In his retirement at the house of his brother-in-law (Judge Reeve),
Burr was aroused by the shedding of his countrymen's blood at
Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775. Immediately after that battle,
he wrote a letter to his friend Ogden, requesting him to come on to
Litchfield and arrange for joining the standard of their country.
Ogden wrote for answer that he could not make the necessary
arrangements. The battle of Bunker's Hill (on the 16th of June, 1775)
followed in rapid succession; whereupon he started for Elizabethtown,
New-Jersey, to meet Ogden, and aid him in preparations for the journey
to Cambridge, where the American army was encamped.
Burr had been reading those portions of history which detailed the
achievements of the greatest military men and tacticians of the age in
which they lived. His idea of discipline and subordination was formed
accordingly. With the most enthusiastic feelings, and under the
influence of such opinions, Burr, in company with his friend Matthias
Ogden, left Elizabethtown, in July, 1775, for Cambridge, with the
intention of tendering their services in defence of American liberty.
He had now entered his twentieth year, but, in appearance, was a mere
stripling.
It has been seen that, whatever were Burr's pursuits or studies, his
habits were those of intense application. He had already imbibed a
military ardour equalled by few--surpassed by none. Panting for glory
on the battle-field, information and improvement as a soldier were now
the objects that absorbed all his thoughts. On his joining the army,
however, he was sadly disappointed in his expectations. The whole was
a scene of idleness, confusion, and dissipation. From the want of
camp-police, the health of the men was impaired, and many sickened and
died. Of the officers, some were ignorant of their duty, while others
were fearful of enforcing a rigid discipline, lest it should give
offence to those who were unaccustomed to restraint. Deep
mortification and disappointment preyed upon the mind of young Burr.
The following original letters are found among the papers of Colonel
Burr, and, as casting some light upon the history of those times, are
deemed of sufficient interest (and not inapplicable) to be inserted in
this work. The patriotic reply of General Montgomery is above all
praise.
ROGER SHERMAN TO GENERAL DAVID WOOSTER.
Philadelphia, June 23d, 1775.
DEAR SIR,
The Congress, having determined it necessary to keep up an army for
the defence of America at the charge of the United Colonies, have
appointed the following general officers:--George Washington, Esq.,
commander-in-chief. Major-generals Ward, Lee, Schuyler, and Putnam.
Brigadier-generals Pomeroy, Montgomery, yourself, Heath, Spencer,
Thomas, Sullivan (of New-Hampshire), and one Green, of Rhode-Island.
I am sensible that, according to your former rank, you were entitled
to the place of a major-general; and as one was to be appointed in
Connecticut, I heartily recommended you to the Congress. I informed
them of the arrangement made by our assembly, which I thought would be
satisfactory to have them continue in the same order. But, as General
Putnam's fame was spread abroad, and especially his successful
enterprise at Noddle's Island, the account of which had just arrived,
it gave him a preference in the opinion of the delegates in general,
so that his appointment was unanimous among the colonies; but, from
your known abilities and firm attachment to the American cause, we
were very desirous of your continuance in the army, and hope you will
accept of the appointment made by the Congress.
I think the pay of a brigadier is about one hundred and twenty-five
dollars per month. I suppose a commission is sent to you by General
Washington. We received intelligence yesterday of an engagement at
Charlestown, but have not had the particulars. All the Connecticut
troops are now taken into the continental army. I hope proper care
will be taken to secure the colony against any sudden invasion, which
must be at their own expense.
I have nothing further that I am at liberty to acquaint you with of
the doings of the Congress but what have been made public. I would not
have any thing published in the papers that I write, lest something
may inadvertently escape me which ought not to be published. I should
be glad if you would write to me every convenient opportunity, and
inform me of such occurrences, and other matters, as you may think
proper and useful for me to be acquainted with. The general officers
were elected in the Congress, not by nomination, but by ballot.
I am, with great esteem,
Your humble servant,
ROGER SHERMAN.
DAVID WOOSTER, Esq.
JAMES DUANE, OF NEW-YORK, TO GENERAL MONTGOMERY.
Philadelphia, July 21st, 1775.
DEAR SIR,
I am directed by the Congress to acquaint you of an arrangement in the
Massachusetts department, and the reason which led to it, lest, by
misunderstanding it, you might think yourself neglected.
When brigadiers-general were to be appointed, it was agreed that the
first in nomination should be one of the Massachusetts generals. The
gentlemen from that province recommended General Pomeroy, who was
accordingly fixed upon; but, before his commission arrived at the
camp, he had retired from the army. Under these circumstances the
Congress thought it just to fill up the commission designed for Mr.
Pomeroy with the name of General Thomas as first brigadier. You,
consequently, hold the rank to which you were elected.
I sincerely hope this may not give you any displeasure, as I am
confident no disrespect was intended.
Be pleased to accept my sincere wishes for your honour and happiness,
and particularly in the discharge of the important trust which you
have undertaken.
I am, with regard,
Dear sir, your most obedient servant,
JAS. DUANE.
General MONTGOMERY.
GENERAL MONTGOMERY'S ANSWER.
DEAR SIR,
I have been honoured with your letter of the 21st inst. My
acknowledgments are due for the attention shown me by the Congress.
I submit, with great cheerfullness, to any regulation they, in their
prudence, shall judge expedient. Laying aside the punctilio of the
_soldier_, I shall endeavour to discharge my duty to society,
considering myself only as the _citizen_, reduced to the melancholy
necessity of taking up arms for the public safety.
I am, &c., R. M.
Answer.
The preceding is endorsed, in the handwriting of General Montgomery,
on the back of Mr. Duane's letter.
The laxity of the discipline which pervaded the camp at Cambridge, the
inexperience of the officers, and the contests and petty squabbles
about rank, all tended to excite great jealousy and discontent in the
army. As yet, Burr was attached to no particular corps. He mingled
indiscriminately with conflicting factions, until, disgusted with the
scene which he daily witnessed, he was violently attacked with a
nervous fever, by which he was confined to his bed.
One day he heard Ogden and some young men of the army conversing, in
an apartment adjoining that in which he was lying, on the subject of
an expedition. He called Ogden to his bedside, and inquired what was
the nature of the expedition of which they were speaking. Ogden
informed him that Colonel Arnold, with a detachment of ten or twelve
hundred men, was about to proceed through the wilderness for the
purpose of attacking Quebec. Burr instantly raised himself up in the
bed, and declared that he would accompany them; and, so pertinacious
was he on this point, that he immediately, although much enfeebled,
commenced dressing himself. Ogden expostulated, and spoke of his
debilitated state--referred to the hardships and privations that he
must necessarily endure on such a march, &c. But all was unavailing.
Young Burr was determined, and was immoveable. He forthwith selected
four or five hale, hearty fellows, to whom he proposed that they
should form a mess, and unite their destiny on the expedition through
the wilderness. To this arrangement they cheerfully acceded. His
friend Ogden, and others of his acquaintance, were conveyed in
carriages from Cambridge to Newburyport, distant about sixty miles;
but Burr, with his new associates in arms, on the 14th of September,
1775, shouldered their muskets, took their knapsacks upon their backs,
and marched to the place of embarcation.
FROM J. BELLAMY.
Litchfield, August 17th, 1775.
MY DEAREST SOLDIER,
I was infinitely surprised to hear from you in the army. I can hardly
tell you what sensations I did not feel at the time. Shall not attempt
to describe them, though they deprived me of a night's sleep. But that
was not spent altogether unhappily. My busybody, _Fancy_, led me a
most romantic chase; in which, you may be sure, I visited your tent;
beheld you (unnoticed) musing on your present circumstances,
apparently agitated by every emotion which would naturally fill the
heart of one who has come to the resolution to risk his life for his
country's freedom. You will excuse my mentioning, that from a deep,
absent meditation, partly expressed by half-pronounced soliloquies, I
beheld you start up, clap your hand upon your sword, and look so
fiercely, that it almost frightened me. The scene, on your discovering
me, immediately changed to something more tender; but I won't waste
paper.
If you should happen to find Dr. James Cogswell, who is in Colonel
Spencer's regiment, please to give my best love to him, and tell him
he is a lazy scoundrel.
It rains, my boy, excessively. Does it not drop through your tent?
Write often to
JONA. BELLAMY.
To A. BURR.
As soon as the guardian and relatives of young Burr heard of his
determination to accompany Arnold in his expedition against Quebec,
they not only remonstrated, but they induced others, who were friendly
to him, to adopt a similar course. While he remained at Cambridge, he
received numerous letters on the subject. The two following are
selected:--
FROM DR. JAMES COGSWELL.
Camp in Roxbury, 9th September, 1775.
I am extremely sorry to hear that you are determined on the new
expedition to Quebec. I am sorry on my own account, as I promised
myself much satisfaction and pleasure in your company: but I am not
altogether selfish; I am right-justified sorry on yours. The
expedition in which you are engaged is a very arduous one; and those
who are engaged in it must unavoidably undergo great hardships. Your
constitution (if I am not much mistaken) is very delicate, and not
formed for the fatigues of the camp. The expedition, I am sensible, is
a glorious one, and nothing but a persuasion of my inability to endure
the hardships of it would have deterred me from engaging in it. If
this excuse was sufficient for me, I am persuaded it is for you, and
ought to influence you to abandon all thoughts of undertaking it. I
have no friend so dear to me (and I love my friends) but that I am
willing to sacrifice for the good of the grand--the important cause,
in which we are engaged; but, to think of a friend's sacrificing
himself, without any valuable end being answered by it, is painful
beyond expression. _You will die; I know you will die in the
undertaking; it is impossible for you to endure the fatigue._ I am so
exercised about your going, that I should come and see you if I had
not got the Scriptural excuse,--a wife, and cannot come.
My dear friend, you must not go: I cannot bear the thoughts of it.
'Tis little less melancholy than following you to your grave.
Your affectionate friend,
JAMES COGSWELL.
FROM PETER COLT.
Watertown, 11th September, 1775.
I cannot retire to rest till I have written you a few lines, to excuse
my casting so many discouragements in the way of your journey to
Quebec. At first I did not think it so hazardous; but, upon inquiring
of those who had more knowledge of the country, thought it too
fatiguing an undertaking for one of your years; and I find it
altogether against the sentiments of your friends. I think you might
be fairly excused, without the risk of being reported as timid, as the
hopes of your family depend in a great degree upon you. I should have
rejoiced to see you relinquish this expedition; but, as you are
determined to pursue it, must beg you not to let any thing we have
said to you depress your spirits, or damp your resolution, as it may
otherwise have a fatal effect. We have held up the dark side of the
picture, in order to deter you from going. You must now think only on
the bright side, and make the least of every disagreeable circumstance
attending your march. Let no difficulty discourage you. The enterprise
is glorious, and, if it succeeds, will redound to the honour of those
who have planned and executed it.
May God give you health and strength equal to the fatigue of the
march, and preserve you safe from every danger you may encounter. Make
Quebec a safe retreat to the forces. I hope to have a particular
description of Canada from you when you return.
Don't turn Catholic for the sake of the girls. Again I beg you to
forget what I have said to discourage you. It proceeded from love to
you, and not a desire of rendering you ridiculous. Adieu, my dear
friend.
Yours,
PETER COLT.
A day or two after Burr's arrival at Newburyport, he was called upon
by a messenger from his guardian, Timothy Edwards, with instructions
to bring the young fugitive back. A letter from his uncle (T. Edwards)
was delivered to him at the same time. Having read the letter, and
heard the messenger's communication, he coolly addressed him, and
asked, "How do you expect to take me back, if I should refuse to go?
If you were to make any forcible attempt upon me, I would have you
hung up in ten minutes." After a short pause the messenger presented a
second letter from his guardian, and with it a small remittance in
gold. It was couched in the most affectionate and tender language,
importuning him to return; and depicting, in the darkest colours, the
sufferings he must endure if he survived the attempt to reach Quebec.
It affected young Burr very sensibly, insomuch that he shed tears. But
his destiny was fixed. He wrote, however, a respectful letter to his
uncle, explanatory of his reasons for accompanying the army, and
expressive of his gratitude for the kindness he had experienced.
On or about the 20th of September, 1775, the troops under the command
of Arnold embarked at Newburyport. This detachment was to penetrate
Canada about ninety or one hundred miles below Montreal, proceeding by
the Kennebec river, and thence through the wilderness between the St.
Lawrence and the settled parts of Maine. In this route, precipitous
mountains, deep and almost impenetrable swamps and morasses, were to
be passed. Arnold, in a letter to General Washington, dated _Fort
Weston_, September 25th, 1775, says: "I design Chaudiere Pond as a
general rendezvous, and from thence proceed in a body. I believe, from
the best information I can procure, we shall be able to perform the
journey in twenty days; the distance from this being about one hundred
and eighty miles."
During the march through the wilderness, no regard whatever was paid
to order or discipline. Every man was left to take care of himself,
and make the best of his way through the woods. The sufferings of this
detachment from wet, and cold, and hunger, were excessive. From the
latter, however, Burr suffered less than any of his companions. His
abstemious habits in regard to eating seemed peculiarly calculated for
such an expedition. Both Burr and Ogden had been accustomed, in small
boats, to aquatic excursions round Staten Island and in its vicinity.
They were skilful helmsmen, and in this particular, in passing the
rapids, were frequently useful. Notwithstanding this qualification,
however, Burr, with some soldiers in a boat, was carried over a fall
of nearly twenty feet. One man was drowned, and much of the baggage
lost. The weather was cold, and it was with great difficulty that he
reached the shore.
"Arnold, who, at the head of the two first divisions, still prosecuted
his march, was thirty-two days traversing a hideous wilderness,
without seeing a house or any thing human. The troops were under the
necessity of hauling their bateaux up rapid streams; of taking them
upon their shoulders, with all their provisions, across
carrying-places; and of traversing, and frequently repassing, for the
purpose of bringing their baggage, deep morasses, thick woods, and
high mountains. These impediments, notwithstanding the zealous and
wonderfully persevering exertions of his men, so protracted his march,
that, though he had expected certainly to enter Canada about the
middle of October, he did not reach the first settlements on the
Chaudiere, which empties itself into the St. Lawrence near Quebec,
until the third of November.
"On the high grounds which separate the waters of the Kennebec from
those of the St. Lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions was
divided among the companies, each of which was directed, without
attempting to preserve any connexion with another, to march with the
utmost possible celerity into the inhabited country. While those who
gained the front were yet thirty miles from the first poor and
scattered habitations which composed that frontier of Canada, their
last morsel of food was consumed. But, preceded by Arnold, who went
forward for the purpose of procuring for them something which might
satisfy the first demands of nature, the troops still persevered in
their labours, with a vigour unimpaired by the hardships they had
encountered, until they once more found themselves in regions
frequented by human beings." [1]
On the arrival of Arnold's detachment at Chaudiere Pond, Burr was
despatched with a verbal communication to General Montgomery. He
disguised himself as a young Catholic priest. In this order of men he
was willing to repose confidence. He knew that the French Catholics
were not satisfied with their situation under the provincial
government; but especially the priesthood. Feeling no apprehension for
his own safety from treachery, he proceeded to a learned and reverend
father of the church, to whom he communicated frankly who he was, and
what was his object. Burr was master of the Latin language, and had an
imperfect knowledge of the French. The priest was an educated man, so
that a conversation was held with but little difficulty. He
endeavoured to dissuade Burr from the enterprise. Spoke of it as
impossible to accomplish. He represented the distance as great, and
through an enemy's country. The boyish appearance of Burr induced the
reverend divine to consider him a mere child. Discovering, however,
the settled purpose of the young adventurer, the priest procured him a
confidential guide and a cabriolet (for the ground was now covered
with snow), and, thus prepared, he started on his journey. Without
interruption, he was conducted in perfect safety from one religious
family to another, until he arrived at Three Rivers. Here the guide
became alarmed in consequence of some rumours as to the arrival of
Arnold at the Chaudiere, and that he had despatched messengers to
Montgomery to announce to him the fact. Under strong apprehensions,
the guide refused to proceed any farther, and recommended to Burr to
remain a few days until these rumours subsided. To this he was
compelled to accede; and, for greater security, he was secreted three
days in a convent at that place. At the expiration of this period he
again set off, and reached Montgomery without further detention or
accident.
On his arrival at headquarters, he explained to the general the
character of the re-enforcement he was about to receive; the probable
number of effective men, and the time at which their arrival might be
anticipated. General Montgomery was so well pleased with the details
which had been given him, and the manner in which young Burr had
effected his journey after leaving Arnold, that he invited him (Burr)
to reside at headquarters, assuring him that he should receive an
appointment as one of his aids. At this time Montgomery was a
brigadier, and not entitled to aids, only in virtue of his being
commander-in-chief of the army. Previous to his death, however, he was
appointed a major-general, but the information did not reach him.
As soon as Burr had joined the family of the general, he entered upon
the duties of an aid; but no formal annunciation was made until the
army arrived before Quebec, when his appointment was announced in
general orders. Arnold arrived at Point Levi, opposite to Quebec, on
the 9th of November, 1775. He paraded for some days on the heights
near the town, and sent two flags to demand a surrender, but both were
fired upon as rebels with whom no communication was to be held. The
true reason, however, was, that Colonel M'Clean, the British
commandant, a vigilant and experienced officer, knowing the weakness
of his own garrison, deemed it impolitic, if not unsafe, to receive a
flag from Arnold.
The first plan for the attack upon the British works was essentially
different from that which was subsequently carried into execution.
Various reasons have been assigned for this change. Judge Marshall
says, "that while the general (Montgomery) was making the necessary
preparations for the assault, the garrison received intelligence of
his intention from a deserter. This circumstance induced him to change
the plan of his attack, which had been originally to attempt both the
upper and lower towns at the same time. The plan now resolved on was
to divide the army into four parts; and while two of them, consisting
of Canadians under Major Livingston, and a small party under Major
Brown, were to distract the attention of the garrison by making two
feints against the upper town of St. Johns and Cape Diamond, the other
two, led, the one by Montgomery in person, and the other by Arnold,
were to make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town." [2]
Colonel Burr says, that a change of the plan of attack was produced,
in a great measure, through the advice and influence of Mr. Antill, a
resident in Canada, who had joined the army; and Mr. Price, a Montreal
merchant of property and respectability, who had also come out and
united his destiny with the cause of the colonies. Mr. Price, in
particular, was strongly impressed with the opinion, that if the
American troops could obtain possession of the lower town, the
merchants and other wealthy inhabitants would have sufficient
influence with the British commander-in-chief to induce him to
surrender rather than jeopard the destruction of all their property.
It was, as Colonel Burr thought, a most fatal delusion. But it is
believed that the opinion was honestly entertained.
The first plan of the attack was agreed upon in a council, at which
young Burr and his friend, Matthias Ogden, were present. The
arrangement was to pass over the highest walls at Cape Diamond. Here
there was a bastion. This was at a distance of about half a mile from
any succour; but being considered, in some measure, impregnable, the
least resistance might be anticipated in that quarter. Subsequent
events tended to prove the soundness of this opinion. In pursuance of
the second plan, Major Livingston, with a detachment under his
command, made a feint upon Cape Diamond; but, for about half an hour,
with all the noise and alarm that he and his men could create, he was
unable to attract the slightest notice from the enemy, so completely
unprepared were they at this point.
While the first was the favourite plan of attack, Burr requested
General Montgomery to give him the command of a small forlorn hope,
which request was granted, and forty men allotted to him. Ladders were
prepared, and these men kept in constant drill, until they could
ascend them (standing almost perpendicular), with their muskets and
accoutrements, with nearly the same facility that they could mount an
ordinary staircase. In the success of this plan of attack Burr had
entire confidence; but, when it was changed, he entertained strong
apprehensions of the result. He was in the habit, every night, of
visiting and reconnoitring the ground about Cape Diamond, until he
became perfectly familiarized with every inch adjacent to, or in the
vicinity of, the intended point of assault.
When the attack was about to be commenced, Captain Burr, and other
officers near General Montgomery, endeavoured to dissuade him from
leading in the advance; remarking that, as commander-in-chief, it was
not his place. But all argument was ineffectual and unavailing. The
attack was made on the morning of the 31st of December, 1775, before
daylight, in the midst of a violent snow-storm. The New-York troops
were commanded by General Montgomery, who advanced along the St.
Lawrence, by the way of Aunce de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first
barrier to be surmounted was at the Pot Ash. In front of it was a
block-house and picket, in charge of some Canadians, who, after making
a single fire, fled in confusion. On advancing to force the barrier,
an accidental discharge of a piece of artillery from the British
battery, when the American front was within forty paces of it, killed
General Montgomery, Captain McPherson, one of his aids, Captain
Cheeseman, and every other person in front, except Captain Burr and a
French guide. General Montgomery was within a few feet of Captain
Burr; and Colonel Trumbull, in a superb painting recently executed by
him, descriptive of the assault upon Quebec, has drawn the general
falling in the arms of his surviving aid-de-camp. Lieutenant Colonel
Campbell, being the senior officer on the ground, assumed the command,
and ordered a retreat.
Footnotes:
1. Marshall's Life of Washington
2. Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 329.