some time after, which were all distributed according to direction.
The copy for the East Indies went immediately by a safe conveyance. The
letter of April the 28th, and the copy of your work accompanying
that, did not come to hand till August. That copy was deposited in the
Congressional library. It was not till my return here from my autumnal
visit to Monticello, that I had an opportunity of reading your work. I
have read it, and with great satisfaction. Of the first part I am less a
judge than most people, having never travelled westward of Staunton,
so as to know any thing of the face of the country; nor much indulged
myself in geological inquiries, from a belief that the skin-deep
scratches, which we can make or find on the surface of the earth, do not
repay our time with as certain and useful deductions, as our pursuits in
some other branches. The subject of our winds is more familiar to me.
On that, the views you have taken are always great, supported in their
outlines by your facts; and though more extensive observations, and
longer continued, may produce some anomalies, yet they will probably
take their place in this first great canvass which you have sketched. In
no case, perhaps, does habit attach our choice or judgment more than
in climate. The Canadian glows with delight in his sleigh and snow,
the very idea of which gives me the shivers. The comparison of climate
between Europe and North America, taking together its corresponding
parts, hangs chiefly on three great points. 1. The changes between heat
and cold in America are greater and more frequent, and the extremes
comprehend a greater scale on the thermometer in America than in Europe.
Habit, however, prevents these from affecting us more than the smaller
changes of Europe affect the European. But he is greatly affected by
ours. 2. Our sky is always clear; that of Europe always cloudy. Hence a
greater accumulation of heat here than there, in the same parallel. 3.
The changes between wet and dry are much more frequent and sudden in
Europe than in America. Though we have double the rain, it falls in half
the time. Taking all these together, I prefer much the climate of the
United States to that of Europe. I think it a more cheerful one. It
is our cloudless sky which has eradicated from our constitutions all
disposition to hang ourselves, which we might otherwise have inherited
from our English ancestors. During a residence of between six and seven
years in Paris, I never but once saw the sun shine through a whole day,
without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it: and I never saw the
moment, in which, viewing the sky through its whole hemisphere, I could
say there was not the smallest speck of a cloud in it. I arrived at
Monticello, on my return from France, in January, and during only two
months’ stay there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with me to
France, that twenty odd times within that term, there was not a speck of
a cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder that an European
should prefer his grey to our azure sky. Habit decides our taste in
this, as in most other cases.
The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable to what
we then knew of it. Further experience has developed more and more
its peculiar character. Facts appear to have established, that it is
originated here by a local atmosphere, which is never generated but
in the lower, closer, and dirtier parts of our large cities, in the
neighborhood of the water; and that, to catch the disease, you must
enter the local atmosphere. Persons having taken the disease in the
infected quarter, and going into the country, are nursed and buried by
their friends, without an example of communicating it. A vessel going
from the infected quarter, and carrying its atmosphere in its hold into
another State, has given the disease to every person who there entered
her. These have died in the arms of their families, without a single
communication of the disease. It is certainly, therefore, an epidemic,
not a contagious disease; and calls on the chemists for some mode
of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of its atmosphere, if
ventilation be found insufficient. In the long scale of bilious fevers,
graduated by many shades, this is probably the last and most mortal
term. It seizes the native of the place equally with strangers. It has
not been long known in any part of the United States. The shade
next above it, called the stranger’s fever, has been coeval with the
settlement of the larger cities in the southern parts, to wit, Norfolk,
Charleston, New Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the months
of July, August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the genuine
yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in them
some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow fever which is no
respecter of persons, its name has been extended to the stranger’s
fever, and every species of bilious fever which produces a black vomit,
that is to say, a discharge of very dark bile. Hence we hear of yellow
fever on the Allegany mountains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter
of definition only: but it leads into error those who do not know how
loosely and how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far
as we have yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the yellow
fever, which seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate degree of
bilious fever, never known in the United States till lately, nor farther
south, as yet, than Alexandria, and that what they have recently called
the yellow fever in New Orleans, Charleston, and Norfolk, is what has
always been known in those places as confined chiefly to strangers, and
nearly as mortal to them, as the other is to all its subjects. But both
grades are local: the stranger’s fever less so, as it sometimes extends
a little into the neighborhood; but the yellow fever rigorously so,
confined within narrow and well defined limits, and not communicable
out of those limits. Such a constitution of atmosphere being requisite
to originate this disease as is generated only in low, close, and
ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have supposed it practicable to prevent
its generation by building our cities on a more open plan. Take, for
instance, the chequer-board for a plan. Let the black squares only be
building squares, and the white ones be left open, in turf and trees.
Every square of houses will be surrounded by four open squares, and
every house will front an open square. The atmosphere of such a town
would be like that of the country, insusceptible of the miasmata which
produce yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that the enlargements
of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take place, shall be
on this plan. But it is only in case of enlargements to be made, or of
cities to be built, that his means of prevention can be employed.
The _genus irritabile vatum_ could not let the author of the Ruins
publish a new work, without seeking in it the means of discrediting that
puzzling composition. Some one of those holy calumniators has selected
from your new work every scrap of a sentence, which, detached from its
context, could displease an American reader. A cento has been made of
these, which has run through a particular description of newspapers, and
excited a disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the
reading of the book will cure. But time and truth will at length correct
error.
Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of life, that
they have little time to write or invent. A good invention here,
therefore, is such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to the acceptance
of a friend. A Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, has invented
a machine, which he calls a polygraph, and which carries two, three, or
four pens. That of two pens, with which I am now writing, is best;
and is so perfect that I have laid aside the copying-press, for a
twelvemonth past, and write always with the polygraph. I have directed
one to be made, of which I ask your acceptance. By what conveyance I
shall send it while Havre is blockaded, I do not yet know. I think you
will be pleased with it, and will use it habitually as I do; because it
requires only that degree of mechanical attention which I know you to
possess. I am glad to hear that M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the
reformation of medicine. It needs the hand of a reformer, and cannot
be in better hands than his. Will you permit my respects to him and the
Abbe de la Roche to find a place here.
A word now on our political state. The two parties which prevailed with
so much violence when you were here, are almost wholly melted into
one. At the late Presidential election I have received one hundred and
sixty-two votes against fourteen only. Connecticut is still federal by a
small majority; and Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and
will be till Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will
be with us in a short time. Though the people in mass have joined us,
their leaders had committed themselves too far to retract. Pride keeps
them hostile; they brood over their angry passions, and give them vent
in the newspapers which they maintain. They still make as much noise as
if they were the whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile
papers, published chiefly in the seaports, are the only ones which find
their way to Europe, and make very false impressions there. I am happy
to hear that the late derangement of your health is going off, and that
you are reestablished. I sincerely pray for the continuance of that
blessing, and with my affectionate salutations, tender you assurances of
great respect and attachment.
Th: Jefferson.
P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-pen of the
polygraph, not of the one with which I have written.
LETTER XXI.--TO JUDGE TYLER, March 29, 1805
TO JUDGE TYLER.
Monticello, March 29, 1805.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit to this place, and I
observe in it with great pleasure a continuance of your approbation
of the course we are pursuing, and particularly the satisfaction you
express with the last inaugural address. The first was, from the nature
of the case, all profession and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed
to be the proper office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to
mention only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification
of these in the fewest words possible. The crusade preached against
philosophy by the modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell
more in showing its effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise
justified.
The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made
known to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they
only wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly.
If the war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the
same alternative. 2ndly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall
ever, be obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe
rupture, or we must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris
with a respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by
a coercive enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled
that effort. Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better
commander. If in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we
shall recall our force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which
will keep up a perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more
than a state of peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and
the disgrace attached to them. There is reason to believe the example
we have set, begins already to work on the dispositions of the powers
of Europe to emancipate themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we
produce such a revolution there, we shall be amply rewarded for what
we have done. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great
respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXII.--TO DOCTOR LOGAN, May 11, 1805
TO DOCTOR LOGAN.
Washington, May 11, 1805.
Dear Sir,
I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among
our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place
in other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their
good intentions will produce great public evil. The minority,
whichever section shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the
federalists, and some compromise of principle; because these will not
sell their aid for nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism
gain, some portion of that ground which we thought we had rescued to
good government. I do not express my sense of our misfortunes from any
idea that they are remediable. I know that the passions of men will take
their course, that they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and
that this melancholy truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an
upright administration is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing
of these family dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of
both parties. The war _ad internecionem_ which we have waged against
federalism, has filled our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We
have met it, with pain indeed, but with firmness, because we believed it
the last convulsive effort of that Hydra, which in earlier times we had
conquered in the field. But if any degeneracy of principle should ever
render it necessary to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections
over the other, I thank my God it will fall to some other to perform
that operation. The only cordial I wish to carry into my retirement, is
the undivided good will of all those with whom I have acted.
Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salutations, and
assurances of constant friendship and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXIII.--TO JUDGE SULLIVAN, May 21, 1805
TO JUDGE SULLIVAN.
Washington, May 21, 1805.
Dear Sir,
An accumulation of business, which I found on my return here from a
short visit to Monticello, has prevented till now my acknowledgment of
your favor of the 14th _ultimo_. This delay has given time to see the
result of the contest in your State, and I cannot but congratulate you
on the advance it manifests, and the certain prospect it offers that
another year restores Massachusetts to the general body of the nation.
You have indeed received the federal unction of lying and slandering.
But who has not? Who will ever again come into eminent office,
unanointed with this chrism? It seems to be fixed that falsehood and
calumny are to be their ordinary engines of opposition; engines which
will not be entirely without effect. The circle of characters equal
to the first stations is not too large, and will be lessened by the
voluntary retreat of those whose sensibilities are stronger than their
confidence in the justice of public opinion. I certainly have known, and
still know, characters eminently qualified for the most exalted trusts,
who could not bear up against the brutal hackings and hewings of these
heroes of Billingsgate. I may say, from intimate knowledge, that we
should have lost the services of the greatest character of our country,
had he been assailed with the degree of abandoned licentiousness now
practised. The torture he felt under rare and slight attacks, proved
that under those of which the federal bands have shown themselves
capable, he would have thrown up the helm in a burst of indignation.
Yet this effect of sensibility must not be yielded to. If we suffer
ourselves to be frightened from our post by mere lying, surely the enemy
will use that weapon; for what one so cheap to those of whose system of
politics morality makes no part? The patriot, like the Christian, must
learn that to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his duty;
and in proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes more
requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command. But
that will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise are
repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit of your good
example. To the other falsehoods they have brought forward, should they
add, as you expect, insinuations of want of confidence in you from the
administration generally, or myself particularly, it will, like their
other falsehoods, produce in the public mind a contrary inference.
*********
I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXIV.--TO THOMAS PAINE, June 5, 1805
TO THOMAS PAINE.
Washington, June 5, 1805.
Dear Sir,
Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated April the 20th, were
received April the 26th. I congratulate you on your retirement to
your farm, and still more that it is of a character so worthy of your
attention. I much doubt whether the open room on your second story will
answer your expectations. There will be a few days in the year in which
it will be delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian
blinds, can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you
propose will have advantages. You know it has been practised on the
cloth market at Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many forms of roofs
in his book, to which it is applicable. I have used it at home for a
dome, being one hundred and twenty degrees of an oblong octagon, and in
the capitol we unite two quadrants of a sphere by a semi-cylinder: all
framed in De Lorme’s manner. How has your planing machine answered? Has
it been tried and persevered in by any workman?
France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domingo (which in
truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the offer to become
a mediator would only confirm her suspicions. Bonaparte, however,
expressed satisfaction at the paragraph in my message to Congress on the
subject of that commerce. With respect to the German redemptioners,
you know I can do nothing, unless authorized by law. It would be made a
question in Congress, whether any of the enumerated objects to which
the constitution authorizes the money of the Union to be applied, would
cover an expenditure for importing settlers to Orleans. The letter of
the revolutionary sergeant was attended to by General Dearborn, who
wrote to him informing him how to proceed to obtain his land.
Doctor Eustis’s observation to you, that ‘certain paragraphs in the
National Intelligencer,’ respecting my letter to you, ‘supposed to be
under Mr. Jefferson’s direction, had embarrassed Mr. Jefferson’s friends
in Massachusetts; that they appeared like a half denial of the letter,
or as if there was something in it not proper to be owned, or that
needed an apology,’ is one of those mysterious half confidences
difficult to be understood. That tory printers should think it
advantageous to identify me with that paper, the Aurora, &c. in order to
obtain ground for abusing me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one
who knows me personally should listen one moment to such an insinuation,
is what I did not expect. I neither have, nor ever had, any more
connection with those papers than our antipodes have; nor know what is
to be in them until I see it in them, except proclamations and other
documents sent for publication. The friends in Massachusetts who could
be embarrassed by so weak a weapon as this, must be feeble friends
indeed. With respect to the letter, I never hesitated to avow and to
justify it in conversation. In no other way do I trouble myself to
contradict any thing which is said. At that time, however, there were
certain anomalies in the motions of some of our friends, which events
have at length reduced to regularity.
It seems very difficult to find out what turn things are to take in
Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which knowing it is to stand in
the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious of entering into
a coalition. As to France and England we can have but one wish, that
they may disable one another from injuring others.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
[The following, in the hand-writing of the Author, is inserted in his
MS. of this period. Whether it was published, or where, is not stated.]
Richmond, 1780, December 31. At 8 A. M. the Governor receives the first
intelligence that twenty-seven sail of ships had entered Chesapeake Bay,
and were in the morning of the 29th just below Willoughby’s point (the
southern cape of James river); their destination unknown.
1781, January 2. At 10 A. M. information received that they had entered
James river, their advance being at Warrasqueak bay. Orders were
immediately given for calling in the militia, one fourth from some,
and one half from other counties. The members of the legislature,
which rises this day, are the bearers of the orders to their respective
counties. The Governor directs the removal of the records into the
country, and the transportation of the military stores from Richmond to
Westham (on the river seven miles above); there to be carried across the
river.
January 3. At 8 P. M. the enemy are said to be a little below Jamestown;
convenient for landing, if Williamsburg is their object.
January 4. At 5 A. M. information is received that they had passed
Kennon’s and Hood’s the evening before, with a strong; easterly wind,
which determines their object to be either Petersburg or Richmond. The
Governor now calls in the whole militia from the adjacent counties.
At 5 P. M. information, that at 2 P. M. they were landed and drawn up
at Westover (on the north side of the river, and twenty-five miles below
Richmond); and consequently Richmond their destination. Orders are
now given to discontinue wagoning the military stores from Richmond to
Westham, and to throw them across the river directly at Richmond.
The Governor having attended to this till an hour and a half in the
night, then rode up to the foundery (one mile below Westham), ordered
Captains Boush and Irish, and Mr. Hylton, to continue all night wagoning
to Westham the arms and stores still at the foundery, to be thrown
across the river at Westham, then proceeded to Westham to urge the
pressing the transportation there across the river, and thence went to
Tuckahoe (eight miles above and on the same side of the river) to see
after his family, which he had sent that far in the course of the day.
He arrived there at 1 o’clock in the night.
January 5. Early in the morning, he carried his family across the river
there, and sending them to Fine Creek (eight miles higher up) went
himself to Britton’s on the south side of the river, (opposite to
Westham). Finding the arms, &c. in a heap near the shore, and exposed
to be destroyed by cannon from the north bank, he had them removed under
cover of a point of land near by. He proceeded to Manchester (opposite
to Richmond). The enemy had arrived at Richmond at 1 P. M. Having found
that nearly the whole arms had been got there from Richmond, he set out
for Chetwood’s to meet with Baron Steuben, who had appointed that
place as a rendezvous and head-quarters; but not finding him there,
and understanding he would be at Colonel Fleming’s (six miles above
Britton’s), he proceeded thither. The enemy had now a detachment
at Westham, and sent a deputation from the city of Richmond to the
Governor, at Colonel Fleming’s, to propose terms for ransoming the
safety of the city, which terms he rejected.
January 6. The Governor returned to Britton’s, had measures taken more
effectually to secure the books and papers there. The enemy, having
burnt some houses and stores, left Richmond after twenty-four hours’
stay there, and encamped at Four Mile Creek (eight or ten miles below);
and the Governor went to look to his family at Fine Creek.
January 7. He returned to Britton’s to see further to the arms there,
exposed on the ground to heavy rains which had fallen the night before,
and thence proceeded to Manchester and lodged there. The enemy encamped
at Westover.
January 8. At half after 7 A. M. he crossed over to Richmond, and
resumed his residence there. The enemy are still retained in their
encampment at Westover by an easterly wind. Colonel John Nicholas has
now three hundred militia at the Forest (six miles off from Westover);
General Nelson, two hundred at Charles City Court-House (eight miles
below Westover); Gibson, one thousand, and Baron Steuben, eight hundred,
on the south side of the river.
January 9. The enemy are still encamped at Westover.
January 10. At 1 P. M. they embark: and the wind having shifted a little
to the north of west, and pretty fresh, they fall down the river. Baron
Steuben marches for Hood’s, where their passage may be checked. He
reaches Bland’s mills in the evening, within nine miles of Hood’s.
January 11. At 8 A. M. the wind due west and strong, they make good
their retreat.
During this period, time and place have been minutely cited, in order
that those who think there was any remissness in the movements of the
Governor, may lay their finger on the point, and say, when and where it
was. Hereafter, less detail will suffice.