By the act of April 20, 1836, (4 Stat. at Large, 10,) passed in the

same month and year of the removal of the plaintiff to Fort Snelling,

this part of the territory ceded by France, where Fort Snelling is,

together with so much of the territory of the United States east of

the Mississippi as now constitutes the State of Wisconsin, was brought

under a Territorial Government, under the name of the Territory of

Wisconsin. By the eighteenth section of this act, it was enacted,

"That the inhabitants of this Territory shall be entitled to and enjoy

all and singular the rights, privileges, and advantages, granted and

secured to the people of the Territory of the United States northwest

of the river Ohio, by the articles of compact contained in the

ordinance for the government of said Territory, passed on the 13th day

of July, 1787; and shall be subject to all the restrictions and

prohibitions in said articles of compact imposed upon the people of

the said Territory." The sixth article of that compact is, "there

shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said

Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the

party shall have been duly convicted. _Provided, always_, that any

person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully

claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be

lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her

labor or service, as aforesaid." By other provisions of this act

establishing the Territory of Wisconsin, the laws of the United

States, and the then existing laws of the State of Michigan, are

extended over the Territory; the latter being subject to alteration

and repeal by the legislative power of the Territory created by the

act.

Fort Snelling was within the Territory of Wisconsin, and these laws

were extended over it. The Indian title to that site for a military

post had been acquired from the Sioux nation as early as September 23,

1805, (Am. State Papers, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 744,) and until

the erection of the Territorial Government, the persons at that post

were governed by the rules and articles of war, and such laws of the

United States, including the eighth section of the act of March 6,

1820, prohibiting slavery, as were applicable to their condition; but

after the erection of the Territory, and the extension of the laws of

the United States and the laws of Michigan over the whole of the

Territory, including this military post, the persons residing there

were under the dominion of those laws in all particulars to which the

rules and articles of war did not apply.

It thus appears that, by these acts of Congress, not only was a

general system of municipal law borrowed from the State of Michigan,

which did not tolerate slavery, but it was positively enacted that

slavery and involuntary servitude, with only one exception,

specifically described, should not exist there. It is not simply that

slavery is not recognised and cannot be aided by the municipal law. It

is recognised for the purpose of being absolutely prohibited, and

declared incapable of existing within the Territory, save in the

instance of a fugitive slave.

It would not be easy for the Legislature to employ more explicit

language to signify its will that the _status_ of slavery should not

exist within the Territory, than the words found in the act of 1820,

and in the ordinance of 1787; and if any doubt could exist concerning

their application to cases of masters coming into the Territory with

their slaves to reside, that doubt must yield to the inference

required by the words of exception. That exception is, of cases of

fugitive slaves. An exception from a prohibition marks the extent of

the prohibition; for it would be absurd, as well as useless, to except

from a prohibition a case not contained within it. (9 Wheat., 200.) I

must conclude, therefore, that it was the will of Congress that the

state of involuntary servitude of a slave, coming into the Territory

with his master, should cease to exist. The Supreme Court of Missouri

so held in Rachel _v._ Walker, (4 Misso. R., 350,) which was the case

of a military officer going into the Territory with two slaves.

But it is a distinct question, whether the law of Missouri recognised

and allowed effect to the change wrought in the _status_ of the

plaintiff, by force of the laws of the Territory of Wisconsin.

I say the law of Missouri, because a judicial tribunal, in one State

or nation, can recognise personal rights acquired by force of the law

of any other State or nation, only so far as it is the law of the

former State that those rights should be recognised. But, in the

absence of positive law to the contrary, the will of every civilized

State must be presumed to be to allow such effect to foreign laws as

is in accordance with the settled rules of international law. And

legal tribunals are bound to act on this presumption. It may be

assumed that the motive of the State in allowing such operation to

foreign laws is what has been termed comity. But, as has justly been

said, (per Chief Justice Taney, 13 Pet., 589,) it is the comity of the

State, not of the court. The judges have nothing to do with the motive

of the State. Their duty is simply to ascertain and give effect to its

will. And when it is found by them that its will to depart from a rule

of international law has not been manifested by the State, they are

bound to assume that its will is to give effect to it. Undoubtedly,

every sovereign State may refuse to recognise a change, wrought by the

law of a foreign State, on the _status_ of a person, while within such

foreign State, even in cases where the rules of international law

require that recognition. Its will to refuse such recognition may be

manifested by what we term statute law, or by the customary law of the

State. It is within the province of its judicial tribunals to inquire

and adjudge whether it appears, from the statute or customary law of

the State, to be the will of the State to refuse to recognise such

changes of _status_ by force of foreign law, as the rules of the law

of nations require to be recognised. But, in my opinion, it is not

within the province of any judicial tribunal to refuse such

recognition from any political considerations, or any view it may take

of the exterior political relations between the State and one or more

foreign States, or any impressions it may have that a change of

foreign opinion and action on the subject of slavery may afford a

reason why the State should change its own action. To understand and

give just effect to such considerations, and to change the action of

the State in consequence of them, are functions of diplomatists and

legislators, not of judges.

The inquiry to be made on this part of the case is, therefore, whether

the State of Missouri has, by its statute, or its customary law,

manifested its will to displace any rule of international law,

applicable to a change of the _status_ of a slave, by foreign law.

I have not heard it suggested that there was any statute of the State

of Missouri bearing on this question. The customary law of Missouri is

the common law, introduced by statute in 1816. (1 Ter. Laws, 436.) And

the common law, as Blackstone says, (4 Com., 67,) adopts, in its full

extent, the law of nations, and holds it to be a part of the law of

the land.

I know of no sufficient warrant for declaring that any rule of

international law, concerning the recognition, in that State, of a

change of _status_, wrought by an extra-territorial law, has been

displaced or varied by the will of the State of Missouri.

I proceed then to inquire what the rules of international law

prescribe concerning the change of _status_ of the plaintiff wrought

by the law of the Territory of Wisconsin.

It is generally agreed by writers upon international law, and the rule

has been judicially applied in a great number of cases that wherever

any question may arise concerning the _status_ of a person, it must be

determined according to that law which has next previously rightfully

operated on and fixed that _status_. And, further, that the laws of a

country do not rightfully operate upon and fix the _status_ of persons

who are within its limits _in itinere_, or who are abiding there for

definite temporary purposes, as for health, curiosity, or occasional

business; that these laws, known to writers on public and private

international law as personal statutes, operate only on the

inhabitants of the country. Not that it is or can be denied that each

independent nation may, if it thinks fit, apply them to all persons

within their limits. But when this is done, not in conformity with the

principles of international law, other States are not understood to be

willing to recognise or allow effect to such applications of personal

statutes.

It becomes necessary, therefore, to inquire whether the operation of

the laws of the Territory of Wisconsin upon the _status_ of the

plaintiff was or was not such an operation as these principles of

international law require other States to recognise and allow effect

to.

And this renders it needful to attend to the particular facts and

circumstances of this case.

It appears that this case came on for trial before the Circuit Court

and a jury, upon an issue, in substance, whether the plaintiff,

together with his wife and children, were the slaves of the defendant.

The court instructed the jury that, "upon the facts in this case, the

law is with the defendant." This withdrew from the jury the

consideration and decision of every matter of fact. The evidence in

the case consisted of written admissions, signed by the counsel of the

parties. If the case had been submitted to the judgment of the court,

upon an agreed statement of facts, entered of record, in place of a

special verdict, it would have been necessary for the court below, and

for this court, to pronounce its judgment solely on those facts, thus

agreed, without inferring any other facts therefrom. By the rules of

the common law applicable to such a case, and by force of the seventh

article of the amendments of the Constitution, this court is precluded

from finding any fact not agreed to by the parties on the record. No

submission to the court on a statement of facts was made. It was a

trial by jury, in which certain admissions, made by the parties, were

the evidence. The jury were not only competent, but were bound to draw

from that evidence every inference which, in their judgment, exercised

according to the rules of law, it would warrant. The Circuit Court

took from the jury the power to draw any inferences from the

admissions made by the parties, and decided the case for the

defendant. This course can be justified here, if at all, only by its

appearing that upon the facts agreed, and all such inferences of fact

favorable to the plaintiff's case, as the jury might have been

warranted in drawing from those admissions, the law was with the

defendant. Otherwise, the plaintiff would be deprived of the benefit

of his trial by jury, by whom, for aught we can know, those inferences

favorable to his case would have been drawn.

The material facts agreed, bearing on this part of the case, are, that

Dr. Emerson, the plaintiff's master, resided about two years at the

military post of Fort Snelling, being a surgeon in the army of the

United States, his domicil of origin being unknown; and what, if

anything, he had done, to preserve or change his domicil prior to his

residence at Rock Island, being also unknown.

Now, it is true, that under some circumstances the residence of a

military officer at a particular place, in the discharge of his

official duties, does not amount to the acquisition of a technical

domicil. But it cannot be affirmed, with correctness, that it never

does. There being actual residence, and this being presumptive

evidence of domicil, all the circumstances of the case must be

considered, before a legal conclusion can be reached, that his place

of residence is not his domicil. If a military officer stationed at a

particular post should entertain an expectation that his residence

there would be indefinitely protracted, and in consequence should

remove his family to the place where his duties were to be discharged,

form a permanent domestic establishment there, exercise there the

civil rights and discharge the civil duties of an inhabitant, while he

did no act and manifested no intent to have a domicil elsewhere, I

think no one would say that the mere fact that he was himself liable

to be called away by the orders of the Government would prevent his

acquisition of a technical domicil at the place of the residence of

himself and his family. In other words, I do not think a military

officer incapable of acquiring a domicil. (Bruce _v._ Bruce, 2 Bos.

and Pul., 230; Munroe _v._ Douglass, 5 Mad. Ch. R., 232.) This being

so, this case stands thus: there was evidence before the jury that

Emerson resided about two years at Fort Snelling, in the Territory of

Wisconsin. This may or may not have been with such intent as to make

it his technical domicil. The presumption is that it was. It is so

laid down by this court, in Ennis _v._ Smith, (14 How.,) and the

authorities in support of the position are there referred to. His

intent was a question of fact for the jury. (Fitchburg _v._

Winchendon, 4 Cush., 190.)

The case was taken from the jury. If they had power to find that the

presumption of the necessary intent had not been rebutted, we cannot

say, on this record, that Emerson had not his technical domicil at

Fort Snelling. But, for reasons which I shall now proceed to give, I

do not deem it necessary in this case to determine the question of the

technical domicil of Dr. Emerson.

It must be admitted that the inquiry whether the law of a particular

country has rightfully fixed the _status_ of a person, so that in

accordance with the principles of international law that _status_

should be recognised in other jurisdictions, ordinarily depends on the

question whether the person was domiciled in the country whose laws

are asserted to have fixed his _status_. But, in the United States,

questions of this kind may arise, where an attempt to decide solely

with reference to technical domicil, tested by the rules which are

applicable to changes of places of abode from one country to another,

would not be consistent with sound principles. And, in my judgment,

this is one of those cases.

The residence of the plaintiff, who was taken by his master, Dr.

Emerson, as a slave, from Missouri to the State of Illinois, and

thence to the Territory of Wisconsin, must be deemed to have been for

the time being, and until he asserted his own separate intention, the

same as the residence of his master; and the inquiry, whether the

personal statutes of the Territory were rightfully extended over the

plaintiff, and ought, in accordance with the rules of international

law, to be allowed to fix his _status_, must depend upon the

circumstances under which Dr. Emerson went into that Territory, and

remained there; and upon the further question, whether anything was

there rightfully done by the plaintiff to cause those personal

statutes to operate on him.

Dr. Emerson was an officer in the army of the United States. He went

into the Territory to discharge his duty to the United States. The

place was out of the jurisdiction of any particular State, and within

the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States. It does not appear

where the domicil of origin of Dr. Emerson was, nor whether or not he

had lost it, and gained another domicil, nor of what particular State,

if any, he was a citizen.

On what ground can it be denied that all valid laws of the United

States, constitutionally enacted by Congress for the government of the

Territory, rightfully extended over an officer of the United States

and his servant who went into the Territory to remain there for an

indefinite length of time, to take part in its civil or military

affairs? They were not foreigners, coming from abroad. Dr. Emerson was

a citizen of the country which had exclusive jurisdiction over the

Territory; and not only a citizen, but he went there in a public

capacity, in the service of the same sovereignty which made the laws.

Whatever those laws might be, whether of the kind denominated personal

statutes, or not, so far as they were intended by the legislative

will, constitutionally expressed, to operate on him and his servant,

and on the relations between them, they had a rightful operation, and

no other State or country can refuse to allow that those laws might

rightfully operate on the plaintiff and his servant, because such a

refusal would be a denial that the United States could, by laws

constitutionally enacted, govern their own servants, residing on their

own Territory, over which the United States had the exclusive control,

and in respect to which they are an independent sovereign power.

Whether the laws now in question were constitutionally enacted, I

repeat once more, is a separate question. But, assuming that they

were, and that they operated directly on the _status_ of the

plaintiff, I consider that no other State or country could question

the rightful power of the United States so to legislate, or,

consistently with the settled rules of international law, could refuse

to recognise the effects of such legislation upon the _status_ of

their officers and servants, as valid everywhere.

This alone would, in my apprehension, be sufficient to decide this

question.

But there are other facts stated on the record which should not be

passed over. It is agreed that, in the year 1836, the plaintiff, while

residing in the Territory, was married, with the consent of Dr.

Emerson, to Harriet, named in the declaration as his wife, and that

Eliza and Lizzie were the children of that marriage, the first named

having been born on the Mississippi river, north of the line of

Missouri, and the other having been born after their return to

Missouri. And the inquiry is, whether, after the marriage of the

plaintiff in the Territory, with the consent of Dr. Emerson, any other

State or country can, consistently with the settled rules of

international law, refuse to recognise and treat him as a free man,

when suing for the liberty of himself, his wife, and the children of

that marriage. It is in reference to his _status_, as viewed in other

States and countries, that the contract of marriage and the birth of

children becomes strictly material. At the same time, it is proper to

observe that the female to whom he was married having been taken to

the same military post of Fort Snelling as a slave, and Dr. Emerson

claiming also to be her master at the time of her marriage, her

_status_, and that of the children of the marriage, are also affected

by the same considerations.

If the laws of Congress governing the Territory of Wisconsin were

constitutional and valid laws, there can be no doubt these parties

were capable of contracting a lawful marriage, attended with all the

usual civil rights and obligations of that condition. In that

Territory they were absolutely free persons, having full capacity to

enter into the civil contract of marriage.

It is a principle of international law, settled beyond controversy in

England and America, that a marriage, valid by the law of the place

where it was contracted, and not in fraud of the law of any other

place, is valid everywhere; and that no technical domicil at the place

of the contract is necessary to make it so. (See Bishop on Mar. and

Div., 125-129, where the cases are collected.)

If, in Missouri, the plaintiff were held to be a slave, the validity

and operation of his contract of marriage must be denied. He can have

no legal rights; of course, not those of a husband and father. And the

same is true of his wife and children. The denial of his rights is the

denial of theirs. So that, though lawfully married in the Territory,

when they came out of it, into the State of Missouri, they were no

longer husband and wife; and a child of that lawful marriage, though

born under the same dominion where its parents contracted a lawful

marriage, is not the fruit of that marriage, nor the child of its

father, but subject to the maxim, _partus sequitur ventrem_.

It must be borne in mind that in this case there is no ground for the

inquiry, whether it be the will of the State of Missouri not to

recognise the validity of the marriage of a fugitive slave, who

escapes into a State or country where slavery is not allowed, and

there contracts a marriage; or the validity of such a marriage, where

the master, being a citizen of the State of Missouri, voluntarily goes

with his slave, _in itinere_, into a State or country which does not

permit slavery to exist, and the slave there contracts marriage

without the consent of his master; for in this case, it is agreed, Dr.

Emerson did consent; and no further question can arise concerning his

rights, so far as their assertion is inconsistent with the validity of

the marriage. Nor do I know of any ground for the assertion that this

marriage was in fraud of any law of Missouri. It has been held by this

court, that a bequest of property by a master to his slave, by

necessary implication entitles the slave to his freedom; because, only

as a freeman could he take and hold the bequest. (Legrand _v._

Darnall, 2 Pet. R., 664.) It has also been held, that when a master

goes with his slave to reside for an indefinite period in a State

where slavery is not tolerated, this operates as an act of

manumission; because it is sufficiently expressive of the consent of

the master that the slave should be free. (2 Marshall's Ken. R., 470;

14 Martin's Louis. R., 401.)

What, then, shall we say of the consent of the master, that the slave

may contract a lawful marriage, attended with all the civil rights and

duties which belong to that relation; that he may enter into a

relation which none but a free man can assume--a relation which

involves not only the rights and duties of the slave, but those of the

other party to the contract, and of their descendants to the remotest

generation? In my judgment, there can be no more effectual abandonment

of the legal rights of a master over his slave, than by the consent of

the master that the slave should enter into a contract of marriage, in

a free State, attended by all the civil rights and obligations which

belong to that condition.

And any claim by Dr. Emerson, or any one claiming under him, the

effect of which is to deny the validity of this marriage, and the

lawful paternity of the children born from it, wherever asserted, is,

in my judgment, a claim inconsistent with good faith and sound reason,

as well as with the rules of international law. And I go further: in

my opinion, a law of the State of Missouri, which should thus annul a

marriage, lawfully contracted by these parties while resident in

Wisconsin, not in fraud of any law of Missouri, or of any right of Dr.

Emerson, who consented thereto, would be a law impairing the

obligation of a contract, and within the prohibition of the

Constitution of the United States. (See 4 Wheat., 629, 695, 696.)

To avoid misapprehension on this important and difficult subject, I

will state, distinctly, the conclusions at which I have arrived. They

are:

_First._ The rules of international law respecting the emancipation of

slaves, by the rightful operation of the laws of another State or

country upon the _status_ of the slave, while resident in such foreign

State or country, are part of the common law of Missouri, and have not

been abrogated by any statute law of that State.

_Second._ The laws of the United States, constitutionally enacted,

which operated directly on and changed the _status_ of a slave coming

into the Territory of Wisconsin with his master, who went thither to

reside for an indefinite length of time, in the performance of his

duties as an officer of the United States, had a rightful operation on

the _status_ of the slave, and it is in conformity with the rules of

international law that this change of _status_ should be recognised

everywhere.

_Third._ The laws of the United States, in operation in the Territory

of Wisconsin at the time of the plaintiff's residence there, did act

directly on the _status_ of the plaintiff, and change his _status_ to

that of a free man.

_Fourth._ The plaintiff and his wife were capable of contracting, and,

with the consent of Dr. Emerson, did contract a marriage in that

Territory, valid under its laws; and the validity of this marriage

cannot be questioned in Missouri, save by showing that it was in fraud

of the laws of that State, or of some right derived from them; which

cannot be shown in this case, because the master consented to it.

_Fifth._ That the consent of the master that his slave, residing in a

country which does not tolerate slavery, may enter into a lawful

contract of marriage, attended with the civil rights and duties which

belong to that condition, is an effectual act of emancipation. And the

law does not enable Dr. Emerson, or any one claiming under him, to

assert a title to the married persons as slaves, and thus destroy the

obligation of the contract of marriage, and bastardize their issue,

and reduce them to slavery.

Report of the Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, and the Opinions of the Judges Thereof, in the Case of Dred Scott versus John F. A. Sandford December Term, 1856. · 第 22 / 26 段