The success of the slave-holders in controlling the affairs of the
National Government for a long series of years, furnishing a large
majority of the Presidents, Speakers of the House of Representatives,
Foreign Ministers, and moulding the entire policy of the nation in
favor of slave-holding, and the admitted fact that none could secure an
office in the national Government who were known to be opposed to the
_peculiar_ institution, made the Southerners feel themselves superior
to the people of the free States. This feeling was often manifested by
an outburst of intemperate language, which frequently showed itself
in the pulpit, on the rostrum, and in the drawing-room. On all such
occasions the placing of the institution of slavery above liberty,
seemed to be the aim of its advocates.
“The principle of slavery is in itself right, and _does not depend on
difference of complexion_,”--said the Richmond (Va.) _Enquirer_.
A distinguished Southern statesman exclaimed,--
“Make the laboring man the slave of _one_ man, instead of the slave of
society, and he would be far better off.” “Slavery, _black or white_,
is right and necessary.” “_Nature has made the weak in mind or body for
slaves._”
Another said:--
“_Free_ society! We sicken of the name. What is it but a conglomeration
of _greasy mechanics_, _filthy operators_, _small-fisted farmers_, and
moonstruck theorists? All the Northern States, and especially the New
England States, are _devoid of society fitted for well-bred gentlemen_.
The prevailing class one meets with is that of mechanics struggling to
be genteel, and small farmers, who do their own drudgery; and yet who
are hardly fit for association with a gentleman’s body servant [slave].
This is your free society.”
The insults offered to John P. Hale and Charles Sumner in the United
States Senate, and to Joshua R. Giddings and Owen Lovejoy in the House
of Representatives, were such as no legislative body in the world
would have allowed, except one controlled by slave-drivers. I give the
following, which may be taken as a fair specimen of the _bulldozing_ of
those days.
In the National House of Representatives Hon. O. Lovejoy, member from
Illinois, was speaking against the further extension of slavery in the
territories, when he was interrupted by Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi--
“Order that black-hearted scoundrel and nigger-stealing thief to take
his seat.”
By Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, addressing Mr. Lovejoy--
“Then behave yourself.”
By Mr. Gartrell, of Georgia, (in his seat)--
“The man is crazy.”
By Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, again--
“No, sir; you stand there to-day, an infamous, perjured villain.”
By Mr. Ashmore, of South Carolina--
“Yes; he is a perjured villain, and he perjures himself every hour he
occupies a seat on this floor.”
By Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi--
“And a negro thief into the bargain.”
By Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, again--
“I hope my colleague will hold no parley with that perjured negro
thief.”
By Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi, again--
“No sir; any gentleman shall have time, but not such a mean, despicable
wretch as that.”
By Mr. Martin, of Virginia--
“And if you come among us, we will do with you as we did with John
Brown--hang you as high as Haman. I say that as a Virginian.”
Hon. Robert Toombs, of Georgia, made a violent speech in the Senate,
January, 1860, in which he said:--
“_Never permit this Federal Government to pass into the traitorous
hands of the Black Republican party._ It has already declared war
against you and your institutions. It every day commits acts of war
against you; it has already compelled you to arm for your defence.
Listen to ‘no vain babblings,’ to no treacherous jargon about ‘overt
acts;’ they have already been committed. Defend yourselves; the enemy
is at your door; wait not to meet him at the hearthstone,--meet him at
the door-sill, and drive him from the temple of liberty, or pull down
its pillars and involve him in a common ruin.”
Such and similar sentiments expressed at the South, and even by
Southerners when sojourning in the free States, did much to widen the
breach, and to bring on the conflict of arms that soon followed.