PART V

THE DECLINE OF EDUCATION

1. GALLIC STUDENTS ABROAD

We have traced the main branches of study that were pursued in Gaul, and

the question naturally arises: ‘How far did the Gauls give and receive

education outside the boundaries of their country?’

Modern parallels suggest, at first sight, that a liberal education would

not have been considered complete in the provinces unless the student

had attended the imperial universities. But Gaul at this time held so

prominent a position in the educational and political world that the

analogy fails. The professors appointed, both in Gaul and elsewhere, were

frequently men who had had all their education in that province. There is

no trace that Ausonius ever studied at Rome or Constantinople: he came

into contact with the imperial house while studying at Toulouse, where

Constantine’s brothers were staying.[1324] Minervius[1325] was a popular

teacher at Rome and at Constantinople, where Arborius also was famous as

a rhetor.[1326] The son of Sedatus, rhetor at Toulouse, taught at Rome:

Et tua nunc suboles morem sectata parentis,

Narbonem ac Romam nobilitat studiis.[1327]

Even the poor Victorius went to Sicily and to Cumae, presumably to study

and to teach,[1328] while Dynamius became a rhetor in Spain.[1329] To

some extent that wandering and eclectic spirit of learning which broke

out anew in the movement that has been called ‘Die zweite Sophistik’, and

which appears in the professors and students of Philostratus, Lucian,

and Apuleius, was still operative. But more important was the prominence

of Gallic studies which not only created a demand for the teachers of

Gaul in Rome and Constantinople, but drew men from Sicily[1330] for the

comparatively unimportant position of grammarian.

Yet there was a certain number of Gallic students who went to study at

Rome, chiefly in jurisprudence. It was there that Ambrose, born in all

probability at Trèves about 340, studied law.

Of the conditions under which he and students like him studied the

Theodosian Code has much to say. The decree of Valens and Gratian in

370[1331] prescribed that any provincial student who wanted to take a

course at Rome must apply for leave to the provincial judges, and must,

on his arrival in Rome, show his letter of permission, which mentioned

the town to which the student belonged, his relations, and connexions, to

the Master of the Census. The regulation about getting special permission

from the governors of the provinces is an instance of the usual coercion

of the individual in the Roman Empire; but it is also based on the rigid

economic system of the emperors, and it may have had its good side in

preventing students from coming over too young. Of a piece with it, and

illustrating the utilitarianism of the Roman mind, is the rule that no

one may remain in Rome as a student after the age of twenty, for no one

must escape the public burdens longer than that (‘ne diutius his patria

defraudetur, muneraque adeo publica declinent’).[1332]

During the student’s residence in the imperial city he stood under strict

supervision and drastic discipline. He must state clearly what his

special subject is so as to waste no time, and the Censuales must know

where he lives and keep an eye on his studies. His public conduct and

associations are carefully watched. Shows, theatres, and late banquets

are specially mentioned as snares and delusions in the path of youth. Any

one who behaves in unseemly fashion is to be publicly whipped and shipped

home to his province. So far did the coercive Roman spirit in education

go. For the Romans always looked on education as a discipline which must

serve some external end, and not (like the Greeks) as a development of

the human spirit valuable for its own sake.

But while we cannot justify this drastic interference with individual

development, we must remember that the strictness of the moral discipline

was probably wholesome and necessary. The state of Rome, which Ammianus

twice in his history describes with considerable care,[1333] and the

account which Augustine gives of the ‘eversores’, or bands of rowdy

students,[1334] in the contemporary African schools of rhetoric warrant

such a supposition. We must reflect, moreover, that the custom and

temptations of life in a metropolis were probably new to most of the

provincial students and apt to have disconcerting results.

There is a curious inscription of Lyons which bears on the question of

Gallic students abroad. It reads as follows:

Memoriae A. Vitelli Valeri

hic annorum X in studiis

Romae de(cessit) parentes

Nymphi(us) et Tyche

uni(co) et carissimo fil(io).[1335]

It is evident that the translation must be something like this: ‘To the

memory of Aulus Vitellius Valerius. He died at the age of ten while

studying at Rome. His parents Nymphius and Tyche (set up this stone) to

their beloved and only son.’ But how a boy of Lyons could reasonably

be a student in Rome at the age of ten is less clear. We may arrive at

an explanation by supposing that ‘X’ is wrong; more especially as the

editors quarrel over it, some omitting it altogether, while others find

a variant reading. On this assumption the only way of making it fit in

with the facts known about Gallic students at Rome is to read ‘XX’. The

student would then have come over at the usual age, and have been in the

last year of his studies at the time of his death. If the reading ‘X’

is adhered to, on the grounds that it is much the clearest, we suggest

that ‘in studiis’ here means in the office of the imperial secretary ‘a

studiis’, who did researches for the emperor when he had a difficult

rescript to compose involving historical or legal research, and that

the boy was a sort of Bodleian boy employed in fetching and carrying

books.[1336] It is not inconceivable, however, that he may merely have

been sent to a grammarian at Rome as a sort of junior boarder.

2. THE INVADERS

But in spite of the extent and the fame of Gallic studies there come

to us, every now and then, hints of decadence in education. The

fourth-century Ammianus says that even the few homes in which the

studious atmosphere of earlier days had survived were in his day given

over to vanity. All they abound in is the trifling of sluggish idleness,

while they resound with voices and the wind-borne tinkling of the lute.

The singer replaces the philosopher, and instead of the orator they

summon the actor to give them amusement.[1337] In the fifth century we

find Sidonius frequently referring to the decline of culture,[1338] and

Paulinus of Pella says of his former studies that they have all ceased

to flourish, because, as all know, they have fallen on evil days.[1339]

Claudianus Mamertus, in the letter to the learned Sapaudus, after a

eulogy on Greece as ‘Disciplinarum omnium atque artium magistra’, uses

strong language about the failing culture of his age: ‘Bonarum artium

... facta iactura, et animi cultum despuens’, ‘deliciis et divitiis

serviens et ignaviae et inscitiae famula’, ‘pessum dedit cum doctrina

virtutem’.[1340] There is no progress and creative genius: hardly any

one wants to learn. It cannot be, he reflects, that the nature of the

human mind changes: history testifies to the contrary. No, the truth is

that there is no enthusiasm or application. ‘Nostro saeculo non ingenia

deesse, sed studia.’ A mark of decadence is the barbarization of the

Latin language.[1341] Barbarism and solecism are the tyrants that reign.

Rhetoric (conceived in the Ciceronian sense) is too big for the petty

compass of these present-day Epigoni. Music, geometry, and arithmetic

call forth only their violent hate, and philosophy is utterly despised.

The emphasis laid on oratory makes us suspect that the truth of some of

his statements rather suffers from that ‘declamationum suavitas’ which

he finds in Sapaudus.[1342] But in the main he was undoubtedly right.

No matter how enthusiastic the fifth-century ‘litterati’ were about

letters, the stern march of economic and political events inevitably

made for a decline. At the end of the fourth and the beginning of the

fifth century the Salian Franks, who were destined to conquer Gaul, were

established in Toxandria in the north; and in ceasing to recognize the

supremacy of Rome they slipped away from Roman civilization and from

Christianity.[1343] In the south the Goths were settled in the second

Aquitaine and Toulouse under their own king in 419, and the step was

significant of the decentralization of the Empire. More and more the

Teutonic element encroached. ‘The process of history in the Western

Empire during the period which lies between the death of Alaric (410)

and the fall of Romulus Augustulus (476) is toward the establishment of

Teutonic Kingdoms.’[1344] However imperialistic Gaul might be, the Goths

in the south-west, the Franks in the north, the Burgundians in Savoy,

the Alemanni on the upper Rhine, and the Alani at Valence and Orleans in

the middle years of the fifth century proved an effective barrier to the

direct advance of Roman civilization. This civilization might advance,

ultimately, _through_ the barbarians: but meantime there was a transition

period in which the shock of nations produced confusion and darkness.

Euric aspired to dominion over Gaul, and by 476 he had attained his

desire.

But more direct in their effect upon education than these large political

movements, and swifter than the ‘barbarization’ of Latin as it passed

into the Romance languages, were the invasions. Pagan and Christian alike

testify to their horror. Rutilius Namatianus gives us a description of

Gaul, piteously defaced by long wars, when he returned thither in 416

after having been prefect at Rome.

Illa (Gallica rura) quidem longis nimium deformia bellis,

sed quam grata minus, tam miseranda magis.[1345]

...

iam tempus laceris post saeva incendia fundis

vel pastorales aedificare casas.[1346]

So terrible were the injuries inflicted that dumb objects seemed to urge

him on when the violence of his lament abated:

Ipsi quin etiam fontes si mittere vocem

ipsaque si possent arbuta nostra loqui,

cessantem iustis poterant urgere querellis.[1346]

This is the description of the spectator after the event. More poignant

are the words of those who actually suffered:

Nos autem tanta sub tempestate malorum

invalidi passim caedimur et cadimus,

cumque animum patriae subiit fumantis imago

et stetit ante oculos quidquid ubique perit,

frangimur, immodicis et fletibus ora rigamus.[1347]

The invasions are like some immense tidal wave that sweeps all before it:

Si totus Gallos sese effudisset in agros

Oceanus, vastis plus superesset aquis.[1348]

All strongholds have given out against the barbarian arms—‘ultima

pertulimus’. The author of the _ad Uxorem_ writes in the same strain:

Ferro peste fame vinclis algore calore,

mille modis miseros mors rapit una homines

... pax abiit terris, ultima quaeque vides.[1349]

What is the good of the winding, gushing river, the woods which outlive

the ages, the flowery meads which the season renews?

Ista manent, nostri sed non mansere parentes;

exigui vitam temporis hospes ago.[1350]

‘Respice’, says Orientius, referring to the same invasions,

Respice quam raptim totum mors presserit orbem,

quantos vis belli perculerit populos,

non densi nemoris, celsi non aspera montis

flumina non rapidis fortia gurgitibus,

non castella locis, non tutae moenibus urbes....[1351]

Added to these troubles from without was the internal commotion caused

by robber bands like the notorious Bagaudae, who, in spite of periodical

repressions,[1352] continued to exist.[1353] So formidable were they that

in 407 Sarus, the general of Honorius, was obliged to buy from them his

passage into Italy with a rich portion of spoil.[1354] The oppression

of officials swelled their ranks,[1355] and in the middle of the fifth

century they established a commonwealth which took a prominent part in

the fighting in Spain at that time. Thus they were a constant source

of disturbance, and the prolongation of this unrest is mirrored in the

pages of Sidonius. In a letter to Lupus,[1356] he tells of a woman who

has been carried away by bandits, the local Vargi who were the spiritual

descendants of the Bagaudae. The attacks of the Goths towards the end

of the fifth century made travelling dangerous, and Sidonius postpones

writing to Eutropius on this account.[1357] He sends his messenger only

after he hears that ‘the treaty-breaking race’ (_foedifragam gentem_)

has returned within its borders. We hear of a man who had fled with his

family into the diocese of Bishop Censorius ‘depredationis Gothicae

turbinem vitans’. Sidonius asks Censorius to treat him indulgently and to

remit the glebe-dues in his case, so that he may have the whole harvest

for himself.[1358] And so it went on. There were constant disputes,[1359]

and whenever there was an invasion the Arvernians suffered: ‘huic semper

irruptioni nos miseri Arverni ianua sumus.’[1360]

We can hardly wonder that this constant unrest made men despair of final

peace. Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, writes to Aurelian in a pessimistic

strain.[1361] The evils of the time, he thinks, are not really healed.

At best they cannot be said to be more than kept within bounds, so that

the peace which coyly appears is fictitious. The mind is lulled to rest

with a false security only until there comes the recrudescence of a worse

fear and the faltering sobs of grief. ‘Wherefore, my good friend, cease

to hope for the end of our evils in the midst of fiery ills, and when

a change comes and the storm has abated and the face of ever so small

a calm shows itself, do not delight in the altered events; make use of

them.’

The effect of this upon the social fabric, and so on education, is

obvious. Even if, as Freeman thinks, the youth of Gaul were not much

concerned in the defence of their country, which was left mainly to such

allies as the Franks,[1362] education must have shared in the general

disorganization of society. The material means of instruction was

frequently removed by the impoverishment of families.

Qui centum quondam terram vertebat aratris,

aestuat ut geminos possit habere boves.

vectus magnificas carpentis saepe per urbes,

rus vacuum fessis aeger adit pedibus.

ille decem celsis sulcans maria ante carinis

nunc lembum exiguum scandit et ipse regit.[1363]

The roads, which had promoted education by linking up towns and spreading

civilization, were now (as we have seen) uncertain and unsafe. Centres,

consequently, which had previously teemed with life, now became isolated,

torpid, despairing. Schools and books were neglected.

Maxima pars lapsis abiit iam mensibus anni

quo scripta est versu pagina nulla tuo.[1364]

The sum total of education was decreased materially by the slaughter of

children:

Quid pueri insontes? Quid commisere puellae

nulla quibus dederat crimina vita brevis?[1365]

Yet there is the spark which kept alive the flickering torch of learning

in the dark ages, the interest in literature surviving material ruin.

For, in spite of the crash of circumstances and although times are sad,

there is a feeling that the mind, even when oppressed by misfortune,

should keep unconquered its interest in education:

Invictum deceat studiis servare vigorem.

There is much of rude and rushing violence in this ‘barbarization’ of

Gaul. One of the writers likened it to a flood, and as far as the time

at which he wrote is concerned he was right. But, regarded as a whole,

the process was gradual and persistent. Gaul became de-Romanized ‘not

as a valley is ravaged by a torrent, but as the most solid substance is

disorganized by the continual infiltration of a foreign substance’.[1366]

So Rutilius says of Rome, referring to Stilicho’s German followers:

Ipsa satellitibus pellitis Roma patebat,

et captiva prius quam caperetur erat.[1367]

But subtler still than gradual infiltration of foreigners in producing

the decline of culture were the ideas and ideals that lay at the root of

the imperial and the rhetorical systems. While on the one hand the Empire

made the schools of Gaul its proper care, it was, by its economic system,

calling into life the subversive power of Bagaudae bands.[1368]

While the schools were fostering education and creating a love of

learning, they were at the same time killing the true spirit of education

by the methods they employed. It was a matter of ends and ideals, and

these we must now briefly consider.

3. IDEALS

Ἐν οὐρανᾥ ἴσως παράδειγμα ἀνάκειται τῷ βουλομένῳ ὁρᾶν, καὶ

ὁρῶντι ἑαυτὸν κατοικίζειν.

Plato, _Republic_ 592 B.

The rhetorical system of education, much praised and universally

accepted, had many points in its favour. It seemed to be the only method,

backed as it was by a great tradition. It was regular and well organized

and stable by reason of its imperial support. It had produced many great

men in the past and had the blessing of mighty names. That was enough

for the fourth-century Gaul, who did not trouble to make distinctions.

For the voices of protest had long died down, and this was the time of

‘Rhetorica triumphans’.

It was also undoubtedly a necessary means of training men for public

speaking, popular because the emperor so substantially encouraged the

imperial orator. The service of the State was a laudable aspiration.

Moreover, the rhetorical exercises produced ingenuity and nimbleness of

wit. They were very laudable, also, for creating lucidity of thought,

by insisting-on clear-cut arrangement in every theme. The ‘Panegyrici

Latini’ are an example of this. To themselves they could have applied

the saying of Voltaire: ‘nous sommes comme les petits ruisseaux: sommes

clairs parce que nous sommes peu profonds’.[1369] They have neither the

formlessness of the Fathers nor the complexity of Sidonius. Further,

there was a good side to all the concentration on form that is so

prominent in this period. It kept the language pure at a time when it

was feared that Latin would be utterly barbarized.[1370] It preserved

the grammar, and did much to preserve the form. When we find Rome

tenaciously keeping for herself the teaching of law, and standardizing

education by connecting the teachers directly with the emperor, it is

because she realizes that the Latin language is the medium through which

she rules, and that uniform obedience depends on her subjects uniformly

understanding her commands.

There was also a physical aspect. Proper exercise of the organs of speech

is regarded by medical opinion as comparable to walking and swimming.

In modern times we lay stress on the exercise of all parts of the body,

but tend to neglect the proper cultivation of elocution. If we developed

it more we might hear less of such prevalent things as ‘minister’s’ and

‘schoolmaster’s’ sore throat. Medical evidence goes to show that better

exercise of the vocal organs is far more effective than surgical remedies.

More important was the aesthetic side. We to-day have largely lost the

sense of beauty in speech. Language has become to us for the most part

a matter of the written word. We have ceased to feel as vividly as

Isocrates did in his letter to Philip[1371] the need of the living voice

to express the soul of which the letters are the body. The artistic

joy which is found in the form and arrangement of words, in the sound

given to them by a dramatic speaker, in the gestures of an accomplished

orator—this joy has largely disappeared. Yet we feel that it was there

in the Latin panegyrists. We may say that theirs is ‘a tale of little

meaning’, but we must admit that ‘the words are strong’—strong and

beautiful. To read their productions is like looking on a piece of

mediaeval art, a stained-glass window, where the figures are grotesque

and the fable futile, but the richly blended colours bind us by their

beauty. They knew and lived for the inner loveliness of words. And

perhaps they would say to us: ‘You who read so widely and know so much,

you think you understand. But in order really to understand you must

hear the word pronounced so that its sound as well as its form calls up

a picture to the mind. It is only when you conceive of the study of a

language as artistic both in sound and in form that it becomes the key to

poetry. Do you not sometimes neglect the sound in your studies?’

They might also have said that there was an inarticulateness in modern

times which led to misunderstanding: that if men had been taught to

express their thoughts better there would be less strife and less dumb

agony. And to a certain extent they would have been right.

But against them we can urge serious charges. The simplest and most

fundamental objection to the rhetorical system is that it neglected the

search for truth. It thought too much of means and too little of ends.

Lessing stated in his _Laocoon_ the eternal aim of science. ‘The ultimate

object of the sciences is truth. Truth is necessary to the soul, and in

the satisfaction of this essential need it is tyranny to employ even the

slightest check.’[1372] The words apply to the education of our period.

For the teachers of that time did not make truth their chief end, and

how much tyranny there resulted for the soul of man we have had some

opportunity of seeing.

The ancients felt this themselves. They recognized the force of

Seneca’s dictum: ‘Scholae non vitae discimus’. Tacitus had criticized

the system in his _Dialogue_, and Petronius is very outspoken in his

condemnation. He considers that the school produces in its pupils not

wisdom but folly, seeing that what they hear or see there has no bearing

on practical life. ‘It is for ever pirates standing in chains on the

beach, tyrants writing edicts in which they order sons to cut off their

fathers’ heads, oracles to avert a pestilence demanding the sacrifice of

three or more virgins, verbal honey-balls, all words and acts sprinkled,

as it were, with poppy seed and sesame. Children brought up in these

surroundings can no more be sensible than those who live in a kitchen can

be fragrant.’[1373]

The school-exercises which Aphthonius prescribed clearly illustrate

these objections. The artificiality of obeying all the rules at all

times for a certain type of subject is apparent even in the models. In

a little essay on ‘Poverty’, introduced by two verses of Theognis, the

poet, under the heading ἐγκωμιαστικόν, is praised at length for seeing

what an exaggerated emphasis poets lay on myths, and turning to serious

moral teaching.[1374] He is also praised for observing metrical rules,

which is at any rate less harmful than the sentiment expressed in the

text that it is better to die than to be poor. Under the heading ‘cause’

it is alleged that poverty is incompatible with virtue. Those who are

rid of poverty grow up fine men and do glorious deeds and entertain the

poor. Look at Irus, the beggar (under the heading παραδείγματα)—he was

so poor that he had even to change his name: for formerly he was called

Arnaeus. And think of all the woes of Ulysses himself when he came home

in the disguise of a beggar. How terrible it is to be poor! For all this

a verse must be found from some poet (under the heading μαρτυρία παλαιῶν)

in order to give the seal of respectability. This quotation is generally

chosen quite irrespective of the main theme, Euripides being quoted on

this occasion to the effect that poverty cannot change nobility of birth.

Truth is made to consist in the nature of the charge brought, and not

sought in the human facts of the case. Thus, in the stock example of

a speech against a tyrant,[1375] we have a ‘_conjectural_ attack on

the man’s past life’, and an ‘exclusion of pity’ worked up with the

utmost artificiality. Ingenuity, not truth, is the object. And the

same can be said of the ‘Encomium’, in which we find the germ of the

panegyric. Of all these exercises those which fall under the heading

of ‘Description’[1376] are the only ones which possess any kind of

naturalness.

The reflection of this unnaturalness is abundantly seen in the

literature of the day. Almost any work of Ausonius could be taken as an

illustration. He consciously opposes grace to strength, and the result

is disappointing. ‘Si qua tibi in his versiculis videbuntur ... fucatius

concinnata quam verius, et plus coloris quam suci habere, ipse sciens

fluere permisi, venustula ut essent magis quam forticula.’[1377] He takes

nineteen lines to express the number six,[1378] and fourteen lines to say

that there were thirty oysters.[1379] Such a ‘numerum doctis involutum

ambagibus’ seems to have been a common way of expending ‘poetic’ energy.

Then, as if this were not enough, he goes on to expound the ‘doctae

ambages’ in the baldest possible way (_Septenis quater adde et unum et

unum, etc._) in twelve more lines. Similar examples could be indefinitely

multiplied. Nor were they just the whim of an idle humour. We meet them

everywhere. Bishop Sidonius at the age of fifty says, in a serious

estimate of a man’s poetic abilities, that he was good at ‘echoing’ and

‘recurrent’ verses, and at ‘anadiplosis’[1380] (i.e. resuming a verse

with the end phrase of the previous one). Asked by a correspondent as to

recurrent verses, he gives a stock example (_antiquum_), which shows that

the literary practice was of some standing. The point of such a verse was

that it could be read backwards letter for letter without altering the

sense:

Roma tibi subito motibus ibit amor,

while in a ‘versus echoicus’ the first part of the first verse was the

same as the second part of the second. He adds another kind which he had

composed while delayed by a swollen river, and here the merit was that

the words could be read backwards retaining the order of the letters in

each word, without prejudice to the sense:

Praecipiti modo quod decurrit tramite flumen

tempore consumptum iam cito deficiet.[1381]

His appreciation of Remigius’s declamations show the same emphasis

on formal and external merits.[1382] The point is not so much that

responsible poets went in for writing verses of the kind quoted, but that

they attached so much importance to them.

It is striking how many of Ausonius’s poems have to do with the

dead[1383] or the unreal.[1384] Even his letters are full of

artificialities. In the same way Sidonius and Avitus of Vienne are always

writing epitaphs. Their interest is with the past, of which they are

the conscious imitators;[1385] and if Ausonius was genuinely interested

in the living present when he wrote the _Mosella_, that is his one poem

which has commended itself to readers of every age. In general, we may

say that the ‘litterati’ of this time imitated the past in style and

language to a degree that destroyed individuality. Though Sidonius

criticizes Titianus for copying people not of his age,[1386] his own

writings abound in archaisms.[1387] He praises Claudianus Mamertus[1388]

and Leo, the minister of Euric,[1389] for their imitation of antiquity.

Claudianus Mamertus recommends as models of style Naevius, Plautus,

Cato, Varro, Gracchus, and ‘Chryssiphus’, Fronto and Cicero, adding that

even the modern writers of note did not read the moderns: attention must

therefore be concentrated on the ancients, for they are the source of

modern merit.[1390] Nor was this merely theoretical advice. How extensive

the worship of the ancients was, from the scrupulous imitation of Cicero

in Eumenius and the panegyrists[1391] to the plagiarism of Vergil by

everybody, has been fully demonstrated by the various editors.[1392] All

this meant a turning away from the living language, the creation of a

scholastic tongue, the intellectualization of education. So, when Greek

literature lost its vitality, we find a rigid and senseless Atticism

appearing in Dionysius of Halicarnassus during the first century B.C.;

the dual was brought up from the underworld; and language, instead of

developing its resources, was stretched on the Procrustes-bed of a

standard that had ceased to be natural.[1393] So, too, when the living

genius of Petrarch and Dante arose, it broke away from the half-dead

Latin and turned to Italian. The problem here involved arises to-day

in many countries. In Holland the growing Flemish Movement headed by

Stijn Streuvels and others has compelled recognition; in Norway there

is a similar movement; and in South Africa the Education Department is

increasingly recognizing the use of Afrikaans in the schools. For the

more education disregards the form of the language that lives in the

hearts of the people, the less will it understand and be able to teach

them effectively. In other words, an undue archaism means artificiality,

means a wandering from the truth.

The result was (as we may judge from the complaints of the critics) that

the product of the rhetorical system often found himself in the position

of a fire-brigade without a fire. He had all the machinery, and had used

it all in mock alarms, but had missed that contact with reality which

makes for understanding. He had come to look on facility of speech (to

which the Gauls were particularly prone)[1394] as an end in itself. He

had been taught to think that everything was a matter of rule,[1395] and

often found too late that life demanded a different and a deeper method.

Why was it that the rhetorical system, with all its virtues, failed

in this way? To put it quite shortly, we should say that it failed

because it did not aim at the best. Ennodius indicates its aims in two

brief sentences. ‘Nos vitae maculas tergimus artis ope’[1396]—polish,

style, external refinement; ‘Qui nostris servit studiis, mox imperat

orbi’—imperial service. These were the two main objects, both of them

good and desirable in themselves, but not the highest. And it was

because the abuse of these two aims led to a conflict between them

and the highest aim, truth, because the rhetorical system was content

with a second best[1397] which could not remain uncorrupted except in

connexion with the best, it was for this reason that, ultimately, failure

inevitably ensued. Other and more material causes may easily be argued,

but this is the inherent and fundamental cause.

How far did the Christian ideal prove a truer inspiration to education?

It has been remarked that paganism had no idea of progress. The note of

pessimism in Roman literature is typified in such passages as Horace’s:

Aetas parentum peior avis tulit

nos nequiores, mox daturos

progeniem vitiosiorem.

But with the Gospels, when the watchword of ‘Estote perfecti’ turned

men’s backward glances forward to the light, the doctrine of progress

began to establish itself more firmly.[1398]

Now progress depends on the truth and the vividness of the ideal in view,

and there can be no doubt that the Christians of our period felt their

ideal as a much more living and constant inspiration than the pagans

felt theirs. Paulinus of Pella illustrates this. His poem is alive with

sincere devotion, and the usual dryness of the author draws a vigour and

an inspiration from religious emotion which makes the work, in spite of

its lack of literary formalities, compare favourably with the Panegyrists

or the semi-Christian writers.[1399] His ardour and singleness of

purpose[1400] are also seen in the _De Providentia_ and the _Ad Uxorem_.

In spite of all the sufferings of the ten-years’ slaughter (_caedes

decennis_), there is the clear-eyed calmness of one who sees an ideal

whose brightness and steadiness are undimmed by the storm.

Iniusti tumeant, et tuta pace suorum

laetentur scelerum; nonque illos vinea fallat,

non ager: et noceant illaesi, et crimine crescant:

nos quibus in Christo sunt omnia non capiant res

occiduae.[1401]

Nor is the result of this a sighing resignation: the ideal inspires

vigorous action:

Sed si quis superest animi vigor, excutiamus

peccati servile iugum, ruptisque catenis,

in libertatem et patriae redeamus honorem;[1402]

and again

Nec quia procidimus fusi certamine primo,

stare et conflictum vereamur inire secundum;[1403]

and throughout there is the note of joyful confidence, the certainty of

ultimate victory:

... omnem

vincendi nobis vim de victore petamus

... sine quo non stant qui stare videntur.

All this is found again in the _Ad Uxorem_. In spite of fire, torture,

chains, the final note is a cry of joy:

Semper agam grates Christo, dabo semper honorem:

laus Domini semper vivet in ore meo.[1404]

There can be no doubt that these men were genuine. We feel without being

told that the verses are

sincerum vivo de fonte liquorem.

The ideal was deeply felt and widely spread. Even Sidonius could say

of Lupus: ‘tota illi actionum suarum intentio ... Christus est’.[1405]

There was a conscious strength in the idealism of these men which counted

for much. ‘The Roman world crashes into ruin’, wrote Jerome, in another

connexion, ‘yet our heads are upright and unbowed.’[1406]

This ideal had its effect on oratory. When Augustine wrote the Christian

theory of eloquence,[1407] though he bases the technical part of it

entirely on Cicero and though his sermons abound in parallelism,

homoioteleuta, and even word-play, yet he made a great advance in

declaring that eloquence was not dependent on rhetorical rules but

based, rather, on genuine knowledge and true wisdom.[1408] He felt

keenly the lack of truth in the rhetorical system. Of its teachers he

says that truth was found constantly on their lips but never in their

lives: ‘Dicebant Veritas et Veritas, et multum eam dicebant mihi, et

nusquam erat in eis, et falsa loquebantur.’[1409] And he laid down his

professorship of rhetoric so that he should not be guilty of selling

material for the madness of the youths who studied the foolish falsehoods

and practised the quibbling disputations of the rhetorical system.[1410]

In the _Principia Rhetorices_ he lays stress on understanding the

case,[1411] and maintains that the end of oratory is not merely ‘bene

aut vere dicere’ (as the later rhetoricians certainly thought), but

‘persuadere’.[1412] Thus he brings out the Christian conception of the

essential relation of oratory to man—an ideal which Isocrates and Cicero

had preached, but which had gradually been lost.

Similarly, in his theory of Christian education, the influence of the

ideal is seen. In his scheme of learning, philosophy must make us

understand ‘the order of things’, and help us to distinguish two worlds

and Him who is the Father of the Universe.[1413] The whole perspective is

determined by the Divine. Everything is related to it. And it is not a

mere philosophical abstraction but a real and life-giving centre.

Jung, having described the barrenness of pagan studies, says: ‘Studia

eadem in scholis clericorum’,[1414] and proves from Isidore and Gregory

that the old Roman scheme of education was accepted throughout by the

Christians. But there is something more to be said. The Christian

schools, in so far as they did not fall into utter formlessness,

accepted the scheme of Martianus Capella and of pagan education. But,

in many cases at any rate, there was a change for the better in method

and spirit. The Christians used their rhetoric in a living cause,

their dialectic to probe questions crowded with contemporary interest;

their Livy and Sallust to develop a philosophy of history, their

literature to understand and spread the cause of truth for which they

had been martyred. The pagans, on the other hand, used their rhetoric

for fictitious cases (_falsas lites_), their dialectic for ingenious

trifling, their history as the handmaid of rhetoric, their literature

to imitate Cicero or Fronto or Pliny, to write freakish verses, or to

flatter the emperor. A sign of the advance made by the Christians in the

search for truth is that criticism begins to awake in a world on which

traditional ideas had lain

Heavy as frost, and deep, almost, as life.

Vigilantius in Gaul criticizes the rites of the Church and Pelagianism,

Priscillianism, the questions about the spirituality of the soul—all

point to a new stimulation of the intellect.

Yet Christian education also failed in its search for truth. As we

have seen, the exigencies of the time drove its exponents to a zealous

narrowness whose watchword was stated by Claudianus Mamertus, when,

in his _Contra vanos poetas_, he said that the divine _alone_ must be

studied:

Incipe divinis tantum dare pectora rebus.

By limiting the meaning of ‘divina’ to dogma, the Church imposed fetters

on the seeker after truth which, though not very prominent in our period,

became exceedingly galling in the times that followed. Eucherius (to

take a final example) writes to Valerian appealing to him to lay aside

the love of the world and the study of worldly philosophy, to turn to

the study of true piety and true philosophy.[1415] The key-note of the

letter is: ‘Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animae

vero suae detrimentum patiatur?’ with a special connotation of ‘mundum’.

The incompatibility between secular and sacred literature is emphasized,

and illustrated by edifying stories about Clement, Gregory, and Paulinus

of Nola. The conclusion is: ‘Quin tu, repudiatis illis philosophorum

praeceptis ... ad imbibenda Christiana dogmatis studia animum adicis?...

In illis namque eorum praeceptis vel adumbrata virtus vel falsa

sapientia....’ The position is not that the philosophers should be read

and then rejected, but that they should not be read at all.

Thus, the leaders of Christian education in Gaul, however excusable their

attitude at the time, established that regrettable dichotomy between

secular and sacred knowledge which has been the bane of succeeding ages.

While, on the one hand, they made an advance towards truth by stimulating

thought and criticism, on the other, they did not, perhaps could not,

succeed in recognizing that truth is one and indivisible, and that her

seekers know of no such divisions.

And so we are forced back on our ever-recurring problem: how is man,

his emotions and environment being what they are, to attain to the

scientific attitude of mind? Socrates long ago saw the difficulty of

having a body which fills us with ‘passions and desires and fears and

all sorts of fancies and foolishness’, and makes it impossible for us

to be single-minded in our pursuit of the truth.[1416] Yet he, and

the great teachers of mankind throughout the ages, have insisted with

an earnestness that reached to martyrdom, that such an unswerving and

disinterested quest is the one result in education that truly matters,

that it is the condition of progress and the criterion of culture. And

if the way is long and the battle fierce, we must choose the dust and

heat rather than lose sight of the ideal. καλὸν γὰρ τὸ ἆθλον καὶ ἡ ἐλπὶς

μεγάλη.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Cf. Freeman, _Methods of Historical Study_, pp. 31 ff.

[2] e.g. Bury, _Roman Empire_, Introd., p. vii; Freeman, _Western Europe

during the Fifth Century_, p. 260.

[3] Cf. Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, I. ii. 325 and 326, ‘Chrétiens et

païens s’accordaient pour reconnaître ‘en lui un sauveur’.

[4] Pacatus (_Pan. Lat._ ii. 28) celebrates his loyalty, while Prosper

condemns it (Bury-Gibbon, iii. 138). Hodgkin, i. 380, accepts his

fidelity.

[5] ‘An ego nunc receptas virtute tua Gallias, barbariam omnem subactam,

pergam quasi nova et inaudita memorare? Quae in hac Romani imperii

parte gloriosissima sint famae laude celebrata....’ _Pan. Lat._ iii. 3.

Baehrens reads _sint_, though the indicative would seem more natural.

[6] Ibid., § 7.

[7] Ibid., § 4.

[8] ‘Tu, tu, inquam, maxime imperator ... extincta iam litterarum studia

flammasti, tu philosophiam paulo ante suspectam ... non modo iudicio

liberasti sed amictam purpura, auro gemmisque redimitam in regali solio

conlocasti.’ Ibid., § 23.

[9] The phrase is Freeman’s. Syagrius fled to Toulouse after the battle

of Soissons (486). But he was pursued by Alaric II, whose protégé he had

been, and handed over in chains to the victorious Franks. Greg. Tur.,

_Historia Frankorum_, ii. 27.

[10] Jullian, ‘Les Premières Universités Françaises’, _Rev. internat. de

l’Enseignement_, 1893.

[11] Freeman, _Historical Essays_, vii. 164.

[12] Ammianus, xv. 9. 7 (ed. Gardthausen). Cf. Plut. _Solon_, ii. 15;

Pausan. x. 8. 6 (ed. Dübner). So Isidore of Seville, Migne, _Patr. Lat._

lxxxii. 537. Cf. Mela, ii. 77.

[13] Athen. xiii. 576a (ed. Kaibel).

[14] Lucan, _Phars._ ii. 298; v. 53 (Phocis), as against the majority,

e.g. Strabo, iv. 1. 5 (Phocaea).

[15] Thuc. i. 13. 6; Seneca, _Ad Hel._ vii. 8; Silius Ital. xv. 168 ff.;

Jerome, Praef. Lib. II, _Ep. ad Galat._, &c.

[16] Head, _Historia Numorum_ (1911), p. 7.

[17] _Pro Fonteio_, 15. 34 ‘Urbs Massilia ... fortissimorum

fidelissimorumque sociorum’. Cf. Phil. viii. 6. 18, 19 for a glowing

tribute to Massilia’s friendship.

[18] Strabo, iv. 4. 5 τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν, ἦς πολλὰ ἄν τις λάβοι

σημεῖα.

[19] Ammianus, xv. 11. 14. Cf. Justinus (following Trogus), _Hist._

xliii. 4 ff. (ed. Benecke), on the traditional friendship of Massilia

with Rome at the time of the battle of the Allia.

[20] Liv. xxi. 20, 25, 26; Polyb. iii. 95.

[21] Caesar, _Bellum Civile_, i. 34. Cf. Dio Cassius (ed. Boissevain),

xli. 19; _Paneg. Lat._ (ed. G. Baehrens), vi. 19, 3; Orosius, vi. 15. 6,

7 (ed. Zangemeister).

[22] Caesar, _Bell. Civ._ ii. 22; Dio Cassius, _l.c._

[23] Jullian, _Hist. de la Gaule_, i. 216, 217, 407.

[24] Justin, xliii. 5. 2; Thuc. i. 13. 6.

[25] Desjardins, _Géograph. hist. de la Gaule Romaine_, ii. 148.

[26] Strabo, iii. 2. 9 τὸν δὲ κασσίτερον ... καὶ ἐκ τῶν Βρεταννικῶν δὲ

εἰς τὴν Μασσαλίαν κομίζεσθαι.

[27] ‘De Lapidibus’ in Bouquet’s _Recueil des Hist._, p. 654.

[28] Plin. _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 7. 12.

[29] Mela, iii. 2. 17.

[30] _Pro L. Flacco_, 26. 63 ‘Neque vero te, Massilia, praetereo ...

cuius ego civitatis disciplinam atque gravitatem non solum Graeciae, sed

haud scio an cunctis gentibus anteponendam iure dicam’. The Rhodians in

Livy (xxxvii. 54) say that they have heard that the Romans respect and

honour the Massilians as much as though they were the centre of Greek

culture (_umbilicum Graeciae_).

[31] Cf. Strabo, iv. 1. 5.

[32] Strabo, iv. 1. 5. Cf. Jullian, ‘Les Premières Universités

Françaises’ (_Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement_), 1893.

[33] ‘Sedem ac magistram studiorum ... habuit, locum Graeca comitate

provinciali parsimonia mixtum ac bene compositum’, Tac. _Agr._ 4.

Augustus sends L. Antonius, his sister’s grandson, to Massilia, ‘ubi

specie studiorum nomen exilii tegeretur’, Tac. _An._ iv. 44.

[34] _Casina_, V. iv. 1.

[35] Val. Max. ii. 7.

[36] Strabo, iv. 1. 5.

[37] In later times it fell into effeminacy. Justin, xii. 523 c; Polyb.

iii. 79; Liv. xxii. 2, xxxvii. 54.

[38] Livy, xxxvii. 54.

[39] Mela, ii. 77.

[40] _Pol._ 1321 a 37; Strabo, iv. 1. 5.

[41] Justin, xliii. 4. Cf. Macrob. _Somn. Scip._ ii. 10. 8.

[42] Strabo, iv. 1. 5 πάντες γὰρ οἱ χαρίεντες πρὸς τὸ λέγειν τρέπονται

καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν, ὥσθ’ ἡ πόλις μικρὸν μὲν πρότερον τοϊς βαρβάροις ἀνεϊτο

παιδευτήριον, καὶ φιλελληνας κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς Γαλάτας (Gauls), ῶστε καὶ

τὰ συμβόλαια Ἑλληνιστὶ γράφειν.

[43] Ammianus, xv. 9.

[44] Justin, _l.c._

[45] Livy, xxxviii. 17.

[46] Strabo, iv. 1. 5 σοφιστὰς γοῦν ὑποδέχονται τοὺς μὲν ἰδίᾳ, τοὺς δὲ

κοινῇ μισθούμενοι καθάπερ καὶ ἰατρούς.

[47] Lucan, iii. 592.

[48] Cf. Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Paris._ 19.

[49] _Controvers._ ii. 5. 13.

[50] Ibid. ii. 6. 12.

[51] _Moralia_, 897 (ed. Dübner).

[52] Gräfenhan, _Gesch. der Philol._ i. 276.

[53] Monnard, _de Gallorum oratorio ingenio_, p. 3; Wolf, _Prolegom._ 39,

p. 174.

[54] Isidore, _Etymolog._ xi; Jerome, Prolog. in Lib. II, _Ep. ad

Galat._, both of them quoting Varro.

[55] e.g. Neapolis (Napoule), Antipolis (Antibes), Athenopolis (Antea).

[56] _Histoire littéraire de la France_, i. 59, 60.

[57] ‘Compulit ut laicorum popularitas psalmos et hymnos pararet ... alii

Graece alii Latine prosas antiphonasque cantarent’, _Vita Caesarii_,

Migne, _Pat. Lat._ lxvii. 1008.

[58] Jung, _Romanische Landschaften_, 210. Cf. also Inscriptions,

Le Blant, _Nouveau Recueil_, 60, 150, 326, 374, and _L’Épigraphie

chrétienne_, p. 43.

[59] Justin, xliii. 3.

[60] Cf. Jullian, _Hist. de la Gaule_, iii. 33 ff.

[61] Suet. _Tib._ 4. Cf. _C. I. L._ xii. 689.

[62] Lavisee, _Histoire de la France_, I. ii. 210.

[63] Cf. Holmes, _Christian Church in Gaul_, 293, 381.

[64] Justin, xliii. 5. Cf. Strabo, i. 41.

[65] _Recueil des Hist._, Introd., xxv.

[66] Keil, _Gram. Lat._ i. 202.

[67] _B. G._ vi. 17. Cf. Minuc. Felix, vi. 1; xxx. 4.

[68] _C. I. L._ xiii. 1. 1, 2606. Cf. further _C. I. L._ xiii. 1. 1,

2607, 2608, 2609, Chalon-sur-Saône; 2631, 2636, near Autun; 2830, N. of

Prov. Lugdun.; 3011-13, Melun; 3020, Troyes; 3183 ff., Berthouville;

3250, Caleti.

[69] _C. I. L._ xiii. 1. 1, 1125.

[70] _C. I. L._ xiii. 1. 2, _passim_.

[71] _C. I. L._ xiii. 1. 1, 3100.

[72] That the Gallic Mercury resembled his Roman namesake in this

respect is proved by the fact that one of the names of the Celtic

Mercury was Visucius, which comes from the root VID = know (Robert

and Cagnat, _Épigraphie de la Moselle_, p. 59). And Caesar noted as

one of the characteristics of the Gallic Mercury that he was ‘omnium

inventorem artium’ (_Bell. Gall._ vi. 17), though in later times he

comes to be connected chiefly with commerce (cf. Caesar, _l.c._). See

Daremberg-Saglio.

[73] _Polit._ 1269 b 26, 1324 b 9.

[74] _Var. Hist._ xii. 23.

[75] Ἐμπειρίᾳ τῇ ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀπέδεον. They charge μετὰ οὐδενὸς

λογισμοῦ αθάπερ τὰ θηρία, Pausan. x. 21.

[76] Strabo, iv. 4. 4.

[77] Ael. _Var. Hist._ xii. 23.

[78] Athenaeus (quoting Posidonius), vi. 46 (ed. Kaibel).

[79] v. 31.

[80] _B. G._ vi. 13. 4.

[81] _Hist. Litt._ i. 41, 42.

[82] ‘Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata

esse existimatur, et nunc qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt

plerumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur’, Caesar, _B. G._ vi. 13. 11.

[83] Caesar, _B. G._ vi. 14.

[84] Desjardins, _Géog. hist. de la Gaule_, ii. 214, note.

[85] Caesar, _l.c._, and Diodor. v. 28.

[86] Caesar, _l.c._, and Diodor. v. 31.

[87] _De Divin_, i. 41 (90).

[88] iii. 2 (19).

[89]

Solis nosse Deos et caeli numina vobis

aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis

incolitis lucis.—_Phars._ i. 452 ff.

[90] _Hist. Litt._ i. 41, 42.

[91] ‘Huius Gallorum philosophiae, quam Valerius Maximus (ii. 6. 11)

“avaram et faeneratoriam” nuncupat, tenebras dissipavit lux e Graecia

allata in Phoceensium coloniam, Massiliam’. _De Gallorum Orat. Ingen._ 2.

[92] _Cambr. Mediaev. Hist._ i. 185.

[93] Tac. _Hist._ iv. 54.

[94] Cf. Jung, _De Scholis Rom. in Gall. Comata._ 2.

[95] ‘Druidarum religionem apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, et tantum

civibus sub Augusto interdictam, penitus abolevit (_sc._ Claudius)’,

Suet. _Claudius_, xxv. 5.

[96] _De Caes._ iv.

[97] _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 1. 4 ‘Namque Tiberii Caesaris principatus sustulit

Druidas’.

[98] _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 249; xxiv. 103; xxx. 13.

[99] _Script. Hist. Aug._ xxvi. 44 ‘Sciscitantem utrum apud eius posteros

imperium permaneret’.

[100] Ibid. xxx. 14.

[101] _Hist. de la Gaule mérid._, i. 541.

[102] Lavisse, _Hist. de la France_, I. iii. 385.

[103] Caesar, _B. G._ vi. 14.

[104] iv. 1. 12.

[105] Migne, _Patrologia Graeca_, vii. 444.

[106] _Script. Hist. Aug., Alex. Sev._ 60.

[107] Auson. _Prof._ iv. 7; x. 27.

[108] Ausonius may be using ‘Belenus’ for ‘Apollo’ in a playful mood,

as Mommsen thinks; but the name Belenus was exceedingly well known in

Gaul, and indicates that Celtic civilization had left its mark. See

Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.

[109] _Technop._ xiv.

[110] _Ep._ iii. 3. 2.

[111] His use of _quia_ and _quod_ instead of the infinitive

construction; abstract for concrete nouns; the growing importance of

prepositions; peculiar words like _fatigatio_ (banter), _eventilare_

(search through), _humanitas_ (hospitality). See Dalton’s preface to his

translation of Sidonius, and Baret’s introduction to his edition (pp. 106

ff.).

[112] Comment. in _Ep. ad Galat._ Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxvi. 357.

[113] _Historical Essays_, Series III, pp. 74 ff.

[114] _Hist. de la France_, I. iii. 388.

[115] _Revue celtique_, 1870-2, p. 179.

[116] _Gaule romaine_, p. 129.

[117] Freeman, _Western Europe in the Fifth Century_, p. 143.

[118] e.g. _lox_ (_la ruche_), hive; _alauda_, Fr. _alouette_; _carrum_,

Fr. _char_; *_cambitâ_, Fr. _jante_ (felly) (Körting, _Lat.-roman.

Wörterb._, 1778); _betullus_, O.F. _booul_, M.F. _bouleau_ (birch);

_braca_, M.F. _braie_; _camisia_, M.F. _chemise_; _landâ_, Fr.

_lande_ (Körting, _op. cit._, 5419); probably _jambe_ and _javelot_.

See Schwan-Behrens, _Grammaire de l’Ancien Français_, p. 5. Paris,

Fischbacher, 1913.

[119] _C. I. L._ xiii. 2638.

[120] Pirson, _La Langue des Inscriptions lat. de la Gaule_, p. 237.

[121] _Romanische Landschaften_, p. 272.

[122] Gröber, _Grundriss der roman. Philol._, i. 383.

[123] Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, ii. 1. 2, p. 59.

[124] Gothofredus, _C. Th._ ix. 23. 1, refers to a law by which ‘in

Gallia vetita auri et argenti extra regnum exportatio’. So _C. Th._ vii.

16. 3 ‘Ne merces illicitae ad nationes barbaras deferantur’. ‘Merces

illicitae’ are defined by Gothofredus as ‘vinum, oleum, liquamen (lye),

ferrum, frumentum, sales, cos’ (mill-stone).

[125] _Pan. Lat._ vi. 6 ‘Ut in desertis Galliae regionibus collocatae

(nationes) et pacem Romani imperii cultu (agriculture) iuvarent et arma

dilectu’. Cf. viii. 9 ‘Arat ergo nunc mihi Chamavus et Frisius’.

[126] Gröber, _Grundriss der romanischen Philologie_, p. 383 (article by

F. Kluge. A certain allowance must be made for nationalist bias).

[127] H. Paul, _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_, i. 328 ff.

[128] _De Bissula_, iii.

[129] _Cod. Theod._ iii. 14. 1, ed. Mommsen and Meyer.

[130] _Histoire de France_, ii. 1. 2, p. 59. Cf. Süpfle, _Gesch. des

deutschen Cultureinflusses auf Frankreich_, i. 1. 1.

[131] Oros. vii. 32, quoted Bury-Gibbon, iii. 350 _n._

[132] Cf. Fauriel, i. 541.

[133] ‘Id tu Brute iam intelliges, quum in Galliam veneris: audies tu

quidem etiam verba quaedam non trita Romae, sed haec mutari dediscique

possunt’, Cic. _Brutus_, 171.

[134] ‘Tantum increbruit multitudo desidiosorum ut, nisi vel paucissimi

quique meram linguae Latiaris proprietatem de trivialium barbarismarum

robigine vindicaveritis, eam brevi abolitam defleamus interemptamque’,

Sid. _Ep._ ii. 10. 1.

[135] _Ep._ iv. 17. 2.

[136] e.g. _Franko_ (Fr. _franc_), _Alaman_ (O.F. _Aleman_), &c.;

_sturm_, O.F. _estour_; _wahta_, O.F. _guaite_ (watch); _helm_, &c.;

_siniskalk_, Fr. _sénéchal_; _marahskalk_, Fr. _maréchal_; _alod_,

O.F. _aleu_ (freehold); _sparwâri_, O.F. _esparvier_; _haring_, Fr.

_hareng_; _wald_, O.F. _gualt_; *_hapja_, Fr. _hache_ (hatchet); _want_,

Fr. _gant_ (glove); _bald_, O.F. _balt_; _spëhon_, O.F. _espier_, &c.

_Affre_ < Old Low Frank. _aibhor_ (Körting, _op. cit._, 384); _hâte_

(Eng. _haste_), Germ. *_haist-_ (Körting, 4459); _guise_ (Eng. _wise_),

Germ. _wīsa_ (Körting, 10403); _orgueil_, Germ. _urgōlī_ (Körting,

9914). Schwan-Behrens, _op. cit._, p. 6. For the traces of Germanic in

inscriptions see Pirson, _op. cit._, p. 236.

[137] Sidon. _Ep._ i. 2. 1.

[138] _Ep._ i. 2. 6.

[139] Ibid.

[140] _Ep._ ii. 1. 2.

[141] _Ep._ iv. 17.

[142] _Ep._ i. 2. 5 (§ 8).

[143] Ennod., _Script. Eccles. Lat._, p. 353.

[144] The acts and decrees of the Visigothic and Burgundian kings were in

Latin, and they chose their secretaries from the Latin rhetoricians and

poets. Sidonius speaks of documents drawn up by himself for the Gothic

king (_Ep._ viii. 3). Thus the star of rhetoricians and grammarians rose

high at the court of Theodoric.

[145] Cf. _Camb. Mediaev. Hist._, p. 291.

[146] Cf. Fauriel, _Hist. de la Gaule mérid._, i. 466.

[147] _Ep._ ii. 5; viii. 1.

[148] Sid. _Ep._ v. 7.

[149] Paulin. _Euchar._, verse 304.

[150] Paulin. _Euchar._, verses 289, 290.

[151] _Vide_ 306:

Cum iam in republica nostra

cernamus plures Gothico florere favore,

tristia quaeque tamen perpessis antea multis,

pars ego magna fui quorum....

and cf. 311 ff.

[152] _Paulin de Pella_, p. xxiii.

[153] Cf. Sidon. _Ep._ v. 14.

[154] Fauriel, _op. cit._, i. 559.

[155] ‘Ut ... populos Galliarum ... teneamus ex fide etsi non tenemus

foedere’, _Ep._ vii. 6. 10.

[156] Gröber, _Grundriss der röm. Phil._, i. 387. In order to indicate

the nature of the barbarous Gothic with which he is surrounded, the

poet contemptuously quotes some Gothic that came into his mind. The

interpretation is not certain. Massmann (_Zeitsch. f. d. Altertum_, i.

379 ff.) suggests ‘Hail! provide us with meat and drink’. In any case,

their language is incompatible with Latin poetry.

[157]

Ex hoc barbaricis abacta plectris

spernit senipedem stilum Thalia

ex quo septipedes videt patronos.—_Carm._ xii.

[158] _Ep._ vii. 14. 10.

[159] _Ep. ad Diversos_, lvii (ed. Peiper).

[160] i. 44.

[161] Cf. Boissier, _La Fin du Paganisme_, ii. 59 ff.; Fauriel, _Hist._

i. 440.

[162] Tac. _An._ xi. 24; Dessau, _Inscrip. Lat. Sel._ i. 212.

[163] Ammian. xv. 11. 5 ‘Aquitani ... facile in dicionem venere Romanam’.

[164] Even the inscriptions give no help, for they are drawn up in formal

phrases.

[165] Cf. Lavisse, _Hist. de France_, i. 3. 338.

[166] Tac. _Hist._ iv. 55-9.

[167] _Historical Essays_, iii. 80.

[168] iv. 4. 2.

[169] Trebellius, _Script. Hist. Aug._ xxiii. 4 ‘Galli ... quibus insitum

est, leves ... et luxuriosos principes ferre non posse’.

[170] Ammian. xv. 6. 4.

[171] _Script. Hist. Aug._ xviii. 60. 6.

[172] Zos. vi. 5 ὁ Ἀρμόριχος ἅπας καὶ ἕτεραι Γαλατῶν ἐπαρχίαι ...

ἐκβάλλουσαι μὲν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἄρχοντας, οἰκεῖον δὲ κατ’ ἐζουσίαν

πολίτευμα καθιστᾶσαι....

[173] ‘Galliaque quae semper praesidet atque praesedit huic imperio

... se suasque vires non tradidit, sed opposuit Antonio’, _Phil._ v.

13. 37. Cf. iv. 4, and _Ep. ad Fam._ xii. 5 ‘totam Galliam tenebamus

studiosissimam Reipublicae’.

[174] _Nat. Hist._ iii. 4.

[175] _De Consul. Stilich._ iii. 53.

[176] _Carm. Min._ 30. 61. Cf. _In Eutrop._ ii. 248.

[177] _Pan. Lat._ v. 2 ff.

[178] ‘Constituta enim et in perpetuum Roma fundata est, omnibus qui

statum eius labefactare poterant cum stirpe deletis’, _Pan. Lat._ iv. 6

and 31.

[179] _De Reditu_, i. 19 ff.

[180] Bury-Gibbon, iii. 234.

[181] i. 51 ff.

[182] i. 95.

[183] _De Consul. Stil._ i. 192.

[184] _Pan. Lat._ v. 7.

[185] It must, however, be admitted that the local provenance of the

marble at Martres Tolosanes is disputed by some authorities, e.g.

Espérandieu, _Les Bas-reliefs de la Gaule romaine_, vol. ii, p. 29.

[186] Déchelette, _Les Vases céramiques ornés de la Gaule romaine_.

[187] Cf. Pichon, _Études sur la Litt. lat. dans les Gaules_, i. 110 ff.

[188] Cf. Constantine’s treatment of the Franks, _Pan. Lat._ vi. 10. 12.

[189] ‘Terram Bataviam ... a diversis Francorum gentibus occupatam,

omni hoste purgavit, nec contentus vicisse, ipsas in Romanas transtulit

nationes, ut non solum arma, sed etiam feritatem ponere cogerentur’,

_Pan. Lat._ vi. 5.

[190] _Pan. Lat._ vi. 6.

[191] _Life and Letters in the Fourth Century_, p. 3.

[192] E. W. Watson, _Hilary of Poitiers_, Introd., ii.

[193] _Ep._ ix. 11. 2.

[194] _Ep._ viii. 6. 9 (Seeck).

[195] ‘Romanum denique eloquium non suis regionibus invenisti, et ibi te

Tulliana lectio disertum reddidit ubi quondam Gallica lingua resonavit.

Ubi sunt qui litteras Latinas Romae, non etiam alibi asserunt esse

discendas? ... mittit et Liguria Tullios suos’, _Variarum_, viii. 12;

Migne, _Pan. Lat._ lxix, p. 745.

[196] ‘Neque enim ignoro quanto inferiora nostra sint ingeniis Romanis.

Siquidem Latine et diserte loqui illis ingeneratum est ... ex illo fonte

et capite imitatio nostra derivat’, _Pan. Lat._ xii. 1. 2.

[197] As we gather from his references to the Rhine defences (§ 2).

[198] According to G. Baehrens.

[199] Cf. Freeman, _Historical Essays_, Ser. III, 119: ‘The panegyrist,

at all events in addressing princes, some of whom were certainly very

far from fools, is not likely to venture on much in the way of mere

invention. He will leave out a great deal, he will exaggerate a great

deal, he will pervert his own moral sense to praise a great deal that

ought to be blamed: but the main facts which he asserts are pretty sure

to have happened much as he states them. He is a fairly good authority

for positive facts, bad for negative ones.’ Cf. Pichon, _Études sur la

Litt. lat. dans les Gaules_, i. 74.

[200] Suet. _Gram._ 3.

[201] Ritter has pointed out that Maternus was a Gaul in his 1848 edition

of _Dialog._, ch. 10.

[202] Suet. _Gram._ 7.

[203] Suet. _Gram._ 11 ‘peridoneus praeceptor maxime ad poeticam

tendentibus’.

[204] In the list of rhetors left by Suetonius, incorporated by Jerome in

his translation of Eusebius’s _Chronicle_, which also includes Pacatus

and Gabinianus who taught in the first century A.D. under Tiberius and

Augustus at Massilia, Statius Ursulus of Toulouse, famous as a rhetor

under Nero, and his contemporary Domitius Afer of Nîmes.

[205] _Recueil des Hist._, i, Intro., p. lxxvii.

[206] Cf. Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Paris_. i. 19.

[207] ‘Les Prem. Univ. Franç.’, _Rev. intern. de l’Enseignement_, 1893.

[208] Tac. _An._ xi. 24.

[209] Mart. _Epigr._ ix. 99. Cf. Auson. _Parent._ iii. 11; _Prof._ xix.

4; Sidon. _Carm._ vii. 437.

[210] _Epigr._ vii. 88:

Me legit omnis ibi, senior iuvenisque puerque,

et coram tetrico casta puella viro.

[211] _Agric._ 21. Cf. Juv. xv. 111 ‘Gallia causidicos docuit facunda

Britannos’.

[212] i.e. ‘The Britons had a natural capacity superior to that of the

Gauls ... they only needed the same training to make them better orators’

(Furneaux, _ad loc._).

[213] _Praef. Herac._ 8.

[214] _Noct. Att._ xv. 1.

[215] ‘Quasi ex lingua prorsum eius capti prosequebamur,’ ibid. xvi. 3.

[216] _Noct. Att._ xviii. 5.

[217] Ibid. xvii. 5.

[218] Monnard, _De Gallorum Oratorio Ingenio_, 37.

[219] Monnard, _l.c._

[220] Elegantiora studia ... novas quasi receperunt vires, et insignem

recuperandam linguae promiserunt dignitatem, quod in eius (Latinae

linguae) cultum et optimas litteras perpoliendas propagandasque cum

veteribus magistris sanctioris doctrinae praesides conspirarent’,

Funccius, _De Vegeta Latinae Linguae Senectute_.

[221] ‘Rhetoribus et philosophis per omnes provincias salaria et honores

detulit’, _Script. Hist. Aug._ iii. 11. 3.

[222] C. Fronto, _Reliquiae_, ed. Niebuhr, 271.

[223] _Histoire litt. de la France_, i. 309.

[224] Ibid. 314.

[225] _Script. Hist. Aug._ xxviii. 30. 31.

[226] Ibid. 44. 4. He favoured the study of law in the provinces.

[227] _Pan. Lat._ ii. 4 ‘Florentissimas quondam antiquissimasque

urbes barbari possidebant. Gallorum ita celebrata nobilitas aut ferro

occiderat, aut immitibus addicta dominis serviebat. Porro aliae, quas a

vastitate barbarica terrarum intervalla distulerant, iudicum nomine a

nefariis latronibus obtinebantur.... Nemo ab iniuria liber, nemo intactus

a contumelia.’

[228] ‘Ab arcanis sacrorum penetralium ad privata Musarum adyta’, Eum.

_Pro Instaurandis Scholis_, _Pan. Lat._ ix, § 6 ff.

[229] _An._ iii. 43.

[230] _Pro Inst. Schol._ 4 ‘Latrocinio Bagaudicae rebellionis obsessa

(civitas)‘.

[231] The origin of the name is doubtful. Bulaeus (_Hist. Univ. Paris._

i. 25) thinks that there may have been a founder Maenius, or that it

may have been near the town wall (_prope moenia_). Lavisse favours

_moenianum_ in the sense of a portico on which were displayed maps of the

Empire (_Hist. de France_, i. 3. 367). Lewis and Short give _Maenianum_,

gallery, balcony (Cic. Suet.).

[232] Lipsius, quoted Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Paris_, i. 25 ff.

[233] Ibid.

[234] Cf. Jullian, ‘Les Prem. Univ. Franç.’, _Rev. intern. de

l’Enseignement_, 1893.

[235] Ibid.

[236] _Antike Kunstprosa_, ii. 631. Cf. Dill, _Roman Society during Last

Century of Western Empire_, p. 406; Guizot, _Hist. of Civilization_

(transl. Hazlitt), i. 349.

[237] The struggles of Julian, Valentinian I, and Gratian against the

barbarians were confined to the North and did not affect the main centre

of Gallic education—Aquitaine.

[238]

Factio me sibi non, non coniuratio iunxit:

sincero colui foedere amicitias.—_Domest._ iv. 21.

[239] _Bissula_, Praef.

[240] ‘Les Prem. Univ. Franç.’, _Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement_, 1893.

[241] _Pan. Lat._ iii. 20 ‘multi laboris et minimi usus negotium’.

[242] ‘Fuligine et aranearum telis omnia Romae templa cooperta sunt

... dii quondam nationum cum bubonibus et noctuis in solis culminibus

remanserunt ... iam et Aegyptius Serapis factus est Christianus ...

de India, Perside et Aethiopia monachorum cotidie turbas suscipimus;

deposuit pharetras Armenius, Huni discunt psalterium, Scythia frigora

fervent calore fidei ...’, Jer. _Epist._ cvii. 1, 2.

[243] Ibid.

[244] Cf. Speck, _Quaestiones Ausonianae_, pp. 3 ff.; Glover, _Life and

Letters in the Fourth Century_, pp. 109 ff.; and almost every writer on

Ausonius.

[245] _Pro Instaur. Scholis_, 11 ‘Hoc ego salarium ... expensum referre

patriae meae cupio, et ad restitutionem huius operis ... destinare’.

[246] _Domes._ iv.

[247] _Parent._ iv. 17-20.

[248] _Parent._ vi.

[249] _Prof._ xi.

[250] _Parent._ iii.

[251] _Pan. de Quarto Consulatu Honorii_, 582 (ed. Koch):

Inlustri te prole Tagus, te Gallia doctis

civibus et toto stipavit Roma senatu.

[252] _Ep._ vi. 34, ed. Seeck.

[253] _Ep._ ix. 88 ‘Gallicanae facundiae haustus requiro’.

[254] _Chronicon_ (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxvii. 687) ‘A.D. 358 Alcimus et

Delphidius rhetores in Aquitania florentissime docent’, and in the same

year ‘Minervius Burdigalensis rhetor Romae florentissime docet’.

[255] _Ep._ 125. 6.

[256] Ebert, _Gesch. des Mittelalters_, p. 365, ‘der offenbar mit vielem

Erfolg die noch immer hervorragenden Schulen seiner Heimath besucht

hatte’.

[257] _Ep._ v. 5. 1 (Oxford Trans. by O. M. Dalton).

[258] ‘Quae ille propositionibus aenigmata, sententiis schemata, versibus

commata, digitis mechanemata fecit!’ _Ep._ i. 9. 1.

[259] _Ep._ i. 11. 11.

[260] _Ep._ ii. 1. 2.

[261] _Ep._ iii. 3. 2 ‘nunc etiam Camenalibus modis imbuebatur’.

[262] Cf. Fauriel, _Hist. de la Gaule_, i. 407: ‘Dans ce siècle (5ᵉ)

comme aux précédents, les Gallo-Romains cultivèrent toutes les branches

du savoir et du génie romains.’

[263] Mayor, _Latin Heptateuch_, p. liv.

[264] Cf. Jerome, _Ep._ 83.

[265] _Ep._ ii. 8. 2; ii. 10. 3; iii. 12. 5, &c.

[266] _Ep._ iv. 8. 4.

[267] _Ep._ ii. 10. 5.

[268] _The Monks of the West_, v. 105. He quotes Mabillon, _Traité_, i.

13, 14.

[269] Ibid., p. 108. Montalembert adds Arabic, but this would be

an anachronism for our period. He quotes Bede, _Hist. Eccl._ iv. 2

(sixth cent., but true of our period also) ‘Litteris sacris simul et

saecularibus abundanter ambo erant instructi ... ita ut etiam metricae

artis astronomiae et arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplinam inter

sacrorum apicum (_writings_) volumina suis auditoribus contraderent.’

[270] _Ep._ 120 and 121.

[271] _Ep._ 107.

[272] _Reg. ad Monachos_, Migne, _Pat. Lat._ lxvii. 1100, rule xiv.

[273] e.g. Augustine on Pelagianism, and Pomerius on the nature of the

soul. Kaufmann, _Rhetoren und Kloster-Schulen_, p. 56.

[274] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ l. 773.

[275] Cf. Salonius’s exposition of the Proverbs to Veranius, and the

letters of Jerome.

[276] Cf. _Life of Martin_, 1.

[277] Cf. Sulpic. Sever. _Dial._ i. 23.

[278] Cf. Meyer, _Die Legende des heiligen Albanus_, p. 5, on the

hagiographical literature of the early Church: ‘Die glänzenden Gedanken

und die glänzende Darstellung der Cecilialegende entspricht der feinen

Kultur Roms im 5. Jahrhundert.’

[279] _C. I. L._ xii. 1921 (_grammati_ probably = γραμματεῖ).

[280] _C. I. L._ xii. 2039.

[281] Boissieu, _Inscrip. de Lyon_, p. 548.

[282] _Ep._ v. 17.

[283] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxvii. 687.

[284] ‘Sed dum cogito me hominem Gallum inter Aquitanos verba facturum,

vereor ne offendat vestras nimium urbanas aures sermo rusticior’, _Dial._

i. 27.

[285] _De Gub. Dei_, vii. 8 ‘Aquitanos ... medullam fere omnium

Galliarum’.

[286] _Ep._ ix. 44 (ed. Seeck).

[287] _Prof._ xx.

[288] _Ep._ xi (Iculisma).

[289] _Prof._ x.

[290] _Epigr._ x.

[291] _Parent._ iii.

[292] Cf. Jullian, _Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement_, pp. 24 ff.

[293] Strabo, iv. 190.

[294] Jung, _Roman. Landschaften_, p. 231.

[295] Jullian, _Hist. de Bordeaux_, p. 42.

[296] _Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement_, 1893, pp. 25 ff.

[297] Cf. Jung, _De Scholis Romanis in Gallia Comata_, p. 5.

[298] _Prof._ xxv. 8.

[299] _Praef._ 2.

[300] Lavisse, _Hist. de France_, I. ii. 395.

[301] _Pro Instaur. Schol._ 5. Cf. 20 ‘antiqua litterarum sede’.

[302] Cf. Lavisse, _Hist. de France_, _loc. cit._

[303] _Mosella_, 383.

[304] _Misopogon_, 342, ed. Hertlein: ἡ Κελτῶν ... ἀγροικία.

[305] _Mis._ 348 C, and compare 349 D.

[306] ὥσπερ τις κυνηγέτης ἀγρίοις ὁμιλῶν καὶ συμπλεκόμενος θηρίοις, ibid.

359 Β.

[307] Ibid. 350 D.

[308] _Epigr._ ix. 32.

[309] Mart. _Epigr._ v. 1. 10 ‘et tumidus Galla credulitate fruar’.

Strabo, iv. 4. 2, speaks of the race as ἁπλοῦν (_ingenio simplici_).

[310] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxvi. 355.

[311] Jullian, _Rev. intern. de l’Enseignement_, 1893.

[312] _Orat._ iii. 124.

[313] _B. G._ vii. 22.

[314] Diodor. v. 31.

[315] _Stromatum_ lib. i; Migne, _Pat. Graeca_, viii. 776, 777.

[316] _Pan. de Quarto Consul. Honor._ 392 ‘animosa tuas ut Galli a leges

audiat’.

[317] _Bell. Gall._ iv. 5. Cf. vii. 42.

[318] _Epigr._ viii ff.

[319] _Prof._ x.

[320] Jung, _De Scholis Roman._, p. 15.

[321] Cf. Tac. _Agric._ 11; Strabo, iv. 4. 2.

[322] Liban. _Orat._, ed. Reiske, iii. 255 ff., and cf. _Or._ 32 πρὸς τὰς

παιδαγωγοῦ βλασφημίας.

[323]

Et te de genetrice vagientem

tinxerunt (_sc._ Musae) vitrei vado Hippocrenes,

tunc hac mersus aqua loquacis undae

pro fluctu mage litteras bibisti.

_Carm._ xxiii. 206 (vitrei. He apparently regards ‘Hippocrene’ as masc.

as in _Carm._ ix. 285).

[324] Ibid. 210-14.

[325] Ibid. 439.

[326] Ibid. 490.

[327] _Ep._ iv. 12. 1.

[328] Cf. verses 89 ff. and 121 ff.

[329]

Studiumque insigne parentum

permixtis semper docta exercere peritum

blanditiis, gnaramque apto moderamine curam

insinuare mihi morum instrumenta bonorum,

ingenioque rudi celerem conferre profectum.—(_Eucharisticon_, verse 60,

ed. Brandes.)

[330] _Euchar._ 65.

[331] Probably his early teaching was in the hands of a household slave.

Cf. Rocafort, _Paulin de Pella_, p. 32.

[332] Rocafort, _Paulin de Pella_, xi, thinks the reference is merely to

‘locutions inusitées’. ἀκοινονόητα is read by Brandes, though ἀκοινώνητα,

except for metrical difficulties, would seem better.

[333] Verse 66.

[334] _l.c._ 79.

[335] Not eighteen, as Rocafort says.

[336] _l.c._ 117.

[337] Gilbert Murray, _Religio Grammatici_, pp. 10 ff.

[338] _Protrepticon_, 45 ff.

[339] Cf. Quintilian’s emphasis on starting with Homer (_Inst._ x. 1.

46). He is the poet _par excellence_: ‘omnibus eloquentiae partibus

exemplum et ortum dedit’. Not to be able to read him is a mark of utter

ignorance. Cf. viii. 5. 9; xii. 11. 21.

[340] Ibid. 46, 47.

[341] Verses 56-60.

[342] _De Idol._ 10. Cf. Aug. _Confess._ i. 14. 23.

[343] He had read Vergil ‘unum omnium maxime veterum auctorum atque haud

scio an unicum’. Brandes, _Corp. Scriptt. Lat. Eccl. Paul. Pell._, p. 279.

[344] _Ep._ i. 9. 8; ii. 2. 2; iii. 13. 1; iv. 12. 1; _Carm._ xxiii. 147;

xiii. 36.

[345] _Ep._ i. 11. 1; _Carm._ ix. 225; xxiii. 452.

[346] _Ep._ i. 9. 8; _Carm._ xxiii. 149.

[347] _Ep._ iv. 12. 1; _Carm._ ix. 213; xxiii. 130.

[348] _Protrep._ 61 ff.

[349] _Prof._ xxvi.

[350] Rocafort, _De Paul. Pell. Vita et Carmine,_ 33.

[351] _Prof._ xxvi, Platonicum Dogma.

[352] The traditional Roman order is here assumed. The relation of (1)

and (2) in Gaul will be discussed later.

[353] _Prof._ i. 2.

[354] _Mosella_, 403.

[355] Ep. 125 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxii. 1079) ‘post Quintiliani acumina’.

[356] ‘Num quid fas est adversus Quintilianum nisi pro veritate dicere?’

_Dictio_, xxi.

[357] _Carm._ ix. 314. Cf. _Carm._ ii. 191; _Ep._ v. 10. 3.

[358] _Ep._ 70 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxii. 668).

[359] _Instit._ i. 1. 27.

[360] Cf. Seneca, _Ep._ 94. 54.

[361] Mart. iv. 86. 11.

[362] Juv. x. 117.

[363]

Afranio clari lib. Graphico

doctori. librario. lusori

latrunculorum etc.—_C. I. L._ xiii. 1. 444.

[364] _Das Privatleben der Römer_, p. 151.

[365] Cf. Blümner, _Röm. Privatalterthümer_, 321. He quotes Bücheler,

_Carm. Epigr._ 219

Puer ... iam doctus in compendio

tot litterarum et nominum

notare currente stilo

quot lingua dicens diceret.

[366] _Ephem._ 7 ‘puer, notarum praepetum sollers minister’.

[367] Sid. _Ep._ v. 17. 10.

[368] _Instit._ i. 1. 24.

[369] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xc. 686. He does not set out to write specially

for dumb people, as one might think from the title, but ‘ut cum maximam

computandi facilitatem dederimus tum paratiore legentium ingenio ad

investigandam ... computando seriem temporum veniamus’, Praef. Cf.

Macrob. vii. 13. 10, and Quintil. _Inst._ i. 10. 35. Pliny (_N. H._

xxxiv. 7) tells of a statue of Janus ‘digitis ita figuratis ut CCCLXV

dierum nota per significationem anni, temporis et aevi esse deum

indicent’.

[370] Auson. _Prof._ xxii.

[371] Cf. e.g. Diocletian’s Edict, A.D. 301 (Mommsen, _Berichte der_ ...

_Sächs. Gesellschaft_, iii. 56).

[372] Cf. Macrob. i. 24. 5 ‘videris enim mihi (says Symmachus to

Evangelus, whom he accuses of shallowness in a Vergilian discussion)

ita adhuc Vergilianos habere versus, qualiter eos pueri magistris

praelegentibus canebamus’; and Suet. _Gram._ 16.

[373] Cf. Quintil. i. 8. 1.

[374] Rutherford, _History of Annotation_, p. 12, quoted Murray, _Religio

Grammatici_, p. 16.

[375] Ibid.

[376]

Tu flexu et acumine vocis

innumeros numeros doctis accentibus effer

adfectusque impone legens. Distinctio sensum

auget, et ignavis dant intervalla vigorem.’—_Protrep._ 47 ff.

[377] Quint. i. 8. 13; Aug. _Confess._ i. 14. 23.

[378] Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1. 71.

[379] Ozanam, _Hist. of Civilization in Fifth Century_, i. 202.

[380] Walde, _Lat. etymol. Wörterb._, 1910, derives it from _tendo_.

[381] Cf. Murray, _Religio Grammatici_, pp. 16 ff., for Dionysius’s six

departments of Grammatikê.

[382] _Aen._ i. 45.

[383] Aul. Gell. xiii. 21. 10-11, 16.

[384] _Aen._ x. 18.

[385] _Aen._ i.

[386] Cf. Keil, _Gram. Lat._ iv, Praef. xxxvi.

[387] _Hier. Chron._, _An._ 358; Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxvii. 687.

[388] Keil, _Grammatici Latini_, iv. 353 ff. Cf. Quintil. i. 8. 14.

[389] Ozanam, _op. cit._, i. 203.

[390] _Ep._ v. 16. 3. He may be the same as the Argicius or Agricius of

Auson. _Prof._ xvi. 6.

[391] Keil, _Gram. Lat._, Supplement, p. 187.

[392] Keil, _op. cit._, vii. 376 ff. Krumbacher speaks of its text as

‘durch den Schulgebrauch jedenfalls vielfach abgeschliffen’, _Rhein.

Mus._ xxxix, p. 352.

[393] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ xxiii. 952 ‘Legamus Varronis de Antiquitatibus

libros et Si(se)nnii Capitonis ... caeterosque eruditissimos viros’.

Capito was probably a junior contemporary of Varro. See Hertz, _Sinnius

Capito_, pp. 6-13.

[394] Funaioli, _Gram. Rom. Frag._ (1907), p. 457. Cf. Gell. v. 21. 6.

[395] Funaioli, _op. cit._, p. 461.

[396] _Op. cit._, p. 459; Keil, _Gram. Lat._ v. 110.

[397] Funaioli, _op. cit._

[398] _Op. cit._ 462 ‘Hoc versu Lucili significari ait Sinnius Capito’,

&c.

[399] _Op. cit._ 464.

[400] _Op. cit._ 460.

[401] _Op. cit._ 465.

[402] _Op. cit._ 462.

[403] See Teuffel-Schwabe, transl. Warr, pp. 538 ff.

[404] Cf. Keil, _Gram. Lat._ vii. 49, 51, 80, 266.

[405] _Gram._ 19.

[406] _Privatalterthümer_, p. 328.

[407] _Grundriss der röm. Litt._, p. 721.

[408] _De Re Rustica_, i. 2. 1.

[409] ‘Cogor et e tabula pictos ediscere mundos’, v. 3. 37.

[410] _Nat. Hist._ ii. 75.

[411] Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Paris._ i. 19.

[412] So Agrippa made a map of the world (Plin. _N. H._ iii. 2) which

was put up in the Porticus Vipsania ‘tempore Augusti’, and it is thought

that he wrote geographical commentaries which became the basis of Pliny’s

remarks on the subject. See Cantor, _Die röm. Agrimensoren_, p. 84.

[413] ‘Videat praeterea in illis porticibus iuventus et cotidie spectet

omnes terras et cuncta maria et quidquid invictissimi principes urbium,

gentium, nationum, aut restituunt aut virtute devincunt aut terrore

devinciunt’, _Pan. Lat._ xi. 20.

[414] Cf. Seneca, _Ep._ i. 6.

[415] _Pan. Lat._ xi. 20. Cf. 21 ‘Orbem spectare depictum’.

[416] Ch. 2.

[417] _Voyage dans le Midi de la France_, i. 340.

[418] _Parent._ iv. 17.

[419] Sid. _Ep._ iv. 3. 5.

[420] _Carm._ xxii, Intro.

[421] ‘Cuius collegio vir praefectus non modo musicos quosque, verum

etiam geometras arithmeticos et astrologos disserendi arte supervenit, si

quidem nullum hoc exactius compertum habere censuerim quid sidera zodiaci

obliqua, quid planetarum vaga ... praevaleant’, _Carm._ xxii, Intro.

[422] Quintil. i. 4. 4 ‘nec si rationem siderum ignoret poetas

intelligat’.

[423] Jullian, _Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement_, 1893, p. 43.

[424] Cf. Auson. _Prof._ xxvi ‘poeticus stylus’, and the productions of

the _Panegyrici Latini_. The _Grammatici Latini_, on the other hand,

amply illustrate the prosiness of the grammarian.

[425] Cf. Denk, _Gallo-fränk. Unterrichts- u. Bildungswesen_, p. 133.

[426] _Confess._ i. 17.

[427] _Dictiones_, xxviii.

[428] Ibid. xxvi.

[429] Ennodius, _Dict._ xx.

[430] ‘Titianus et Calvus ... qui themata omnia de Vergilio elicuerunt

et deformarunt ad dicendi usum, in exemplo controversiarum has duas

posuerunt adlocutiones, dicentes Venerem agere statu absolutivo,

cum dicit Iunoni “causa fuisti periculorum his quibus Italiam fata

concesserant”; Iunonem vero niti statu relativo, per quem ostendit

Troianos non sua causa laborare sed Veneris’, _Verg._ x. 18.

[431] _Artis Rhetoricae_ lib. iii.

[432] _Institutiones Oratoriae._

[433] ‘Contuli in ordinem ea quae fere de oratoria arte traduntur,

secundum institutum magistrorum meorum ... ita tamen ut ex arbitrio meo

aliqua praeterirem, pleraque ordine immutato referrem, non nulla ex aliis

quae necessaria videbantur insererem’, Pref. (Teuffel-Schwabe, ii, § 427.

6).

[434] Cf. the _Suasoriae_ with the _Dictiones_ of Ennodius.

[435] e.g. Liban. _Ep._ 1313, ed. Reiske.

[436] Philostrat. _Via Soph._, p. 8, ed. Kayser.

[437] Seeck’s ed. of the _Letters_, p. 309.

[438] I owe the suggestion that the _Rhetores Graeci_ might serve as

illustrations of the rhetorical methods of the time to Prof. J. A. Smith

of Magdalen.

[439] Quintil. i. 9.

[440] Blümner, _Privatalterthümer_, 327.

[441] Quintil. i. 10. 1.

[442] Theon. _Prog._ i. Cf. Quintil, i. 9 ‘Adiciamus eorum (i.e.

Grammaticorum) curae quaedam dicendi primordia, quibus aetates nondum

rhetorem capientes instituant’.

[443] _Ep._ 985.

[444] _De Theone Hermogene Aphthonioque Progymnasmatum Scriptoribus_, p.

14.

[445] Ibid., p. 34.

[446] Ibid., p. 24.

[447] Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Aphthonius.

[448] _Rhetores Graeci_, vol. ii, ed. Spengel.

[449] _Instit._ ii. 4.

[450] Strange. Perhaps the meaning is bright like flowers, brilliant,

pointed. But more likely, as Prof. Murray has pointed out to me, the

author is thinking of embroidery. The boy’s composition must be rich like

a gold-embroidered cloth, but also compact like a pattern.

[451] Conringius, _De Antiquis Academiis_, i. 17; Gothofredus, _Ad

Rescriptum Gratiani Anni_ 376; Ritter, _Ad Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 11.

[452] _Scriptt. Hist. Aug._ iii, ch. 11, ed. Peter.

[453] _Euchar._ 67.

[454] _Prof._ xxvi.

[455] _Prof._ xv.

[456]

Hinc etiam placidis schola consona disciplinis

dogmaticas agitat placido certamine lites,

hinc omnis certat dialectica turba sophorum.—_Eclog._ iv. 15.

[457] _Ep._ ix. 9. 15.

[458] _Carm._ xv. 41.—Cf. ii. 156 ff.

[459] _Ep._ iv. 1. 2.

[460] ‘Voluptuosissimum reputans si forte oborta quarumpiam quaestionum

insolubilitate labyrinthica scientiae suae thesauri eventilarentur’,

_Ep._ iv. 11.

[461] _Ep._ iv. 9. 1. Cf. iii. 6. 2 ‘Vos consectanei vestri Plotini

dogmatibus inhaerentes ad profundum intempestivae quietis otium

Platonicorum palaestra rapuisset’. _Carm._ xiv, Intro. ‘tibi et

complatonicis tuis nota sunt’.

[462] _Ep._ ix. 9. 13.

[463] _Hist. de la France mérid._ i. 410.

[464] _Carm._ xiv, Intro.

[465] E. W. Watson, _Hilary of Poitiers_, p. iv (Nicene and post-Nicene

Fathers).

[466] Ibid.

[467] Tac. _Agr._ 4.

[468] Puech, _De Paulini Nolani Ausoniique Epistolarum Commercio_.

[469] _Eclog._ ii.

[470] e.g. _Prof._ xxiii. 13 ‘sensus si manibus ullus’; xxvi. 7 ‘si qua

functis cura viventum placet’.

[471] _Carm._ xiv, Intro., ‘Igitur, quoniam tui amoris studio inductus,

_homo Gallus_ scholae sophisticae intromisi materiam, vel te potissimum

facti mei deprecatorem requiro’.

[472] ‘Lecturus es hic etiam novum verbum id est, essentiam; sed scias

hoc ipsum dixisse Ciceronem’, Ibid.

[473] Jung, _De Scholis Rom. in Gallia Comata_, Paris, 1855, pp. 8 ff.

[474] _Sat._ vii. 147 and xv. 111.

[475] _Toxaris_, 24.

[476] _Prof._ xxvi.

[477]

Exesas tineis opicasque evolvere chartas

maior quam promptis cura tibi in studiis.—_Prof._ xxii.

[478] _Hist. de la Gaule_, i. 407. Of the state of Roman law in the fifth

century and its relation to Christianity, Ozanam gives a fine but biased

account, _History of Civilization in the Fifth Century_, i. 152 ff.

[479]

Quo bis sex tabulas docente iuris

ultro Claudius Appius lateret

claro obscurior in decemviratu.—_Carm._ xxiii. 447.

[480] Ibid. 465.

[481] Sidon. _Ep._ ii. 5; v. 1; viii. 1.

[482] _Ep._ viii. 69. Cf. v. 14 ‘Lectissimorum iuvenum Titiani atque

Helpidi praeceptor adseruit ... esse in illis scientiam iuris idoneam

nimis in omnes usus iudiciarii et forensis officii’.

[483] _Ep._ i. 6. 2.

[484] _De Reditu_, i. 77.

[485] Cf. _De Reditu_, ii. 55, 59 ‘Hic (Stilicho) immortalem, mortalem

perculit ille (Nero)’.

[486] _De Reditu_, i. 134 ‘Solaque fatales non vereare colos’.

[487] Cf. i. 157 ‘Regerem cum iura Quirini’.

[488] _De Reditu_, i. 209. Cf. Aug. _Confess._ vi. 8 ‘Romam praecesserat

ut ius disceret’.

[489] ‘Atque ut in eum perfectio literarum plena conflueret, post

auditoria Gallicana intra urbem Romam iuris scientiam plenitudini

perfectionis adiecit’, _Vita S. Germani_, _Bolland_, July, vii, p. 202.

Cf. Cassiodor. _Var._ x. 7.

[490] Cf. Ritter, _Comment. on Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 1.

[491] His name is generally given as Mamertinus. He was probably a Gaul

like the other panegyrists, for Gaul was the usual residence of Maximian

at the time. § 9 shows that the orator is speaking in a northern province.

[492] _Pan. Lat._ xi. 9.

[493] _De Scholis Rom. in Gallia Comata_, p. 8.

[494] Cf. Fauriel, _op. cit._, i. 407.

[495] ‘Summa itaque ope et alacri studio has leges nostras accipite et

vosmet ipsos sic eruditos ostendite ut spes vos pulcherrima foveat, toto

legitimo opere perfecto, posse etiam nostram rempublicam in partibus eius

vobis credendis gubernare’, _Proem. Iustin. Instit._, ed. Krueger, vol.

i. Cf. _Inst._ ii. 7. 20 ff. Imperial titles reserved for advocates when

they cease to practise, &c. For an account of the teaching of law see

Modderman, _Handboek voor het Romeinsch Recht_ (3rd ed.), i. 42, 60.

[496] Bury-Gibbon, ii. 172.

[497] _Antecessor_, used in late Latin in the sense of ‘teacher’. Cf.

Tertull. _Adv. Marcionem_, i. 20 ‘ab illo certe Paulo qui ... tunc primum

cum antecessoribus apostolis conferebat’ (_Corp. Script. Eccl. Lat._

xlvii, p. 315).

[498] Cf. Aul. Gell. _N. A._ xiii. 10.

[499] Justin. _Digest._ I. ii.

[500] Justinian, _Corpus Iuris Civilis_, vol. ii, ed. Krueger, ii. 7. 11.

[501] _Corp. Iur. Civ._, _l.c._, 23 ff.

[502] xxx. 4. 8 ff.

[503] Ibid.

[504] _Ep._ ii. 1. 2.

[505] _Ep._ vi. 3.

[506] _Gesch. des gallo-fränk. Unterrichts- u. Bildungswesens_, p. 78.

[507] The Schola Medicorum on the Esquiline (_C. I. L._ vi. 5. 978) is

rejected by Reinach, _Dict. des Antiquités_, s.v. Medicus.

[508] _Prof._ xxvi.

[509] ‘Crinas quidam, Nerone Claudio imperatore, primus, ut creditur,

medicinae scientiam atque usum in schola Massiliensi provexit: et ita in

eo studio profecit ut si cum aliis eiusdem artis professoribus conferatur

longe omnes superasse videatur’, Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Parisiensis_,

i. 19. See also Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxix. 1. 5, where he also mentions

Charmis, another Massilian. Cf. Galen, viii. 727, xiii. 855, for the

Massilian oculist Demosthenes.

[510] Galen, vol. xiv, p. 177 (ed. Kühn), περὶ ἀντιδότων. Cf. περὶ

συνθέσεως φαρμάκων, vol. xiii, p. 71.

[511] ‘Nec solum veteres medicinae artis auctores ... cui rei operam

uterque Plinius et Apuleius ... aliique non nulli, etiam proximo tempore

illustres nonoribus viri, cives ac maiores nostri Siburius, Eutropius

atque Ausonius commodarunt, lectione scrutatus sum ...’, Marcellus, _De

Medicamentis_, ed. Helmreich. For the power which these doctors had at

the imperial court v. _Hist. litt. de la France_, ii. 49.

[512] Cf. Galen, vol. xiv, p. 459 (ed. Kühn).

[513] See Geyer on ‘Traces of Gallic Latin in Marcellus’, _Archiv für

lat. Lexicographie_, viii. 4, p. 419.

[514] _Hist. litt. de la France_, ii. 52.

[515] _Parent._ vi.

[516] Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. Medicus.

[517] _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 3.

[518] See p. 87, _supra_, n. 3.

[519] _Nat. Hist._ xxix. 1. 8.

[520] _Ep. ad Traian._ v, ed. Kukula.

[521] Ael. Spart. _Vita Hadr._ 25.

[522] ‘Medicinae autem ... ita studia augentur in dies ut, licet

opus ipsum refellat, pro omni tamen experimento sufficiat medico ad

commendandam artis auctoritatem, si Alexandriae se dixerit eruditum’,

Ammian. xxii. 16. 18.

[523] Quoted Denk, _op. cit._, p. 139.

[524] Cf. Martial, v. 9, to the doctor after treatment: ‘non habui

febrem, Symmache, nunc habeo’.

[525] Cantor, _Die röm. Agrimensoren_, p. 139.

[526] _Cod. Theod._ ii. 26. 1 (A.D. 330); ii. 26. 4 (A.D. 385).

[527] _Cod. Theod._ vi. 34 (A.D. 405).

[528] Mommsen, in _Die Schriften der röm. Feldmesser_, ii. 174.

[529] Ibid. i. 50. So Aggenus Urbicus, who probably lived in the fourth

century.

[530] Ibid. i. 29. Gaul is frequently mentioned in the writings of these

_agrimensores_, e.g. i. 29, 136, 307, 353, 368, &c.

[531] _Ecl._ x. Cf. another version, _Ecl._ xi.

[532] _Ecl._ xiii.

[533] _Ecl._ xiv.

[534] _Ecl._ xv.

[535] _Ecl._ xix.

[536] _Ecl._ xx, xxi.

[537] _Ecl._ xxv.

[538] _Ecl._ ii. 184 (ed. Peiper).

[539] _Ecl._ iii, ibid.

[540] _Ecl._ iv, ibid.

[541] _De Orat._ ii. 86.

[542] _Instit._ xi. 2. 1.

[543] _De Orat._ ii. 87.

[544] e.g. _Carm._ ix. 260 ff.

[545] Cf. Denk, _op. cit._, p. 134.

[546] _Protrep._, p. 261.

[547] _Instit._ xi. 2. 34.

[548] _Instit._ xi. 2. 21.

[549] _Instit._ xi. 2. 18 ff.

[550] _Prof._ i. 21-30.

[551] _Prof._ xvi. 13.

[552] Cf. Newman, _Idea of a University_, p. 127, ‘Memory is the first

developed of the mental faculties’, and ff.

[553] _Ep._ 1119. Cf. _Orat._ iii, p. 436 (ed. Reiske). It is interesting

to compare in this connexion Athenian school records of the classical

period, in which there is no evidence that children were beaten, with the

mime of Herondas, in which the flogging of a boy is elaborately described.

[554] _Confess._ i. 8 ff.

[555] Ch. 12.

[556] Cf. also _Confess._ i. 16, 17.

[557] Cf. _Mosella_, 85 ff.

[558]

Ergo notas scripto, tolerasti, Pergame, vultu,

et quas neglexit dextera, frons patitur.—_Epigr._ xxxvi, p. 325.

[559] _Protrep._ 5.

[560] _Protrep._ 9.

[561] This is the accepted reading, though the ‘o’ of Chiron should of

course be long. There is a _varia lectio_ ‘Achillea Chiron’. Glover

remarks that Ausonius was prone to metrical blunders.

[562] _Sat._ vii. 210 ‘metuens virgae iam grandis Achilles’.

[563]

Tu quoque ne metuas, quamvis schola verbere multo

increpet et truculenta senex gerat ora magister ...

... nec te clamor plagaeque sonantes

nec matutinis agitet formido sub horis.—_Protrep._ 24.

[564] _Protrep._ 33. The flogging tradition persisted in the schools of

Europe more or less unaltered at least thirteen centuries after Ausonius.

[565] _Ep._ ii. 10, v. 5.

[566] _Ep._ iv. 1. 3.

[567] _Or._ i, p. 171 (Reiske).

[568] Aug. _Confess._ i. 17.

[569] Libanius complains of the conduct of his students, _Or._ i. 199.

The lecture was often interrupted by cries, i. 63. Cf. _Ep._ 348 ἐγένετο

θόρυβος καὶ κρότος.

[570] Sievers, _Das Leben des Libanios_, p. 36, quoting Greg. Naz. _Or._

xx.

[571] _Protrep._ 70.

[572] _Eucharisticon_, 55 ff.

[573] Auson. _Ep._ xxx. 30 ff.

[574] Ibid. 39. Cf. the rest of the poem.

[575] _Carm._ ix. 312.

[576] _Ep._ iii. 1. 1.

[577] See Grasberger, _Erziehung und Unterricht im klass. Alterthum_, i.

28-163.

[578] _Confess._ i. 19.

[579] _Euchar._ 145.

[580] _Confess._ i. 9.

[581] _Saint Augustin_, transl., p. 39.

[582] Bertrand, _op. cit._, p. 42.

[583] _Confess_, i. 10.

[584] _Confess._ ii. 9.

[585] _Ep._ i. 2.

[586] _Ep._ ii. 9. 4.

[587] _Ep._ iii. 2. 3.

[588] _Euchar._ 122-34.

[589] _Ep._ i. 2. 5.

[590] viii. 6. 12.

[591] _Ep._ iii. 3. 2.

[592] _Ep._ ii. 2. 12; ii. 12. 1.

[593] _Carm._ xxi.

[594] _Ep._ ii. 2. 19.

[595] _Ep._ ii. 2. 15.

[596] _Ep._ ii. 9. 4.

[597] _Ep._ v. 17. 7.

[598] On the various forms of ball games, as far as they are known, see

Grasberger, _op. cit._, i. 89-96.

[599] _C. I. L._ xii. 4501.

[600] Sid. _Ep._ i. 11. 10.

[601] ‘(Ex quorum usur)is omnibus annis ... (ludi) athletar(um) aut

circen(ses ederen)tur’, _C. I. L._ xii. 670.

[602] _C. I. L._ xii. 1585.

[603] _C. I. L._ xii. 410.

[604] _Ep._ iv. 22.

[605] Cic. _Tusc._ iv. 33 (70).

[606] _Rep._ iv. 4. Cf. Plutarch, _Cato_, xx. 7.

[607] _Ep._ lxxxviii. 18 ‘luctatores et totam oleo ac luto constantem

scientiam expello ex his studiis liberalibus’.

[608] _Instit._ i. 11. 15.

[609] Pliny, _Pan._ 13.

[610] _Gallo-fränk. ... Bildungswesen_, p. 93.

[611] _Hist. Univ. Par._ i. 29.

[612] Ibid. p. 25. He says of Autun _before the Romans came_: ‘Ibi etiam

nobiles adulescentes cum schola coniunctam palaestram habebant’.

[613] _Ann._ iii. 43.

[614] _Ep._ ii. 2. 6.

[615] _Ep._ viii. 7. 2.

[616] _Instit._ i. 11. 15 ff.

[617] _Ep._ i. 5. 10, i. 6. 2.

[618] _Gesch. der Erziehung_, i. 481.

[619] ‘Spectavit assidue exercentes ephebos, quorum aliqua adhuc copia ex

vetere instituto Capreis erat’, Suet. _Aug._ 98.

[620] Cf. Cramer, _l.c._

[621] Eumen. _Pro Instaur. Scholis_, 7. For a detailed discussion of the

site see Bulaeus’s _Hist. Univ. Par._ i. 33. Cf. Denk, _Gallo-fränk.

Unterricht_, p. 91.

[622] Wissowa, _Röm. Mittheilungen_, v. 1890; i. p. 3.

[623] Eumen., _op. cit._, 21.

[624] Sen. _Ep._ i. 6.

[625] Blümner, _Röm. Privatalterthümer_, p. 320. Cf. Hettner, _Führer

durch d. Provincialmuseum zu Trier_, p. 21.

[626] _Euchar._ 65 ff.

[627] _Ep._ v. 4.

[628] Jullian, _op. cit._, p. 30. Cf. _Cod. Theod._, _passim_.

[629] _Scriptt. Hist. Aug._ iv. 2.

[630] Prima creterra litteratoris rudimento excitat, secunda grammatici

doctrina instruit, tertia rhetoris eloquentia armat. Hactenus a plerisque

potatur’, _Florida_, 20 (ed. Helm).

[631] _Confess._ i. 13.

[632] verses 63 ff.

[633] _Prof._ x.

[634] Cf. _Prof._ x. 5-10.

[635] Cf. Glover, _Life and Letters in Fourth Century_, 106, who quotes

Suet. _Gram._ 4; Gell. xvi. 6; Macrob. _Sat._ v. 19, 31.

[636] _Prof._ xxii. Cf. Cic. _ad Fam._ ix. 18 ‘Sella tibi erit in ludo

tamquam hypodidascalo proxima’. Aug. _Confess._ viii. 6 ‘Nebridius autem

amicitiae nostrae cesserat ut ... verecundo ... grammatico _subdoceret_’.

[637] _Prof._ xxii. 17.

[638] _Prof._ i.

[639] _Revue intern. de l’Enseignement_, 1893, pp. 31 ff.

[640] _Euchar._ 72.

[641] _Protrep._, _l.c._, ‘lactantibus annis’.

[642] _Euchar._ 121.

[643] MSS. have _invitus_, _impurius_. Cole (_Later Roman Education_,

1909) conjectures _imperitus_, which certainly gives much better sense.

[644] _Cod. Theod._, ed. Mommsen and Meyer, xiv. 9. 1.

[645] Ritter, _ad Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 1.

[646] _Prof._ xvii.

[647] ‘Grammaticus circa curam sermonis versatur, et, si latius evagari

vult, circa historias, iam ut longissime fines suos proferat, circa

carmina (i.e. metrical studies: “Versuum lex ac modificatio”)’, Sen.

_Ep._ xiii. 3. 3.

[648]

Quot commissa viris Romana Albanaque fata,

quotque doces horis quotque domi resides.—_Ep._ xviii. 9. 10.

[649] ‘Jeder trieb was er wollte, wie er wollte, in vielen oder wenigen

Stunden’, _op. cit._, p. 122.

[650] Sievers, _Libanios_, p. 23.

[651] ‘Antemeridianas horas discipuli occupant’, _Confess._ vi. 11.

[652] _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 1.

[653] Sidon. _Ep._ ii. 2.

[654] _Confess._ i. 16.

[655] Liban. _Ep._ 304.

[656] _Ep._ iv. 11. 1.

[657] _Protrep._ 1 ff.

[658] _Ep._ ii. 2.

[659] _Eclog._ xxiv.

[660] _De Spectac._ 7.

[661] Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Par._ i. 41 ff.

[662] Sid. _Ep._ viii. 6. 5.

[663] _Ep._ v. 17. 6.

[664] Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. Feriae.

[665] _Cod. Theod._ ii. 8. 1.

[666] _Cod. Theod._ ii. 8. 18.

[667] ‘Illos tantum manere feriarum dies fas erit quos geminis mensibus

ad requiem laboris indulgentior annus accepit, aestivis fervoribus

mitigandis aut autumnis fetibus decerpendis. Kalendarum quoque

Ianuariarum consuetos dies otio mancipamus. His adicimus natalicios dies

urbium maximarum Romae atque Constantinopolis....’, _Cod. Theod._ ii. 8.

19.

[668] _Cod. Theod._ ii. 18. 20. Cf. _Cod. Theod._ ii. 8. 23, 25 (A.D.

409).

[669] _Cod. Theod._ ii. 2. 21; ii. 18. 19.

[670] Cf. the Christian Calendar 448, _C. I. L._ i, p. 335. Dedicated by

Polemius Silvius to Eucherius. It shows nineteen pagan festivals.

[671] Cf. Aug. _Confess._ vi. 2. Monnica still practises pagan rites.

[672] Cf. the marks ‘N’ (_nefastus_), ‘NP’ (= N. F. P., _Nefas, feriae

publicae_), put opposite the festival days in the calendar.

[673] Aug. _Confess._ ix. 2. Jullian includes the Vindemia in his

calendar for the fourth century. Gothofredus (_ad Cod. Theod._ ii. 8. 18)

notes that these holidays were movable. ‘Statae hae feriae non fuerunt

verum ex consuetudine cuiusque loci praesides provinciarum has ferias

statuebant.’

[674] Martial, x. 62.

[675] Liban. _Or._ i. 199; _Ep._ 382.

[676] Liban. _Ep._ 394; Sievers, _op. cit._, pp. 26 ff.

[677] Liban. _Or._ ii. 277. It was regarded as part of the boy’s

education to learn how to behave at funerals.

[678] Liban. _Or._ ii. 271.

[679] Sidon. _Ep._ i. 5. 10.

[680] _Ep._ i. 9. 1.

[681] Aul. Gell. _N. A._ i. 9. 12. Bulaeus’s reference to a law of

Charondas in this connexion rests on a false interpretation of Diodor.

xii. 13.

[682] _Rhetor._ 6.

[683] ‘Nullius boni sine socio iucunda possessio est ... plus ... tibi

et viva vox et convictus quam oratio proderit.... Zenonem Cleanthes

non expressisset si tantummodo audisset: vitae eius interfuit, secreta

perspexit, observavit illum, an ex formula sua viveret’, _Ep._ i. 6. 4.

[684] Gell. _N. A._ iii. 19.

[685] ‘Sicuti nuperrime aput mensam cum legerentur utraque simul Bucolica

Theocriti et Vergilii, animadvertimus reliquisse Vergilium quod Graecum

quidem mire quam suave est, verti autem neque debuit neque potuit’, Gell.

_ib._ ix. 9.

[686] Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Par._ i. 77.

[687] Suet. _Gram._ 17.

[688] _Epigr._ v. 56.

[689] Strabo, iv. 181. Cf. Jung, _De Scholis Romanis in Gallia Comata_,

p. 20.

[690] ‘Oratoribus viginti quattuor annonarum e fisco emolumenta donentur,

grammaticis Latino vel Graeco duodecim annonarum, deductior paulo numerus

ex more, praestetur, ut singulis urbibus quae metropoles nuncupantur

nobilium professorum electio celebretur, nec vero iudicamus liberum

ut sit cuique civitati suos doctores et magistros placito sibi iuvare

compendio’, _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 11.

[691] Annona, a day’s ration, ἡμερήσιον. A common way of reckoning

salaries. Cf. Ammian. xxii. 4 ‘Tonsor quidam interrogans quid haberet in

arte compendii, vicenas diurnas respondit annonas’.

[692] _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 5.

[693] These are treated together here because they always appear together

in the Theodosian Code.

[694] _Ep._ i. 79, v. 35 (Seeck) ‘Romanae iuventutis magistris subsidia

detracta’, Cassiodor. _Var._ ix. 21.

[695] _Op. cit._, p. 122.

[696] Cf. Cassiodor. _Var._ ix. 21 ‘Cognovimus ... aliquorum nundinatione

fieri ut scholarum magistris deputata summa videatur imminui’.

[697] _Prof._ xviii.

[698] _Prof._ xix.

[699] _Prof._ xvii.

[700] _Pro Instaur. Schol._ 11.

[701] _Prof._ xvii. 7.

[702] Cf. the Strenae to Ursulus, _supra_.

[703] iii. 2. 18. Referred to by Bulaeus, _op. cit._, i. 72.

[704] vii. 165.

[705] _Op. cit._, i. 72.

[706] _Prof._ xvii:

Pueros grandi mercede docendi

formasti rhetor.

[707] Liban. _Or._ ii, p. 279.

[708] Ibid. i. 199; Sievers, _Liban._, p. 26.

[709] _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 3.

[710] _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 11.

[711] ‘Dagegen findet man nirgends eine Spur von einem Schuldirektor

unter dessen Leitung die Lehrer ein bestimmtes Ziel in gemeinsamer Arbeit

verfolgt hätten’, _op. cit._, p. 122.

[712] Caesar, _B. G._ vi. 13 ‘His autem omnibus Druidibus praeest unus’.

[713] _Op. cit._, p. 43.

[714] _Prof._ x. 11.

[715] _Prof._ viii. 10.

[716] _Parent._ iii. 9, 10. Cf. verse 19 ‘postquam _primis_ placui tibi

traditus _annis_’.

[717] _Parent._ iii. 15; _Prof._ xvi. 15, 17.

[718] _Prof._ i. 11, 25, 38.

[719] _Prof._ iii. 1.

[720] _Prof._ ii. 28 ‘amoris hoc crimen tui est’.

[721] _Prof._ v. 3.

[722] _Prof._ xx. 5.

[723] Except his tutor Arborius.

[724] _Prof._ vii-xiii, xviii, xxi, xxii, xxiv.

[725] _Prof._ xv.

[726] _Prof._ x. 51 ‘gloriolam exilem ... perdidit in senio’.

[727] _Op. cit._

[728] Cf. _Prof._ xxiv. 6 ‘meque dehinc facto rhetore,’ etc.

[729] _Op. cit._, p. 122.

[730] Trans. Hazlitt, i. 291.

[731] _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 30.

[732] As the _Notitia Imperii Romani_ shows.

[733] _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 48.

[734] _Prof._ i.

[735] For instances see _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 396.

[736] Guizot, _op. cit._, i. 301 ff. Cf. Denk, _op. cit._, p. 164.

[737] Cf. the frequent flight of curiales, and the laws in the _Cod.

Theod._ about it. Also the harsh personal restrictions. A curial could

not sell slaves or land except by permission of the governor of the

province, _Cod. Theod._ xii. 3. 1. He could not bequeath his fortune to

a man in another curia except by payment of a heavy duty to his original

curia, _Cod. Theod._ xii. 1. 107. Emperors condemn miscreants, e.g. men

who have rendered themselves unfit for military service by chopping off

their thumbs, to enrolment in a curia, _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i.

555.

[738] _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 547; cf. p. 51, ‘Egress from

inherited membership was inhibited by the Government except in rare

instances’.

[739] _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 70.

[740] Cf. the description of Seronatus who descends on the pale

country folk ‘ceu draco e specu’, Sidon. _Ep._ v. 13. Even the rich

have officials and taxes on the brain. At the feast of St. Just it is

specially mentioned as a blessing (_beatissimum_) that there was no talk

‘de potestatibus aut de tributis’, Sid. _Ep._ v. 17. 5.

[741] _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 51.

[742] _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 1.

[743] Guizot, _op. cit._, i. 315. Cf. Vinogradoff in _Cambridge Mediaeval

History_, i. 567.

[744] ‘Singulis quibusque dignitatibus certum locum meritumque

praescribsit (_sic_). Si quis igitur indebitum sibi locum usurpaverit,

nulla se ignoratione defendat, sitque plane sacrilegii reus, qui divina

praecepta neglexerit’, _Cod. Theod._ vi. 5. 2.

[745] _Leges Visigothorum_, ed. Zeumer, e.g. v. 4. 11, 7. 10, 7. 17.

[746] Jullian, _op. cit._, pp. 33 ff.

[747] ‘Toutes les classes se retrouvaient égales quand il s’agissait

d’apprendre ou d’enseigner; les rangs se nivelaient à l’école’, ibid.

[748] Denk, _Gallo-fränk. Unterrichts- u. Bildungswesen_, p. 165.

[749] _Röm. Gesch._ i. 892.

[750] _Hist. de France_, i. 3. 391.

[751] Aus. _Ep._ xiv. 95.

[752] _Protrep._ 40.

[753] _l.c._ The students at Autun are ‘frequentia _honestissimae_

iuventutis’, _Pro Instaur. Schol._ 5.

[754] ‘Libertinae condicionis homines, numquam ad honores vel palatinam

adspirare militiam permittemus’, _Cod. Theod._ iv. 10. 3.

[755] e.g. _Cod. Theod._ xii. 19. 3. The heads of the classes (_ordines_)

are warned not to let fugitives from the ‘curiae’ or ‘collegia’ hang

about.

[756] _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 1. 1.

[757] _Cod. Theod._ iv. 6. 3, A.D. 336. For an illustration of these

marriage laws in practice see the instance in Sidon. _Ep._ v. 19. The

most heinous offence, of course, was the marriage between a slave and

his mistress, the penalty being death (_Cod. Theod._ ix. 9. 1). Cf. the

marriage laws in the Southern States of America.

[758] Special privileges are given to those who remain thirty years

without a break in one place. ‘Eum, qui curiae vel collegio vel burgis

ceterisque corporibus per triginta annos sine interpellatione servierit

res dominica (imperial) vel intentio privata non inquietabit ... sed in

curia vel corpore in quo servierit remaneat’, Justin. xi. 66. 6. _Cod.

Theod._ xii. 19. 2, to the prefect of the Gauls, A.D. 400. Cf. xii. 19.

3, also to the prefect of the Gauls. For the ‘coloni’ see _Cod. Theod._

v. 17 and 18.

[759] Vinogradoff in _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 553.

[760] _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 1 ‘his dumtaxat exceptis qui corporatorum

sunt oneribus adiuncti’.

[761] ‘Si quis originarius intra hos triginta annos (i.e. within a period

of thirty years before the passing of the law) de possessione discessit,

sive per fugam labsus seu sponte seu sollicitatione transductus, ... eum,

contradictione submota, loco cui natus est cum origine (family) iubemus

sine dilatione restitui’, _Cod. Theod._ v. 18. 1.

[762] ‘Ipsos etiam colonos qui fugam meditantur, in servilem condicionem

ferro ligari conveniet, ut officia quae liberis congruunt merito servilis

condemnationis compellantur implere’, _Cod. Theod._ v. 17. 1.

[763] _Cod. Theod._ vi. 20.

[764] Sidon. _Ep._ v. 17 ‘Cum passim varia ordinum corpora

dispergerentur’.

[765] _Pro Instaur. Scholis._ 15 (_ad fin._) and 16.

[766] _Ep._ i. 6. 4.

[767] Cf. the studious Hesperius, who, from his friends, must have been a

nobleman, and is contrasted with the ‘turba imperitorum’, _Ep._ ii. 10. 6.

[768] ‘Plebeiam numeros docere pulpam’, _Ep._ xiv. 95. Cf. Introd.

of Griphus dedicated to Symmachus. The author omits all antiquarian

treatment of his subject ‘et quidquid profanum vulgus ignorat’.

[769] _Ep._ viii. 2. 2.

[770] _Op. cit._, p. 48.

[771] Cf. the instance of the workman at Silchester who scratched the

word ‘satis’ on his work at the end of the day. ‘Casual scratchings on

tiles or pots, which can often be assigned to the lower classes, prove

that Latin was both read and spoken easily in Silchester and Caerwent’

(fourth century). Haverfield, _Cambridge Mediaeval History_, i. 375.

[772] Large, but hardly disproportionate. In England to-day the number of

elementary teachers compared with post-elementary is about ten to one.

[773] Cf. _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 3. Eight ‘rhetores’ and twenty

‘grammatici’. This, however, was at Constantinople. At Trèves the numbers

were about equal, _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 11.

[774] Sievers, _Liban._, p. 39.

[775] _Italorum Epigram._ xv.

[776] _Prof._ ii. 15.

[777]

Comis convivis, nunquam inclamare clientes,

ad famulos nunquam tristia verba loqui.—_Prof._ iii. 11.

[778] _Prof._ i. 31.

[779]

Nullo felle tibi mens livida, tum sale multo

lingua dicax blandis et sine lite iocis.—_Prof._ i. 31.

Patera is ‘Salibus modestus felle nullo perlitis’, _Prof._ iv. 19.

[780]

Facete comis animo iuvenali senex

cui felle nullo, melle multo mens madens.—_Prof._ xv. 1.

[781] _Prof._ vii.

[782] _Prof._ ix.

[783] _Pro Instaur. Schol._ 14 ‘gratitatem morum’.

[784] _Prof._ xxi. 7 ‘creditus olim fervere mero’.

[785] p. 198 (ed. Peiper).

[786] _Ep._ vi.

[787] _Ep._ xvi.

[788] ‘Quem locupletavit coniunx Hispana latentem’, _Prof._ xxiii. 5.

[789] Ibid.

[790] _Prof._ vi. 35 ‘connubium nobile’.

[791] _Prof._ xiii.

[792] _Cod. Theod._ vi. 21. 1 ‘si laudabilem in se probis moribus vitam

esse monstraverint, si docendi peritiam ... se habere patefecerint, hi

quoque cum ad viginti annos observatione iugi ac sedulo docendi labore

pervenerint, iisdem ... dignitatibus perfruantur’.

[793] _Prof._ ix:

Et te, quem cathedram temere usurpasse locuntur

nomen grammatici nec meruisse putant.

[794] _Prof._ vii. 9.

[795] _Prof._ x. 35 ff., 42 ff., ‘doctrina exiguus’, ‘tenuem ...

grammaticum’.

[796] _Epigram._ vi.

[797] Ibid. viii ff.

[798] Ibid. vii.

[799] _De Scholis Romanis_, p. 16.

[800] Like Glabrio, _Prof._ xxiv; Alcimus, _Prof._ ii; Delphidius, &c.

[801] _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 5.

[802] Cf. Jullian, _op. cit._, p. 36.

[803] _Pro Instaur. Scholis._ 14.

[804] Cf. Tac. _Agr._ 4.

[805] Suet. _Rhet._ 1.

[806] Cf. Lucius Apuleius, _Apologia_ iv ‘accusamus apud te philosophum

formosum et tam graece quam latine—pro nefas—disertissimum’.

[807] Lampridius, _Life of Alex. Sever._ xliv. 4. Cf. _Scriptt. Hist.

Aug._ i. 16. 8, on Hadrian’s patronage of professors.

[808] _Pan. Lat._ ix; _Pro Instaur. Scholis_, 14.

[809] Ibid. 3.

[810] Ibid. 4 ff.

[811] Ibid. 18. 3 ‘ad conspectum Romanae lucis emersit’.

[812] Ibid. 19.

[813] ‘Per omnem dioecesim commissam magnificentiae tuae, frequentissimis

in civitatibus, quae pollent et eminent claritudine, praeceptorum optimi

quique erudiendae praesideant iuventuti: rhetores loquimur et grammaticos

Atticae Romanaeque doctrinae’, _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 11.

[814] _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 6.

[815] _Cod. Theod._ xiv. 9. 1.

[816] ‘Magistros studiorum doctoresque excellere oportet moribus primum,

deinde facundia. Sed quia singulis civitatibus adesse ipse non possum,

iubeo, quisque docere vult, non repente nec temere prosiliat ad hoc

munus, sed iudicio ordinis probatus, decretum curialium mereatur,

optimorum conspirante consensu. Hoc enim decretum ad me tractandum

referetur, ut altiore quodam honore nostro iudicio studiis civitatum

accedant’, _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 5.

[817] _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 6.

[818] Bulaeus, _Hist. Univ. Par._ i. 77.

[819] Suet. _Aug._ 46. Cf. _C. I. L._ x. 50, 56.

[820] Aurel. Victor, _Ep._ 12.

[821] _C. I. L._ ix. 1455; xi. 1147.

[822] Ael. Spart. _Hadrian_, § 7. Cf. Plin. _Pan._ 26-8; _Ep._ vii. 18.

[823] Pertinax could not pay all the ‘alimenta’ standing over from the

reign of Commodus, _Scriptt. Hist. Aug. Pertin._ 9. 3.

[824] _Cod. Theod._ xi. 27. 1, A.D. 315.

[825] _Cod. Theod._ xi. 27. 2.

[826] _Pro Instaur. Schol._ 6. 4. ‘divina illa mens Caesaris, quae tanto

studio praeceptorem huic conventui iuventutis _elegit_’.

[827] Liban. _Or._ i. 54. 120.

[828] e.g. _Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3. 5.