CHAPTER XIV.

In the year 1850, there were fifty thousand free colored people in

the slave States, the greater number residing in Louisiana, Maryland,

Virginia, Tennessee, and South Carolina. In all the States these people

were allowed but few privileges not given to the slaves; and in many

their condition was thought to be even worse than that of the bondmen.

Laws, the most odious, commonly known as the “Black Code,” were enacted

and enforced in every State. These provided for the punishment of the

free colored people--punishment which was not mentioned in the common

law for white persons; for binding out minors, a species of slavery,

and naming thirty-two offences more for blacks than had been enacted

for the whites, and eight of which made it capital punishment for the

offences committed.

Public opinion, which is often stronger than law, was severe in the

extreme. In many of the Southern cities, including Charleston, S. C., a

colored lady, free, and owning the fine house in which she lived, was

not allowed to wear a veil in the public streets.

In passing through the thoroughfares, blacks of both sexes were

compelled to take the outside, on pain of being kicked into the street,

or sent to the lock-up and whipped.

As late as 1858, a movement was made in several of the Southern States

to put an exorbitant tax upon them, and in lieu of which they were to

be sold into life-long slavery. Maryland led off with a bill being

introduced into the Legislature by Mr. Hover, of Frederick County, for

levying a tax of two dollars per annum on all colored male inhabitants

of the State over twenty-one years of age, and under fifty-five, and

of one dollar on every female over eighteen and under forty-five, to

be collected by the collectors of the State taxes, and _devoted to the

use of the Colonization Society_. In case of the refusal to pay of a

property-holder or housekeeper, his or her goods were to be seized and

sold; if not a property-holder, the body of the non-paying person was

to be seized, and hired out to the lowest bidder who would agree to pay

the tax; and in case of not being able to hire said delinquents out,

they were to be sold to any person who would pay the amount of tax and

costs for the lowest period of service!

Tennessee followed in the same strain. The annexed protest of one of

her noblest sons,--Judge Catron, appeared at the time. He said:

“My objection to the bill is, _that it proposes to commit an outrage,

to perpetrate an oppression and cruelty_. This is the plain truth,

and it is idle to mince words to soften the fact. Let us look the

proposition boldly in the face. This depressed and helpless portion

of our population is designed to be driven out, or to be enslaved for

life, and their property forfeited, as no slave can hold property.

The mothers are to be sold, or driven away from their children, many

of them infants. The children are to be bound out until they are

twenty-one years of age, and then to leave the State or be sold;

which means that they are to be made slaves for life, in fact. Now,

of these women and children, there is hardly one in ten that is of

unmixed negro blood. Some are half-white; many have half-white mothers

and white fathers, making a cast of 87 1-2-100ths of white blood;

many have a third cross, in whom the negro blood is almost extinct;

such is the unfortunate truth. This description of people, who were

born free, and lived as free persons, are to be introduced as slaves

into our families, or into our negro quarters, there to be under an

overseer, or they are to be sold to the negro-trader and sent South,

there to be whipped by overseers--_and to preach rebellion_ in the

negro quarters--as they will _preach_ rebellion everywhere that they

may be driven to by this unjust law, whether it be amongst us here in

Tennessee or south of us on the cotton and sugar plantations, or in the

abolition meetings in the free States. Nor will the women be the least

effective in preaching a crusade, when begging money in the North, to

relieve their children, left behind in this State, in bondage.

“We are told that this ’free-negro bill’ is a politic, popular

measure. Where is it popular? _In what nook or corner of the State are

principles of humanity so deplorably deficient that a majority of the

whole inhabitants would commit an outrage not committed in a Christian

country of which history gives any account?_ In what country is it,

this side of Africa, that the majority have enslaved the minority, sold

the weak to the strong, and applied the proceeds of the sale to educate

the children of the stronger side, as this bill proposes? It is an open

assertion that ‘might makes right.’ It is re-opening the African slave

trade. In that trade the strong capture the weak, and sell them; and so

it will be here, if this policy is carried out.”

In some of the States the law was enacted and the people driven out

or sold. Those who were able to pay their way out, came away; those

who could not raise the means, were doomed to languish in bondage till

released by the Rebellion.

About the same time, in Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, strong

efforts were being made to re-open the African slave trade. At the

Democratic State Convention, held in the city of Charleston, S. C., May

1, 1860, Mr. Gaulden made the following speech:--

“MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW DEMOCRATS:--As I stated to

you a few moments ago, I have been confined to my room by severe

indisposition, but learning of the commotion and the intense excitement

which were existing upon the questions before this body, I felt it

to be my duty, feeble as I was, to drag myself out to the meeting

of my delegation, and when there I was surprised to find a large

majority of that delegation voting to secede at once from this body. I

disagree with those gentlemen. I regret to disagree with my brethren

from the South upon any of the great questions which interest our

common country. I am a Southern States’ Rights man; I am an African

slave-trader. I believe I am one of those Southern men who believe that

slavery is right, morally, religiously, socially, and politically.

(Applause.) I believe that the institution of slavery has done more

for this country, more for civilization, than all other interests

put together. I believe if it were in the power of this country to

strike down the institution of slavery, it would put civilization back

two hundred years. I tell you, fellow Democrats, that the African

slave-trader is the true Union man. (Cheers and laughter.) I tell you

that the slave-trading of Virginia is more immoral, more un-Christian

in every possible point of view, than that African slave-trade which

goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, makes him

a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his posterity down

the stream of time to join in the blessings of civilization. (Cheers

and laughter.) Now, fellow-democrats, so far as any public expression

of opinion of the State of Virginia--the great slave-trading State

of Virginia--has been given, they are all opposed to the African

slave-trade.”

DR. REED, of Indiana.--I am from Indiana, and I am in favor of

it.

MR. GAULDEN.--Now, gentlemen, we are told, upon high

authority, that there is a certain class of men who strain at a gnat

and swallow a camel. Now, Virginia, which authorizes the buying of

Christian men, separating them from their wives and children, from

all the relations and associations amid whom they have lived for

years, rolls up her eyes in holy horror when I would go to Africa,

buy a savage, and introduce him to the blessings of civilization and

Christianity. (Cheers and laughter.)

MR. RYNDERS, of New York.--You can get one or two recruits

from New York to join with you.

THE PRESIDENT.--The time of the gentleman has expired. (Cries

of “Go on! go on!”)

The President stated that if it was the unanimous wish of the

Convention, the gentleman could proceed.

MR. GAULDEN.--Now, fellow Democrats, the slave-trade in

Virginia forms a mighty and powerful reason for its opposition to the

African slave-trade, and in this remark I do not intend any disrespect

to my friends from Virginia. Virginia, the Mother of States and of

statesmen, the Mother of Presidents, I apprehend, may err as well as

other mortals. I am afraid that her error in this regard lies in the

promptings of the almighty dollar. It has been my fortune to go into

that noble old State to buy a few darkies, and I have had to pay from

one thousand to two thousand dollars a head, when I could go to Africa

and buy better negroes for fifty dollars a-piece. (Great laughter.)

Now, unquestionably, it is to the interests of Virginia to break

down the African slave-trade when she can sell her negroes at two

thousand dollars. She knows that the African slave-trade would break

up her monopoly, and hence her objection to it. If any of you Northern

Democrats--for I have more faith in you than I have in the Carpet

Knight Democracy of the South--will go home with me to my plantation

in Georgia, but a little way from here, I will show you some darkies

that I bought in Maryland, some that I bought in Virginia, some in

Delaware, some in Florida, some in North Carolina, and I will also show

you the pure African, the noblest Roman of them all. (Great laughter.)

Now, fellow Democrats, my feeble health and failing voice admonish me

to bring the few remarks I have to make to a close. (Cries of “Go on!

go on!”) I am only sorry that I am not in a better condition than I am

to vindicate before you to-day the words of truth, of honesty, and of

right, and to show you the gross inconsistencies of the South in this

regard. I came from the First Congressional District of the State of

Georgia. I represent the African slave-trade interests of that section.

(Applause.) I am proud of the position I occupy in that respect. I

believe that the African slave-trader is a true missionary, and a true

Christian. (Applause.)

Such was the feeling in a large part of the South, with regard to the

enslavement of the negro.

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