delayed as well by a pressure of business, as by the expectation of your
absence from Richmond.
The idea of sending a special mission to France or England is not
entertained at all here. After so little attention to us from the
former, and so insulting an answer from Canning, such a mark of respect
as an extraordinary mission, would be a degradation against which all
minds revolt here. The idea was hazarded in the House of Representatives
a few days ago, by a member, and an approbation expressed by another,
but rejected indignantly by every other person who spoke, and very
generally in conversation by all others: and I am satisfied such a
proposition would get no vote in the Senate. The course the legislature
means to pursue, may be inferred from the act now passed for a meeting
in May, and a proposition before them for repealing the embargo in June,
and then resuming and maintaining by force our right of navigation.
There will be considerable opposition to this last proposition, not
only from the federalists, old and new, who oppose every thing, but from
sound members of the majority. Yet it is believed it will obtain a good
majority, and that it is the only proposition which can be devised
that could obtain a majority of any kind. Final propositions, will,
therefore, be soon despatched to both the belligerents through the
resident ministers, so that their answers will be received before the
meeting in May, and will decide what is to be done. This last trial for
peace is not thought desperate. If, as is expected, Bonaparte should
be successful in Spain, however every virtuous and liberal sentiment
revolts at it, it may induce both powers to be more accommodating
with us. England will see here the only asylum for her commerce
and manufactures, worth more to her than her orders of council. And
Bonaparte, having Spain at his feet, will look immediately to the
Spanish colonies, and think our neutrality cheaply purchased by a repeal
of the illegal parts of his decrees, with perhaps the Floridas thrown
into the bargain. Should a change in the aspect of affairs in Europe
produce this disposition in both powers, our peace and prosperity may
be revived and long continue. Otherwise, we must again take the tented
field, as we did in 1776 under more inauspicious circumstances.
There never has been a situation of the world before, in which such
endeavors as we have made would not have secured our peace. It is
probable there never will be such another. If we go to war now, I fear
we may renounce for ever the hope of seeing an end of our national debt.
If we can keep at peace eight years longer, our income, liberated from
debt, will be adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our
position and increasing strength will put us _hors d’insulte_ from any
nation. I am now so near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in
affairs beyond the expression of an opinion. I think it fair, that
my successor should now originate those measures of which he will be
charged with the execution and responsibility, and that it is my duty to
clothe them with the forms of authority. Five weeks more will relieve me
from a drudgery to which I am no longer equal, and restore me to a scene
of tranquillity, amidst my family and friends, more congenial to my
age and natural inclinations. In that situation, it will always be a
pleasure to me to see you, and to repeat to you the assurances of my
constant friendship and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXVI.--TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, February 7, 1809
TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH.
Washington, February 7, 1809.
Dear Sir,
I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing
their embargo till June, and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable
revolution of opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the New
England and New York members, and in a kind of panic, they voted the 4th
of March for removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave
all reason to believe, they would not agree either to war or
non-intercourse. This, too, was after we had become satisfied, that
the Essex Junto had found their expectation desperate, of inducing the
people there to either separation or forcible opposition. The majority
of Congress, however, has now rallied to the removing the embargo on the
4th of March, non-intercourse with France and Great Britain, trade every
where else, and continuing war preparations. The further details are not
yet settled, but I believe it is perfectly certain that the embargo
will be taken off the 4th of March. Present my warmest affections to my
dearest Martha, and the young ones, and accept the assurances of them to
yourself.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXVII.--TO JOHN HOLLINS, February 19, 1809
TO JOHN HOLLINS.
Washington, February 19, 1809.
Dear Sir,
A little transaction of mine, as innocent an one as I ever entered into,
and where an improper construction was never less expected, is making
some noise, I observe, in your city. I beg leave to explain it to you,
because I mean to ask your agency in it. The last year, the Agricultural
Society of Paris, of which I am a member, having had a plough presented
to them, which, on trial with a graduated instrument, did equal work
with half the force of their best ploughs, they thought it would be a
benefit to mankind to communicate it. They accordingly sent one to me,
with a view to its being made known here, and they sent one to the Duke
of Bedford also, who is one of their members, to be made use of for
England, although the two nations were then at war. By the Mentor, now
going to France, I have given permission to two individuals in Delaware
and New York, to import two parcels of Merino sheep from France, which
they have procured there, and to some gentlemen in Boston, to import a
very valuable machine which spins cotton, wool, and flax equally. The
last spring, the Society informed me they were cultivating the cotton of
the Levant and other parts of the Mediterranean, and wished to try also
that of our southern States. I immediately got a friend to have two
tierces of seed forwarded to me. They were consigned to Messrs. Falls
and Brown of Baltimore, and notice of it being given me, I immediately
wrote to them to re-ship them to New York, to be sent by the Mentor.
Their first object was to make a show of my letter, as something very
criminal, and to carry the subject into the newspapers. I had, on a like
request, some time ago (but before the embargo), from the President of
the Board of Agriculture of London, of which I am also a member, to send
them some of the genuine May wheat of Virginia, forwarded to them two or
three barrels of it. General Washington, in his time, received from the
same Society the seed of the perennial succory, which Arthur Young had
carried over from France to England, and I have since received from a
member of it the seed of the famous turnip of Sweden, now so well known
here. I mention these things, to show the nature of the correspondence
which is carried on between societies instituted for the benevolent
purpose of communicating to all parts of the world whatever useful is
discovered in any one of them. These societies are always in peace,
however their nations may be at war. Like the republic of letters,
they form a great fraternity spreading over the whole earth, and their
correspondence is never interrupted by any civilized nation. Vaccination
has been a late and remarkable instance of the liberal diffusion of a
blessing newly discovered. It is really painful, it is mortifying, to be
obliged to note these things, which are known to every one who knows any
thing, and felt with approbation by every one who has any feeling. But
we have a faction to whose hostile passions the torture even of right
into wrong is a delicious gratification. Their malice I have long
learned to disregard, their censure to deem praise. But I observe,
that some republicans are not satisfied (even while we are receiving
liberally from others) that this small return should be made. They will
think more justly at another day: but, in the mean time, I wish to avoid
offence. My prayer to you, therefore, is, that you will be so good,
under the enclosed order, as to receive these two tierces of seed from
Falls and Brown, and pay them their disbursements for freight, &c. which
I will immediately remit you on knowing the amount. Of the seed, when
received, be so good as to make manure for your garden. When rotted with
a due mixture of stable manure or earth, it is the best in the world.
I rely on your friendship to excuse this trouble, it being necessary I
should not commit myself again to persons of whose honor, or the want of
it, I know nothing.
Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXVIII.--TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, March 2, 1809
TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.
Washington, March 2, 1809.
Dear Sir,
My last to you was of May the 2nd; since which I have received yours of
May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23rd, 24th, and September the 5th,
and distributed the two pamphlets according to your desire. They are
read with the delight which every thing from your pen gives.
After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being
entangled in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The
edicts of the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean,
we met by an embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships,
and property, to levy men and put our sea-ports into a certain state
of defence. We have now taken off the embargo, except as to France
and England and their territories, because fifty millions of exports
annually sacrificed, are the treble of what war would cost us; besides,
that by war we should take something, and lose less than at present. But
to give you a true description of the state of things here, I must
refer you to Mr. Coles, the bearer of this, my secretary, a most worthy,
intelligent, and well-informed young man, whom I recommend to your
notice, and conversation on our affairs. His discretion and fidelity
may be relied on. I expect he will find you with Spain at your feet,
but England still afloat, and a barrier to the Spanish colonies. But all
these concerns I am now leaving to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison.
Within a few days I retire to my family, my books, and farms; and having
gained the harbor myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting
the storm, with anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prisoner,
released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on shaking off
the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of
science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the
times in which I have lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting
them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political
passions. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without
censure, and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public
approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take
care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will
be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should you return to the
United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to visit the hermit
of Monticello. He will receive you with affection and delight; hailing
you in the mean time with his affectionate salutations, and assurances
of constant esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. If you return to us, bring a couple of pair of true-bred
shepherd’s dogs. You will add a valuable possession to a country now
beginning to pay great attention to the raising sheep.
T.J.
LETTER LXXIX.--TO THE PRESIDENT, March 17, 1809
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Monticello, March 17, 1809.
Dear Sir,
On opening my letters from France, in the moment of my departure from
Washington, I found from their signatures that they were from literary
characters, except one from Mr. Short, which mentioned in the outset
that it was private, and that his public communications were in the
letter to the Secretary of State, which I sent you. I find, however, on
reading his letter to me (which I did not do till I got home) a passage
of some length, proper to be communicated to you, and which I have
therefore extracted.
I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively bad,
although I have seen them worse. The last three days I found it better
to be on horseback, and travelled eight hours through as disagreeable
a snow storm as I was ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the
expedition but fatigue, I have more confidence in my _vis vitæ_ than I
had before entertained. The spring is remarkably backward. No oats
sown, not much tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat has
suffered considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red maple,
weeping-willow, and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight dollars at
Richmond, and all produce is hurrying down.
I feel great anxiety for the occurrences of the ensuing four or five
months. If peace can be preserved, I hope and trust you will have
a smooth administration. I know no government which would be so
embarrassing in war as ours. This would proceed very much from the
lying and licentious character of our papers; but much, also, from the
wonderful credulity of the members of Congress in the floating lies of
the day. And in this no experience seems to correct them. I have never
seen a Congress during the last eight years, a great majority of which
I would not implicitly have relied on in any question, could their minds
have been purged of all errors of fact. The evil, too, increases greatly
with the protraction of the session, and I apprehend, in case of war,
their session would have a tendency to become permanent. It is much,
therefore, to be desired that war may be avoided, if circumstances will
admit. Nor in the present maniac state of Europe, should I estimate
the point of honor by the ordinary scale. I believe we shall, on the
contrary, have credit with the world, for having made the avoidance
of being engaged in the present unexampled war, our first object. War,
however, may become a less losing business than unresisted depredation.
With every wish that events may be propitious to your administration, I
salute you with sincere affection and every sympathy of the heart.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXX.--TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, April 3, 1809
TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA,
Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society
of those with whom I was raised, and who have been ever dear to me, I
receive, fellow-citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure,
the cordial welcome you are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties
which the history of a wonderful era made incumbent on those called to
them, the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle, and splendor of office, have
drawn but deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of
private life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with
you, my neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family love, which
nature has given us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I
gladly lay down the distressing burthen of power, and seek, with my
fellow-citizens, repose and safety under the watchful cares, the labors,
and perplexities of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express
to administer to my happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness;
and the measure will be complete, if my endeavors to fulfil my duties in
the several public stations to which I have been called, have obtained
for me the approbation of my country. The part which I have acted on the
theatre of public life, has been before them; and to their sentence I
submit it: but the testimony of my native county, of the individuals who
have known me in private life, to my conduct in its various duties and
relations, is the more grateful, as proceeding from eye-witnesses and
observers, from triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I
may ask, in the face of the world, ‘Whose ox have I taken, or whom have
I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, or of whose hand have I received
a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?’ On your verdict I rest with
conscious security. Your wishes for my happiness are received with
just sensibility, and I offer sincere prayers for your own welfare and
prosperity.
Th: Jefferson.
April 3, 1809.
LETTER LXXXI.--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, June 13, 1809
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
Monticello, June 13, 1809.
Dear Sir,
I did not know till Mr. Patterson called on us, a few days ago, that you
had passed on to Washington. I had recently observed in the debates of
Congress, a matter introduced, on which I wished to give explanations
more fully in conversation, which I will now do by abridgment in
writing. Mr. Randolph has proposed an inquiry into certain prosecutions
at common law in Connecticut, for libels on the government, and not only
himself, but others have stated them with such affected caution, and
such hints at the same time, as to leave on every mind the impression
that they had been instituted either by my direction, or with my
acquiescence, at least. This has not been denied by my friends, because
probably the fact is unknown to them. I shall state it for their
satisfaction, and leave it to be disposed of as they think best.
I had observed in a newspaper (some years ago, I do not recollect the
time exactly), some dark hints of a prosecution in Connecticut, but so
obscurely hinted, that I paid little attention to it. Some considerable
time after, it was again mentioned, so that I understood that some
prosecution was going on in the federal court there, for calumnies
uttered from the pulpit against me by a clergyman. I immediately wrote
to Mr. Granger, who, I think, was in Connecticut at the time, stating
that I had laid it down as a law to myself, to take no notice of the
thousand calumnies issued against me, but to trust my character to my
own conduct, and the good sense and candor of my fellow-citizens; that
I had found no reason to be dissatisfied with that course, and I
was unwilling it should be broke through by others as to any matter
concerning me; and I therefore requested him to desire the district
attorney to dismiss the prosecution. Some time after this, 1 heard of
subpoenas being served on General Lee, David M. Randolph, and others, as
witnesses to attend the trial. I then, for the first time, conjectured
the subject of the libel. I immediately wrote to Mr. Granger, to
require an immediate dismission of the prosecution. The answer of Mr.
Huntington, the district attorney, was, that these subpoenas had been
issued by the defendant without his knowledge, that it had been his
intention to dismiss all the prosecutions at the first meeting of the
court, and to accompany it with an avowal of his opinion, that they
could not be maintained, because the federal court had no jurisdiction
over libels. This was accordingly done. I did not till then know that
there were other prosecutions of the same nature, nor do I now know what
were their subjects. But all went off together; and I afterwards saw, in
the hands of Mr. Granger, a letter written by the clergyman, disavowing
any personal ill will towards me, and solemnly declaring he had never
uttered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger either showed me, or said
there were affidavits of at least half a dozen respectable men who were
present at the sermon, and swore no such expressions were uttered, and
as many equally respectable who swore the contrary. But the clergyman
expressed his gratification at the dismission of the prosecution. I
write all this from memory, and after too long an interval of time to be
certain of the exactness of all the details; but I am sure there is no
variation material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small lapses of
memory, can confirm every thing substantial. Certain it is, that the
prosecutions had been instituted, and had made considerable progress,
without my knowledge; that they were disapproved by me as soon as known,
and directed to be discontinued. The attorney did it on the same ground
on which I had acted myself in the cases of Duane, Callender, and
others; to wit, that the sedition law was unconstitutional and null,
and that my obligation to execute what was law, involved that of not
suffering rights secured by valid laws, to be prostrated by what was no
law. I always understood that these prosecutions had been invited, if
not instituted, by Judge Edwards, and the marshal, being republican,
had summoned a grand jury partly or wholly republican: but that Mr.
Huntington declared from the beginning against the jurisdiction of the
court, and had determined to enter _nolle-prosequis_ before he received
my directions.
I trouble you with another subject. The law making my letters post free,
goes to those to me only, not those from me. The bill had got to its
passage before this was observed (and first I believe by Mr. Dana),
and the house under too much pressure of business near the close of the
session to bring in another bill. As the privilege of freedom was given
to the letters from as well as to both my predecessors, I suppose
no reason exists for making a distinction. And in so extensive a
correspondence as I am subject to, and still considerably on public
matters, it would be a sensible convenience to myself, as well as those
who have occasion to receive letters from me. It happens, too, as I was
told at the time (for I have never looked into it myself), that it was
done by two distinct acts on both the former occasions. Mr. Eppes, I
think, mentioned this to me. I know from the Post Master General, that
Mr. Adams franks all his letters. I state this matter to you as being my
representative, which must apologize for the trouble of it. We have been
seasonable since you left us. Yesterday evening and this morning we have
had refreshing showers, which will close and confirm the business of
planting. Affectionately yours,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXII.--TO THE PRESIDENT, August 17, 1809
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Monticello, August 17, 1809.
Dear Sir,
*****