dominion, as may keep the sovereign powers in mutual
dread of each other, and, by consequence, preserve peace; such an
equality of strength between one prince, or one confederacy and another,
that the hazard of war shall be nearly equal on each side? But which of
your lordships will affirm, that this is now the state of Europe?
It is evident, my lords, that the French are far from imagining that
there is now any power which can be put in the balance against their
own, and therefore distribute kingdoms by caprice, and exalt emperours
upon their own terms.
It is evident, that the continuance of the balance of power is not now
to be perceived by its natural consequences, tranquillity and liberty;
the whole continent is now in confusion, laid waste by the ravages of
armies, subject to one sovereign to-day, and to-morrow to another: there
is scarcely any place where the calamities of war are not felt or
expected, and where property, by consequence, is not uncertain, and life
itself in continual danger.
One happy corner of the world, indeed, is to be found, my lords, secured
from rapine and massacre, for one year at least, by a well-timed
neutrality, of which, on what terms it was obtained, I would gladly
hear, and whether it was purchased at the expense of the honour of
Britain, though the advantages of it are confined to Hanover.
But as I am not of opinion, my lords, that the balance of power is
preserved by the security of Hanover; or that those territories, however
important, will be able to furnish forces equivalent to the power of
France, I cannot agree to promise, in an address of this house, to
assist his majesty in _maintaining_ the balance of power, though I shall
cheerfully give my concurrence in every just and vigorous effort to
_restore_ it.
But, as it may be urged, that any direct expressions of discontent may
be too wide a deviation from the common forms, which for a long time
have admitted nothing but submission and adulation, I shall only venture
to propose that we may, at least, contract our address, that if we do
not in plain language declare all our sentiments, we may, however,
affirm nothing that we do not think; and I am confident, that all the
praises which can be justly bestowed on the late measures, may be
comprised in a very few words.
It has been insinuated, that this change of our style may, perhaps,
surprise his majesty, and raise in him some suspicions of discontent and
disapprobation; that it may incline him to believe his measures, either
not understood by us, or not applauded, and divert him from his present
schemes, by the necessity of an inquiry into the reasons of our dislike.
And for what other purpose, my lords, should such a change of our style
be proposed? Why should we deny on this occasion the encomiastick
language which has been of late so profusely bestowed, but to show that
we think this time too dangerous for flattery, and the measures now
pursued, such as none but the most abject flatterers can commend?
I should hope, that if it be asked by his majesty to what cause it is to
be imputed, that the address of this house is so much contracted, there
would be found some amongst us honest enough to answer, that all which
can be said with truth is contained in it, and that flattery and
falsehood were not consistent with the dignity of the lords of Britain.
I hope, my lords, some one amongst us would explain to his majesty the
decency as well as the integrity of our conduct, and inform him that we
have hinted our discontent in the most respectful manner; and where
there was sufficient room for the loudest censure, have satisfied
ourselves with modest silence, with a mere negation of applause.
Should we, my lords, in opposition to the complaints of our countrymen,
to the representations of our allies, and all the conviction which our
reason can admit, or our senses produce, continue to act this farce of
approbation, what can his majesty conceive, but that those measures
which we applaud, ought to be prosecuted as the most effectual and safe?
And what consequence but total ruin can arise from the prosecution of
measures, by which we are already reduced to penury and contempt?
Lord CHOLMONDELEY spoke next to the following purpose:--My lords, it is
never without grief and wonder that I hear any suspicion insinuated of
injustice or impropriety in his majesty's measures, of whose wisdom and
goodness I have so much knowledge, as to affirm, with the utmost
confidence, that he is better acquainted than any lord in this assembly
with the present state of Europe; so that he is more able to judge by
what methods tranquillity may be reestablished; and that he pursues the
best methods with the utmost purity of intention, and the most incessant
diligence and application.
That the justest intentions may be sometimes defeated, and the wisest
endeavours fail of success, I shall readily grant; but it will not
follow, that we ought not to acknowledge that wisdom and integrity which
is exerted in the prosecution of our interest, or that we ought not to
be grateful for the benefits which were sincerely intended, though not
actually received.
The wisdom of his majesty's counsels, my lords, is not sufficiently
admired, because the difficulties which he has to encounter are not
known, or not observed. Upon his majesty, my lords, lies the task of
teaching the powers of the continent to prefer their real to their
seeming interest, and to disregard, for the sake of distant happiness,
immediate acquisitions and certain advantages. His majesty is
endeavouring to unite in the support of the Pragmatick sanction those
powers whose dominions will be enlarged by the violation of it, and whom
France bribes to her interest with the spoils of Austria; and who can
wonder that success is not easy in attempts like this?
In such measures we ought, doubtless, to endeavour to animate his
majesty, by an address, at least not less expressive of duty and respect
than those which he has been accustomed to receive; and, therefore, I
shall concur with the noble lords who made and supported the motion.
[The question, on a division, passed in the affirmative, Content, 89.
Not Content, 43.]