HOPES AND FEARS
Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty
weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished
by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered
to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up
against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their
commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the
Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty
and support to the Government as far as necessary.
When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries
against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and
delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was
feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that
there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian
population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men
were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many
cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers
in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong
protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the
State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro
soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of
trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would
bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling
of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech
before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the
Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in
the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the
fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to
the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss., there was
also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed
all fears. At Rockford, Ill., where the police force was enlarged in
anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was
built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders,
the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a
splendid record--much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was
never needed for them.”
The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found
at Camp Upton, N. Y. No protest was made by New York people about
training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race
riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship
between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers
and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and
considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was
due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high
stand and impartial attitude taken by the late Gen. I. Franklin Bell,
commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted
that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this
camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the
officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens
from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of
the Negro soldiers.
In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with
which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans
and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the
Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample:
“To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army,
September, 1918, Vosges Mountains.
“Hello, boys, what are you doing over there? Fighting the Germans?
Why? Have they ever done you any harm? Of course, some white folks
and the lying English-American papers told you that the Germans ought
to be wiped out for the sake of humanity and democracy. What is
democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights
socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the
white people do in America, the land of freedom and democracy? Or
aren’t you rather rated over there as second class citizens? Can you
go to a restaurant where white people dine, can you get a seat in a
theatre where white people sit, can you get a pullman seat or berth
in a railroad car, or can you ride in the South in the same street
car with white people? And how about the law? Is lynching and the
most horrible cruelties connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a
democratic country?
“Now all of this is entirely different in Germany, where they do like
colored people, where they do treat them as gentlemen and not as
second class citizens. They enjoy exactly the same social privileges
as every white man, and quite a number of colored people have mighty
fine positions in Berlin and other big German cities.
“Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street
robbers to protect the millions they have lent to the English, French,
and Italians? You have been made the tool of the egotistic and
rapacious rich in England and America, and there is nothing in the
whole game for you but broken bones, horrible wounds, broken health
or--death. No satisfaction whatever will you get out of this unjust
war. You have never seen Germany; so you are fools if you allow people
to teach you to hate it. Come over and see for yourself. Let those do
the fighting who make profit out of this war; don’t allow them to use
you as cannon food. To carry the gun in their defense is not an honor
but a shame. Throw it away and come over to the German lines. You will
find friends who will help you along.”
Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line
trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but
many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went
among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but
don’t worry; we’re not going over.”
The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to
contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the
extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted
as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American
military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard.
In its issue for May, 1919, the _Crisis_ published a document
on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out
on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the
American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers
commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position
occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as
follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy
between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too
highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native
cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did
not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry
heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned.
Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French
population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro
troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the
people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen
so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had
been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must
remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes.
Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards
informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be
treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”;
“Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”;
and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit
which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted
others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were
“campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the
effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the
difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to
American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving
them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the
French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to
visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort
to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands
of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a
twelve-hour pass.
Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France
indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got
along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days
the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange
relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country.
Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people.
French children were treated with the greatest deference by the
Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established.
The picture that appeared in _Life_, showing a colored soldier
carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was
typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many
helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work
in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was
possible.
During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American
circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the
committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers
as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued
from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of
colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On
account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted
rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become
necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops
of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m.,
with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and
the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced
at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known
reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that
the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send
the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor
battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape
were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly
check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion
had been occasioned.
As the rumors continued to spread, Dr. Robert R. Moton was asked by the
President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France
and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to
General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector,
where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division.
On making inquiry Dr. Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six
cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16,
1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation
the general statements. Dr. Moton then asked the General if he would
mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation
of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading.
When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged
could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty
and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by
general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says Dr. Moton, “as
well as in Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service
of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the
same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding
officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers
of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the
92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at
general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which
I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among
white soldiers or any soldiers.”
The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the
writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were
tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were _bona
fide_ efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple
assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent
to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of
which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded
by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged,
were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the
three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.”
The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at
Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault
with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there
were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be
substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime,
one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant.
The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly
magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to
discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the
impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of
the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one
more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro
Americans.