reinforcement of two thousand men, they advanced again up to Petersburg,
and about the last of April to Manchester. The Governor had remained
constantly in and about Richmond, exerting all his powers for collecting
militia, and providing such means for the defence of the State as its
exhausted resources admitted. Never assuming a guard, and with only the
river between him and the enemy, his lodgings were frequently within
four, five, or six miles of them.
M. de la Fayette about this time arrived at Richmond with some
continental troops, with which, and the militia collected, he continued
to occupy that place, and the north bank of the river, while Phillips
and Arnold held Manchester and the south bank. But Lord Cornwallis,
about the middle of May, joining them with the main southern army, M.
de la Fayette was obliged to retire. The enemy crossed the river, and
advanced up into the country about fifty miles, and within thirty miles
of Charlottesville, at which place the legislature being to meet in
June, the Governor proceeded to his seat at Monticello, two or three
miles from it. His office was now near expiring, the country under
invasion by a powerful army, no services but military of any avail;
unprepared by his line of life and education for the command of armies,
he believed it right not to stand in the way of talents better fitted
than his own to the circumstances under which the country was placed.
He therefore himself proposed to his friends in the legislature, that
General Nelson, who commanded the militia of the State, should be
appointed Governor, as he was sensible that the union of the civil and
military power in the same hands, at this time, would greatly facilitate
military measures. This appointment accordingly took place on the 12th
of June, 1781.
This was the state of things, when, his office having actually expired,
and no successor yet in place, Colonel Tarleton, with his regiment, of
horse, was detached by Lord Cornwallis to surprise Mr. Jefferson
(whom they thought still in office) and the legislature now sitting in
Charlottesville. The Speakers of the two Houses, and some other members
of the legislature, were lodging with Mr. Jefferson at Monticello.
Tarleton, early in the morning, (June 23, I believe,) when within ten
miles of that place, detached a company of horse to secure him and
his guests, and proceeded himself rapidly with his main body to
Charlottesville, where he hoped to find the legislature unapprized of
his movement. Notice of it, however, had been brought both to Monticello
and Charlottesville about sunrise. The Speakers, with their colleagues,
returned to Charlottesville, and, with the other members of the
legislature, had barely time to get out of his way. Mr. Jefferson sent
off his family, to secure them from danger, and was himself still at
Monticello, making arrangements for his own departure, when Lieutenant
Hudson arrived there at half speed, and informed him the enemy were then
ascending the hill of Monticello. He departed immediately, and knowing
that he would be pursued if he took the high road, he plunged into the
woods of the adjoining mountain, where, being at once safe, he proceeded
to overtake his family. This is the famous adventure of Carter’s
Mountain, which has been so often resounded through the slanderous
chronicles of Federalism. But they have taken care never to detail the
facts, lest these should show that this favorite charge amounted to
nothing more, than that he did not remain in his house, and there singly
fight a whole troop of horse, or suffer himself to be taken prisoner.
Having accompanied his family one day’s journey, he returned to
Monticello. Tarleton had retired after eighteen hours’ stay in
Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson then rejoined his family, and proceeded
with them to an estate he had in Bedford, about eighty miles southwest,
where, riding in his farm some time after, he was thrown from his horse,
and disabled from riding on horseback for a considerable time. But Mr.
Turner finds it more convenient to give him this fall in his retreat
before Tarleton, which had happened some weeks before, as a proof that
he withdrew from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which Don Quixote
would not have practised.
The facts here stated most particularly, with date of time and place,
are taken from the notes made by the writer hereof, for his own
satisfaction, at the time: the others are from memory, but so well
recollected, that he is satisfied there is no material fact misstated.
Should any person undertake to contradict any particular, on evidence
which may at all merit the public respect, the writer will take the
trouble (though not at all in the best situation for it) to produce the
proofs in support of it. He finds, indeed, that, of the persons whom he
recollects to have been present on these occasions, few have survived
the intermediate lapse of four and twenty years. Yet he trusts that
some, as well as himself, are yet among the living; and he is positively
certain, that no man can falsify any material fact here stated. He well
remembers, indeed, that there were then, as there are at all times,
some who blamed every thing done contrary to their own opinion, although
their opinions were formed on a very partial knowledge of facts. The
censures, which have been hazarded by such men as Mr. Turner, are
nothing but revivals of these half-informed opinions. Mr. George
Nicholas, then a very young man, but always a very honest one, was
prompted by these persons to bring specific charges against Mr.
Jefferson. The heads of these, in writing, were communicated through a
mutual friend to Mr. Jefferson, who committed to writing also the
heads of justification on each of them. I well remember this paper, and
believe the original of it still exists; and though framed when every
real fact was fresh in the knowledge of every one, this fabricated
flight from Richmond was not among the charges stated in this paper, nor
any charge against Mr. Jefferson for not fighting, singly, the troop of
horse. Mr. Nicholas candidly relinquished further proceeding. The House
of Representatives of Virginia pronounced an honorable sentence of
entire approbation of Mr. Jefferson’s conduct, and so much the more
honorable, as themselves had been witnesses to it. And Mr. George
Nicholas took a conspicuous occasion afterwards, of his own free will,
and when the matter was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the
erroneous opinions he had been led into on that occasion, and to make
just reparation by a candid acknowledgment of them.
LETTER XXV.--TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER, March 2, 1806
TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER.
Washington, March 2, 1806.
Gentlemen,
I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2nd, and read
with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself. I regret
that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem, and
patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the
law which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my
conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of
his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to
see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This
I believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own
inquiry and information, the subjects of distress to whose relief his
contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private
life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it
would leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind
from different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far
beyond any resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the
East Indies, the object of the present application, is but one of many
items. However disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means
having limits, we are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too
narrow to relieve even the distresses under our own eye: and to desert
these for others which we neither see nor know, is to omit doing a
certain good for one which is uncertain. I know, indeed, there have
been splendid associations for effecting benevolent purposes in remote
regions of the earth. But no experience of their effect has proved that
more good would not have been done by the same means employed nearer
home. In explaining, however, my own motives of action, I must not be
understood as impeaching those of others. Their views are those of
an expanded liberality. Mine may be too much restrained by the law of
usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with minds like yours, will be
felt as a justification. With this apology, I pray you to accept my
salutations, and assurances of high esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXVI.--TO MR. DUANE, March 22, 1806
TO MR. DUANE.
Washington, March 22, 1806.
I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th; which,
however, I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity,
which I value above all things; as, between those who practise it,
falsehood and malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy
somewhere endeavoring to sow discord among us. Instead of listening
first, then doubting, and lastly believing anile tales handed round
without an atom of evidence, if my friends will address themselves to
me directly, as you have done, they shall be informed with frankness
and thankfulness. There is not a truth on earth which I fear or would
disguise. But secret slanders cannot be disarmed, because they are
secret. Although you desire no answer, I shall give you one to those
articles admitting a short answer, reserving those which require more
explanation than the compass of a letter admits, to conversation on your
arrival here. And as I write this for your personal satisfaction, I
rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be communicated to any
mortal, because you well know how every syllable from me is distorted by
the ingenuity of political enemies.
In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or
indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I ever
had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not from
design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south and
myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has been
no other reserve, than to avoid taking part in the divisions among
our friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is
sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain,
under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind,
and to enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House of
Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. R.’s
resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western
service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations, if
it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground
of his alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of
eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy you: but you will better
satisfy yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things
can be known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied
on all essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion.
That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is
totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial
administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while
differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm,
that as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my
message to Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was
not a unanimity of concurrence in the members of the administration. The
fact is, that in ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me
on those of his department, and where any thing arises too difficult or
important to be decided between us, the consultation becomes general.
That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public
profession and concealed counteraction, is false.
That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and
declared I would appoint none but those called moderates of both
parties, and that I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those
called the third party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false.
That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me is an absolute
falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is
equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our
duty, but not to encourage it.
Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do, is liable to the
criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend
measures in a public message, it may be said that members are not sent
here to obey the mandates of the President, or to register the edicts
of a sovereign. If we express opinions in conversation, we have then our
Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, ‘we
have no opinions, no plans, no cabinet.’ In truth, it is the fable of
the old man, his son, and ass, over again.
These are short facts, which may suffice to inspire you with caution,
until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information
can give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have
no difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the mean time,
accept my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXVII.--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, March 24,1806
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.--[Confidential.]
Washington, March 24,1806.
Dear Sir,
A last effort at friendly settlement with Spain is proposed to be made
at Paris, and under the auspices of France. For this purpose, General
Armstrong and Mr. Bowdoin (both now at Paris) have been appointed joint
commissioners: but such a cloud of dissatisfaction rests on General
Armstrong in the minds of many persons, on account of a late occurrence
stated in all the public papers, that we have in contemplation to add
a third commissioner, in order to give the necessary measure of public
confidence to the commission. Of these two gentlemen, one being of
Massachusetts and one of new York, it is thought the third should be
a southern man; and the rather, as the interests to be negotiated
are almost entirely southern and western. This addition is not yet
ultimately decided on; but I am inclined to believe it will be adopted.
Under this expectation, and my wish that you may be willing to undertake
it, I give you the earliest possible intimation of it, that you may
be preparing both your mind and your measures for the mission. The
departure would be required to be very prompt; though the absence,
I think, will not be long, Bonaparte not being in the practice of
procrastination. This particular consideration will, I hope, reconcile
the voyage to your affairs and your feelings. The allowance to an extra
mission, is salary from the day of leaving home, and expenses to
the place of destination, or in lieu of the latter, and to avoid
settlements, a competent fixed sum may be given. For the return, a
continuance of the salary for three months after fulfilment of the
commission. Be so good as to make up your mind as quickly as possible,
and to answer me as early as possible. Consider the measure as proposed
provisionally only, and not to be communicated to any mortal until we
see it proper. Affectionate salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXVIII.--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, April 13, 1806
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
Washington, April 13, 1806.
Dear Sir,
The situation of your affairs certainly furnishes good cause for your
not acceding to my proposition of a special mission to Europe. My only
hope had been, that they could have gone on one summer without you.
An unjust hostility against General Armstrong will, I am afraid,
show itself whenever any treaty made by him shall be offered for
ratification. I wished, therefore, to provide against this, by joining a
person who would have united the confidence of the whole Senate. General
Smith was so prominent in the opposition to Armstrong, that it would be
impossible for them to act together. We conclude, therefore, to leave
the matter with Armstrong and Bowdoin. Indeed, my dear Sir, I wish
sincerely you were back in the Senate; and that you would take the
necessary measures to get yourself there. Perhaps, as a preliminary, you
should go to our legislature. Giles’s absence has been a most serious
misfortune. A majority of the Senate means well. But Tracy and Bayard
are too dexterous for them, and have very much influenced their
proceedings. Tracy has been of nearly every committee during the
session, and for the most part the chairman, and of course drawer of the
reports. Seven federalists voting always in phalanx, and joined by some
discontented republicans, some oblique ones, some capricious, have so
often made a majority, as to produce very serious embarrassment to the
public operations; and very much do I dread the submitting to them, at
the next session, any treaty which can be made with either England or
Spain, when I consider that five joining the federalists, can defeat a
friendly settlement of our affairs. The House of Representatives is as
well disposed as I ever saw one. The defection of so prominent a leader
threw them into dismay and confusion for a moment; but they soon rallied
to their own principles, and let him go off with five or six followers
only. One half of these are from Virginia. His late declaration of
perpetual opposition to this administration, drew off a few others, who
at first had joined him, supposing his opposition occasional only,
and not systematic. The alarm the House has had from this schism, has
produced a rallying together, and a harmony, which carelessness and
security had begun to endanger. On the whole, this little trial of the
firmness of our representatives in their principles, and that of the
people also, which is declaring itself in support of their public
functionaries, has added much to my confidence in the stability of our
government; and to my conviction, that should things go wrong at any
time, the people will set them to rights by the peaceable exercise of
their elective rights. To explain to you the character of this schism,
its objects and combinations, can only be done in conversation; and
must be deferred till I see you at Monticello, where I shall probably
be about the 10th or 12th of May, to pass the rest of the month there.
Congress has agreed to rise on Monday the 21st.
Accept my affectionate salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXIX.--TO MR. HARRIS, April 18, 1806
TO MR. HARRIS.
Washington, April 18, 1806.
Sir,
It is now some time since I received from you, through the house of
Smith and Buchanan, at Baltimore, a bust of the Emperor Alexander,
for which I have to return you my thanks. These are the more cordial,
because of the value the bust derives from the great estimation in which
its original is held by the world, and by none more than by myself.
It will constitute one of the most valued ornaments of the retreat I am
preparing for myself at my native home. Accept, at the same time, my
acknowledgments for the elegant work of Atkinson and Walker on the
customs of the Russians. I had laid it down as a law for my conduct
while in office, and hitherto scrupulously observed, to accept of no
present beyond a book, a pamphlet, or other curiosity of minor value;
as well to avoid imputations on my motives of action, as to shut out
a practice susceptible of such abuse. But my particular esteem for the
character of the Emperor places his image in my mind above the scope of
law. I receive it, therefore, and shall cherish it with affection. It
nourishes the contemplation of all the good placed in his power, and of
his disposition to do it.
A little before Dr. Priestley’s death, he informed me that he had
received intimations, through a channel he confided in, that the
Emperor entertained a wish to know something of our constitution. I have
therefore selected the two best works we have on that subject, for which
I pray you to ask a place in his library. They are too much in detail to
occupy his time; but they will furnish materials for an abstract, to
be made by others, on such a scale as may bring the matter within the
compass of the time which his higher callings can yield to such an
object.
At a very early period of my life, contemplating the history of the
aboriginal inhabitants of America, I was led to believe that if there
had ever been a relation between them and the men of color in Asia,
traces of it would be found in their several languages. I have therefore
availed myself of every opportunity which has offered, to obtain
vocabularies of such tribes as have been within my reach, corresponding
to a list then formed of about two hundred and fifty words. In this I
have made such progress, that within a year or two more I think to give
to the public what I then shall have acquired. I have lately seen a
report of Mr. Volney’s to the Celtic Academy, on a work of Mr. Pallas,
entitled _Vocabulaires Comparés des Langues de toute la Terre_; with
a list of one hundred and thirty words, to which the vocabulary is
limited. I find that seventy-three of these words are common to that
and to my vocabulary, and therefore will enable us, by a comparison of
language, to make the inquiry so long desired, as to the probability
of a common origin between the people of color of the two continents. I
have to ask the favor of you to procure me a copy of the above work of
Pallas, to inform me of the cost, and permit me to pay it here to your
use; for I presume you have some mercantile correspondent here, to whom
a payment can be made for you. A want of knowledge what the book may
cost, as well as of the means of making so small a remittance, obliges
me to make this proposition, and to restrain it to the sole condition
that I be permitted to reimburse it here.
I enclose you a letter for the Emperor, which be pleased to deliver or
have delivered: it has some relation to a subject which the Secretary of
State will explain to you.
Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and consideration.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXX.--TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA
TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA.
Washington, April 19, 1806.
I owe an acknowledgment to your Imperial Majesty, of the great
satisfaction I have received from your letter of August the 20th, 1805,
and sincere expressions of the respect and veneration I entertain for
your character. It will be among the latest and most soothing comforts
of my life, to have seen advanced to the government of so extensive a
portion of the earth, and at so early a period of his life, a sovereign,
whose ruling passion is the advancement of the happiness and prosperity
of his people; and not of his own people only, but who can extend his
eye and his good will to a distant and infant nation, unoffending in its
course, unambitious in its views.
The events of Europe come to us so late, and so suspiciously, that
observations on them would certainly be stale, and possibly wide of
their actual state. From their general aspect, however, I collect
that your Majesty’s interposition in them has been disinterested and
generous, and having in view only the general good of the great
European family. When you shall proceed to the pacification which is to
re-establish peace and commerce, the same dispositions of mind will lead
you to think of the general intercourse of nations, and to make that
provision for its future maintenance, which, in times past, it has so
much needed. The northern nations of Europe, at the head of which your
Majesty is distinguished, are habitually peaceable. The United States
of America, like them, are attached to peace. We have then with them
a common interest in the neutral rights. Every nation, indeed, on the
continent of Europe, belligerent as well as neutral, is interested in
maintaining these rights, in liberalizing them progressively with the
progress of science and refinement of morality, and in relieving
them from restrictions which the extension of the arts has long since
rendered unreasonable and vexatious.