It is not without interest to note that the servant question was at the

time a great problem. This, and the confusion of getting settled, of

unpacking loads of furniture, of arranging the contents of two hundred

and twenty-four boxes that arrived from Washington, while Mrs. Welles

was confined to her room as the result of a fall, "have made me," he

writes, "unused as I am to these matters, exceedingly uncomfortable."

Nevertheless, there is some mitigation, as this entry shows:

"Met Mr. Hamersley--who invited me to his store, where

we had an hour, on political subjects chiefly. It is

somewhere about fifteen years since we have had such

and so long a conversation. So far as I have met and

seen old friends, I have had every reason to be

satisfied. Though not very demonstrative or forward in

calling, they have without exception been cordial and

apparently sincere."

During the nine remaining years of his life Mr. Welles lived quietly,

devoting most of his time to writing, his chief pieces of work being an

elaborate article claiming for the navy, which he felt had never

received its proper share of the credit, the most important part in the

capture of New Orleans, and a little volume entitled "Lincoln and

Seward."

The career which he looked back upon in these last years was one which

should have brought to any man the satisfactions that come from

important work well done. There were, of course, elements that would

naturally interfere with such satisfactions--and these a man like Gideon

Welles took to heart more seriously than another might have done. No one

could have served as he did in high administration during those eight

eventful years without a sense of the blundering, the waste, the

cross-purposes, the petty motives, and even the treachery that were

exhibited in such a disheartening fashion to those behind the scenes.

But through all this he pursued steadfastly his honest and able way, not

exempt from bitter criticism, like all his colleagues, nor from spiteful

intrigue. He seems such a unique and stalwart figure that one is led to

inquire, as one reads his history and his personal record, why he was

not more famous in his day and time.

Perhaps one reason is that while he had a remarkable gift of common

sense, he lacked a sense of humor and the sense of proportion that

accompanies it. His diary, it is quite true, is at times what one would

call humorous reading, but the humor is either unconscious or partakes

of sarcasm. He took life pretty seriously--and indeed he had occasion to

do so.

Then one infers another characteristic which is so difficult to define

and in its way so subtle that one hesitates to be dogmatic about it. Yet

reading between the lines of the diary, which is one of the frankest

human documents in the world, one reader at least gains the impression

that the author, perhaps realizing the innate tendency, which the diary

shows, to pronounce judgment, felt before the world the necessity of

putting a curb upon this propensity. In public he never seems to have

asserted himself in the Rooseveltian manner. He had decided opinions of

his own and was altogether an independent, fearless person, but he

appears to have been one of the rather reticent members of the cabinet.

A friend tells him on one occasion that he should have been more forward

in expressing his views and the diary has many references to times when

he judged silence the better course--as very likely it was--for with him

silence never went so far as to constitute consent to anything he

disapproved. Far more single-minded and straightforward than some of the

other cabinet ministers, he apparently lacked the art, which many men of

smaller caliber possessed, of getting his personality in a large way

before the country.

One feels that here was a capable and high-minded public servant, with

many qualities which in another personality would have produced a great

leader of men. But there was always this reticence. Was it possibly the

inheritance of a New England ancestry?

However, if in his life-time Gideon Welles lacked the gift for

individual prominence that with some of his contemporaries seemed to be

the main object of life, the publication of his remarkable "Diary" has,

long after his death, immortalized him. In this journal we have both a

revelation of personal character that is illuminating and a historic

document that is invaluable.

It is fortunate for us that when Gideon Welles sat down to his diary all

restraint and repression disappeared. His clarity of vision, his

firmness in his belief of what was just and right, his devotion to duty,

his singular ability to estimate men and to portray character--all this

gives even a casual reader a very clear conception of what manner of man

he himself was. As for others, the figures that live forever in these

pages are real people, wrestling in their various characteristic ways

with portentous problems, the solutions of which we now look back upon

as historic matters long since worked out, but which in many instances

presented very different aspects at the time from those which now are

obvious to us. It is remarkable how the judgment of posterity as to

individuals has confirmed Welles's contemporary estimate.

To cite these portraits in detail would be to give a catalogue of the

prominent characters of the day. At once the greatest and, to the modern

reader the most interesting, is that of Abraham Lincoln. His personality

does not appear complete and finished in any one description, but is a

composite of comment, conversation and action recounted from time to

time in the pages covering the period that elapsed before his death.

Thus we see the gradual growing appreciation of his character from that

early day when Welles noted that "much had been said and was then

uttered by partisans of the incompetency of Mr. Lincoln and his

unfitness," to that later cloudy morning when, by the bed on which the

murdered President had to be laid diagonally because of his great

height, Welles "witnessed the wasting life of the good and great man who

was expiring before me." Any reader of the diary who is also familiar

with the latest study of the war President--that by Lord Charnwood--and

who has read or seen Drinkwater's "Lincoln," is instantly aware of the

value of this journal to the historian and the dramatist.

Perhaps the ability to depict personality is the most conspicuous trait

of Gideon Welles as a writer. In this respect he adds to his ability to

gauge character the expressive qualities of the literary artist. While

his estimates of men are startlingly frank and definite, he is always

fair, even toward those whom he disliked. Even in those biting, incisive

phrases relating to his _bête noir_, Senator John P. Hale, there is

something of the inevitable, impersonal condemnation of a court.

The suggestions of a certain reserve in public must not be interpreted

as implying any hesitation to express the diarist's convictions when he

considered that the occasion called for them. Far otherwise. Read, for

example, the careful recitals of those deliberate, overwhelming,

sledgehammer conversational blows the secretary inflicted on the head of

Senator Hale when the opportunity at last came of loosing long pent-up

emotions. The senator must have emerged from that interview a stunned,

if wiser, man.

And very early in their mutual official connection the Secretary of

State discovered that Mr. Welles, and only Mr. Welles, was going to run

the Navy Department. When Seward attempted to interfere surreptitiously

with the naval expedition to relieve Sumter he found himself in a great

deal of trouble, the net result of which may be summarized in the

following quotation from the diary:

"On our way thither [to see the President] Mr. Seward

remarked that, old as he was, he had learned a lesson

from this affair, and that was, he had better attend

to his own business and confine his labors to his own

department. To this I cordially assented."

The return of the Secretary to Hartford brought many memories of old

times--days, when as editor of the "Hartford Times" he had worked for

Jackson's election, later days when, slavery being injected as a moral

issue into politics, he had abandoned the democratic creed and adopted

the republican. Then there were the years when he had served as

postmaster, as member of the general assembly, as state

comptroller--and, again, that searching period when for the sake of his

convictions he was willing to face sure defeat as republican candidate

for governor. For eight years he had served as a member of the

republican national committee and he was chairman of his state

delegation to the convention that nominated for the presidency the man

who was to be afterward his chief and his staunch friend--Abraham

Lincoln. We have Lincoln's own word for it, as reported verbatim in the

diary, that there was no wire-pulling in connection with Gideon Welles's

appointment. The fact that he was a New England man may have had

something to do with it, but the real consideration was his record.

It was a life full of service for his country and of devotion to the

faith that was in him, that the old man looked back upon in the closing

years.

_IX: Our Battle Laureate_

ABOUT six months before Gideon Welles returned to his old home, an

ensign in that navy of which Mr. Welles was, under the President,

commander-in-chief, landed in the port of New York on the U. S. steam

frigate "Franklin". The "Franklin" bore the flag of Admiral Farragut,

who was returning from a two-year command of our European Squadron, and

the ensign, Henry Howard Brownell, of East Hartford, was a member of the

great sailor's personal staff on which he had served during the war.

It was the end of Brownell's service and travels. Four years later, on

October 31, 1872, at the height of the Grant-Greeley campaign, he died

at the family homestead after a long and distressing illness. He had

been born in 1820. Seven years before his death Dr. Holmes, in a review

in the "Atlantic" of one of his slim volumes of verse, had called him

"Our Battle Laureate."

Uneven as his verse was, he was a true poet. A spark of the divine fire

had fallen upon him. Other activities had been attempted, but for him

there clearly was in them no satisfaction. As a youth he tried

mercantile life in New York, but abandoned it after less than a year.

Teaching seems to have been the practical--if poetry is not

"practical"--pursuit which proved most congenial and it is singular that

his first work as a teacher was in Mobile near which the great

experience of his life later occurred. This short sojourn in the South

came after his graduation in 1841 from Trinity College and was followed

by study of the law in Hartford where he was admitted to the bar and for

a short time practiced in partnership with his brother Charles.

But the law was not for him. The poetic muse was always whispering in

his ear. He saw visions and dreamed dreams--witness his "Song of the

Archangels." Yet he was rather a direct and rugged sort of poet.

Subtlety and indirection, fine shadings, carefully wrought lines, had

little place in his methods. He appears to have been impatient of

revision. He felt deeply and the need of expression was instant. Often

he wrote, as he states in the preface to "Lyrics of a Day," _currente

calamo_, and most of his verses were seen first in the pages of the

Hartford newspapers. In the light of modern technique many of them seem

already a little old-fashioned. Perhaps the present-day undergraduate

would call some of them "simple." Yet any of our young intellectuals

might be proud of having written "In Articulo Mortis"; surely there is

nothing very simple about "The Sphinx." And one is occasionally startled

by lines that have the perfect, the inevitable phrase--as in these from

"The Tomb of Columbus"--

". . . . the fragrant breath

Of unknown tropic flowers came o'er my path,

Wafted--how pleasantly! for I had been

Long on the seas, and their soft, waveless glare

Had made green fields a longing."

It would be difficult to improve on that last line. Again--to most

readers there will come a swift and dramatic vision from the two stanzas

of "Qu'il Mourut"--

"Not a sob, not a tear be spent

For those who fell at his side--

But a moan and a long lament

For him--who might have died!

"Who might have lain, as Harold lay,

A King, and in state enow--

Or slept with his peers, like Roland

In the Straits of Roncesvaux."

In all his early verse there is much that is haunting and memorable,

together with much that is trivial and even flippant, It was the coming

of the Civil War that made Henry Brownell known as a poet. Indeed he

published little before that time.

In our own day we have had great moral issues in war and we have known

what the response to them could be. These issues were, however, involved

with many other peoples, their application was, in a way, diffused; to

different races they presented different aspects. But the Civil War was

our _own_ war, its issues were concentrated; it not only involved

national honor, it concerned, and vitally concerned, the question

whether the nation should live.

To these portentous messages and alarms, borne on every breath of the

wandering breezes of those tense days, the spirit of Henry Brownell

responded with an intuitive instinct, a poetic eloquence, akin to that

of the seers and the prophets.

"World, art thou 'ware of a storm?

Hark to the ominous sound,

How the far-off gales their battle form,

And the great sea swells feel ground!"

In 1860, the Hartford papers were full of his "fiery lyrics" and the

writer--was it Hawley or Warner?--of an appreciation of Brownell in the

"Courant" shortly after his death tells how well he remembered the day

in the anxious winter of 1860-61 when Brownell brought into the office

of the old "Evening Press" the manuscript of "Annus Memorabilis"--verses

breathing a resolution and exaltation of courage that brought a generous

measure of fame. There is something about "Annus Memorabilis"--not only

the meter which is the same--that suggests Macaulay's "Naseby,"

something, too, remotely suggestive of Kipling. Into this mood of

exaltation there ran occasionally a vein of humor that only deserves

mention in the case of the verses "Let Us Alone," inspired by Jefferson

Davis's statement in his inaugural address, "All we want is to be left

alone." Though of little poetic merit these lines caught the popular

fancy and were long remembered and quoted.

And so the war came on, and the poet's vision, which had been laughed at

by some readers, was justified by events. There came defeats, almost

countless deaths, occasional victories, doubts of final victory--all the

ebb and flow and waste of war--and to it all the sensitive but vigorous

spirit responded in many chords. Of the gentler lays, the most winning

to the writer are the verses called "The Battle Summers." Here are a few

of the stanzas--

"All vain--Fair Oaks and Seven Pines!

A deeper hue than dying Fall

May lend, is yours!--yet over all

The mild Virginian autumn smiles,

. . . . .

"We pass--we sink like summer's snow--

Yet on the mighty Cause shall move,

Though every field a Cannae prove,

And every pass a Roncesvaux.

"Through every summer burn anew

A battle summer,--though each day

We name a new Aceldema,

Or some dry Golgotha re-dew."

On the whole, however, it was the magnificence, the drama, of the

struggle that possessed him--sometimes the realization of the

tremendous stakes for which the game was played, sometimes the actual,

objective romance of events, as in the beginning of the famous "River

Fight"--

"Would you hear of the River Fight?

It was two of a soft spring night--

God's stars looked down on all,

And all was clear and bright.

But the low fog's chilling breath--

Up the River of Death

Sailed the Great Admiral."

His own participation in the fighting came about in a strange way. He

paraphrased in verse, first published in the "Evening Press," the rather

dramatic general orders preparatory to the "River Fight." Poetically it

was not a great performance, but in some way it came to the attention of

Farragut who was greatly impressed. The acquaintance thus begun resulted

in the unusual appointment of Brownell as master's mate on Farragut's

staff and, shortly thereafter, as ensign, with the duties of secretary.

One can fancy the lift and glory in the heart of this rather retiring

poet and teacher, with a hitherto unsatisfied thirst for action and

drama, as he stood on the quarter-deck of the "Hartford" fighting her

way up Mobile Bay on that early August morning in 1864. At last he was

in the midst of great events. This was his crowded hour--and the gods

gave him full measure. Even in plain prose it is a gallant story. What a

life-time must have been lived in those moments when Craven's monitor

"Tecumseh", off to port, making for the Confederate ram "Tennessee",

struck a torpedo and went down; when the "Brooklyn", leading the column,

just ahead of the "Hartford", backed down upon the flag-ship, in fear of

more torpedoes; when Farragut, lashed in the rigging, saw his line

doubling up in confusion close under the Confederate batteries! It was

then occurred the famous colloquy and order. "What is the trouble?" was

asked of the "Brooklyn" by the flag-ship and the answer--"Torpedoes."

"Damn the torpedoes!" shouted the Admiral. "Captain Drayton, go ahead!

Jouett, full speed!" And the "Hartford," increasing speed rapidly,

passed under the stern of the "Brooklyn" and took the lead, firing her

starboard batteries as fast as the men could work. One did not need to

be a poet to secure a thrill from such a situation, but what must it

have meant to the creative imagination that till then had pictured such

scenes only in fancy!

And this was only the early part of the fight. Through it all Brownell

took notes, as he had been ordered, of the progress of the action and

literally wrote at least one stanza of "The Bay Fight." During the

battle he dropped one of his papers which was later found and returned

to him with an expression of admiration that he could write so legibly

in the midst of such excitement. "If I were killed," he replied, "I

didn't want any of you to think I'd been afraid."

Probably "The Bay Fight" was Brownell's most famous poem, though "The

River Fight" is generally classed with it. The ballad has its faults. It

is too long and too detailed for modern taste. It is ragged in

places--the poet made his own versification much of the time. But it has

vigor, vividness and sincere emotion, and through it all runs the

turmoil and thunder of the battle. "The Bay Fight" has been compared to

the work of Campbell, Drayton and Tennyson--yet no one has suggested a

special likeness in temper and methods, in its narrative portions, to

"The Ballad of the Revenge" of which it reminded one reader. At the

close, where the meter changes to a quieter rhythm, there are a

tenderness and aspiration and felicity of phrasing that arrest even the

casual reader--

"To-day the Dahlgren and the drum

Are dread Apostles of his name;

His Kingdom here can only come

By chrism of blood and flame.

"Be strong; already slants the gold

Athwart these wild and stormy skies;

From out this blackened waste, behold,

What happy homes shall rise!

. . . . . .

"And never fear a victor foe--

Thy children's hearts are strong and high,

Nor mourn too fondly--well they know

On deck or field to die."

The verse of the Great War and that of the Civil War show one marked

contrast. The best poetry of the recent titanic struggle is

individualistic. It reflects the re-actions of personality to the stress

and tension, the long-drawn, desperate drudgery, the tragedy, and

sometimes the humor, of the strange experience. It pictures the dreams

of home and peace. Most of the best of it has been written by young

soldiers, many of whom were novices in the poetic rôle. On the whole

the well-known poets did not come up to expectations. There were of

course exceptions, but most of this recent verse, appealing and

beautiful as it is, misses the higher vision, perhaps because the

immediate scene and the personal experience were so overwhelming. The

poets of our Civil War, however, were obsessed with the meaning of it

all, with the hopes and fears for the country's future. Have we as yet

anything in American verse about the Great War that we can place beside

the best war poetry of Holmes and Whittier? Can we find sustained poetic

inspiration that compares with Lowell's "Commemoration Ode"? Whereas to

this recent conflict is the lyric power of the "The Battle Hymn of the

Republic"? And, coming down to mere narrative and descriptive verse,

what incident of this modern Armageddon has found among us its immortal

ballad, as the battle of Mobile Bay found its eloquent poetic record in

"The Bay Fight"?

_X: The Temple of the Muses_

TO older citizens the Wadsworth Atheneum has an especial and peculiar

charm. Doubtless more recent residents also feel this attraction, but it

is natural that to those who as children lived in its shadow, as it

were, the appeal should be strongest.

Here we were wont to go on rainy afternoons to look at the illustrated

papers in the reading room. In the historical society's quarters

upstairs it used to give one a peculiar thrill to sit on the link of the

chain which during the Revolution was stretched across the Hudson at

West Point, and which we had read about in the "Boys of 'Seventy-Six."

There was, too, a certain ghastly emotional experience to be derived

from an inspection of the sword holes, just over the heart, in the

waistcoat and shirt of Colonel Ledyard. Then there were those Saturday

mornings spent with the good friend of all children in the weekly

proceedings at the Atheneum of the old "Agassiz Association."

In those days we were reading "Kenilworth" and "Woodstock" and the

castellated structure acquired in our minds a quality of mystery and

romance. Certain precincts of the building were denied us and an

impression gained credence that somewhere in the edifice, the plan of

which we never fathomed, were secret rooms, passages and staircases.

Certainly if ghosts walked anywhere the place where you would be most

likely to find them was on some Hallowe'en midnight among these relics

of the past. But we never got in at midnight--in fact nothing could have

persuaded us to attempt such an entry.

More mature experience removed something of the mystery, but the charm

never entirely vanished. It came, however, to be exercised in different

ways. Perhaps it was necessary during vacations to supplement college

reading by the use of the historical society's library, then installed

in the delightful quarters that had been the first home of the Watkinson

collection. In many ways it seems a pity that this old library, with its

oak bookshelves, arranged in alcoves, its galleries and delightful

little staircases, has been abandoned for modern, but less atmospheric

quarters. It was a charming room and the only place of its kind in the

state, except the old library at Yale, the proposed alteration of which

recently created such a storm of opposition.

It was discovered, however, that the newer and larger Watkinson Library

also offered a quiet refuge when one wanted to study or read without

interruption. Here, too, were and still are alcoves, galleries and

staircases, but loftier, more imposing and triumphant than in the

intimate and friendly and older library. The main room of the Watkinson

is, however, an alluring spot where one may escape from the financial

implications of the immediate environment into a world with which money

and business have little to do.

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