CHAPTER II.

THE INFANCY OF ARTILLERY IN ENGLAND.

THE term Ordnance was in use in England before cannon were employed; and

it included every description of warlike weapon. The artificers employed

in the various permanent military duties were called officers of the

Ordnance.

The first record of cannon having been used in the field dates from

Henry III.; and with the increasing skill of the founders the use of

cannon speedily became more general. But the moral influence of the guns

was far beyond their deserts. They were served in the rudest way, and

their movements in the field and in garrison were most uncertain, yet

they were regarded with superstitious awe, and received special names,

such as "John Evangelist," the "Red Gun," the "Seven Sisters," "Mons

Meg," &c. In proportion to the awe which they inspired was the

inadequate moral effect produced on an army by the loss of its

artillery, or by the capture of its enemy's guns.

In the earliest days cannon were made of the rudest materials,—of wood,

leather, iron bars, and hoops; but as time went on guns of superior

construction were imported from France and Holland. The first mention of

the casting in England of "great brass cannon and culverins" is in the

year 1521, when one John Owen began to make them, "the first Englishman

that ever made that kind of Artillery in England." The first iron guns

cast in this country were made by three foreigners at Buckstead in

Sussex, in the year 1543. In this same year, the first shells were cast,

for mortars of eleven inches calibre, described as "certain hollow shot

of cast iron, to be stuffed with fireworks, whereof the bigger sort had

screws of iron to receive a match, and carry fire to break in small

pieces the same hollow shot, whereof the smallest piece hitting a man

would kill or spoil him." The following table[2] gives the names,

weights, and charges of the guns which were in general use in the year

1574. There were, in addition to these, guns called Curtals or Curtaux,

Demicurtaux, and Bombards:—

──────────────────┬───────┬─────────┬───────┬─────────┬───────┬───────

NAMES. │Weight.│Diameter.│Weight │Scores of│Charge │Height

│ │ │ of │Carriage.│ of │ of

│ │ │ Shot. │ │Powder.│Bullet.

──────────────────┼───────┼─────────┼───────┼─────────┼───────┼───────

│ lbs. │ inches. │ lbs. │ │ lbs. │inches.

1. Robinet │ 200│ 1¼│ 1│ ..│ ½│ 1

2. Falconett │ 500│ 2│ 2│ 14│ 2│ 1¼

3. Falcon │ 800│ 2½│ 2½│ 16│ 2½│ 2¼

4. Minion │ 1100│ 3¼│ 4½│ 17│ 4½│ 3

5. Sacre │ 1500│ 3½│ 5│ 18│ 5│ 3¼

6. Demi-culverin │ 3000│ 4½│ 9│ 20│ 9│ 4

7. Culverin │ 4000│ 5½│ 18│ 25│ 18│ 5¼

8. Demi-cannon │ 6000│ 6½│ 30│ 38│ 28│ 6¼

9. Cannon │ 7000│ 8│ 60│ 20│ 44│ 7¾

10. E. Cannon │ 8000│ 7│ 42│ 20│ 20│ 6¾

11. Basilisk │ 9000│ 8¾│ 60│ 21│ 60│ 8¼

──────────────────┴───────┴─────────┴───────┴─────────┴───────┴───────

Among the earliest occasions recorded of the use of Artillery by the

English, were the campaigns in Scotland of Edward II. and Edward III.;

the capture of Berwick by the latter monarch in 1333; his campaigns in

Flanders and France in 1338-39-40; his siege of Vannes in 1343; his

successful raid in Normandy in 1346; the battle of Cressy on the 26th

August in that year, when the fire of his few pieces of cannon is said

to have struck a panic into the enemy; the expedition to Ireland in

1398; Henry IV.'s defeat of the French in Wales, in 1400; another

successful siege of Berwick in 1405; the capture of Harfleur in 1415;

and the battle of Agincourt on the 25th October of that year; the sieges

of Tongue and Caen in 1417; of Falaise and other towns in Normandy in

1418; concluding with the capitulation of Cherbourg and Rouen after

protracted sieges, stone projectiles being thrown from the cannon with

great success; the engagements between Edward IV. and Warwick, when

Artillery was used on both sides; the expedition to France in 1474, and

to Scotland in 1482, when yet another successful siege of Berwick took

place, successful mainly owing to the Artillery employed by the

besieging force; the capture of Sluis, in Flanders; and the attack on

Calais and Boulogne in 1491. In the sixteenth century may be enumerated

the expedition to Flanders in 1511, in aid of the Duchess of Savoy; the

Siege of Térouenne and Battle of the Spurs in 1513; the Siege of

Tournay; the Battle of Flodden Field, where the superior accuracy of the

English Artillery rendered that of the Scotch useless; the descent on

the coast of France and capture of Morlies in 1523; the Siege of Bray

and Montedier in 1524; the siege of Boulogne in 1544; the expedition to

Cadiz under the Earl of Essex in 1596, and that to the Azores in 1597.

In the next century, daring the Civil War, and in all Cromwell's

expeditions, the use of Artillery was universal; and the part of the

century after the Restoration will be alluded to in a subsequent

chapter.

The use, therefore, of Artillery by the English has existed for

centuries; but,—regarding it with modern eyes, its application would

better deserve the term _abuse_. Nothing strikes the student so much as

the absence of the scientific Artillery element in the early trains; and

this feeling is followed by one of wonder at the patience with which our

military leaders tolerated the almost total want of mobility which

characterized them. Not until the last decade of the eighteenth century

was the necessity of mobility officially recognized, by the

establishment of the Royal Horse Artillery; and it took half a century

more to impress upon our authorities that a Field Battery might not

unreasonably be expected to move occasionally faster than a walk.

It is difficult, in reviewing such a period as the last fifteen years

have been in the history of Artillery in England—so full of improvements

in every way—to single out any one of these as more worthy of mention

than the rest; but when posterity comes to review it dispassionately,

the improvement in equipment and mobility of our Field Artillery will

most probably be considered the prominent feature of the time. And these

are the very qualities which for centuries remained in England

unimproved and stagnant. The eighteenth century saw Artillery conducted

by drivers, not under military discipline, nor marked by distinctive

costume; who not unfrequently fled with their horses during the action,

leaving the gunners helpless, and the guns at the mercy of the enemy. In

this year, 1872, our drivers go into action unarmed, it being considered

that the possession of defensive weapons might distract their attention

from their horses. But we do not commit the old error of using men not

under martial law. A driver who, on an emergency, finds himself with his

whip merely to defend him, may possibly feel aggrieved: but however far

he may run away, he cannot escape the embrace of the Mutiny Act, and is

as liable to punishment as the man who deserts before the enemy, after

his country has sent him into the field armed from head to foot.

In the very earliest days of Artillery in England, the number of gunners

borne on permanent pay on the books of the Ordnance bore a very small

proportion to the artificers so borne. With the increasing use of

cannon, an increase in the number of artillerymen took place, but by no

means _pari passu_: and, as towns in England became gradually fortified,

a small number of gunners in each was found to be necessary to protect

and take care of the stores, and to fire the guns on high days and

holidays. In 1344, although no fewer than 321 artificers and engineers

were borne on the books of the Ordnance in time of peace, only twelve

gunners and seven armourers appear. In 1415, at the Siege of Harfleur,

there were present 120 miners, 130 carpenters, and 120 masons; but only

25 master, and 50 servitor gunners—the latter corresponding probably to

the matrosses of a later date. At the Siege of Tongue, in 1417, no less

than 1000 masons, carpenters, and labourers were present, but only a

small number of gunners. At this time, the driving of the guns, the

placing them in position, and shipping and unshipping them, devolved on

the civil labourers of the trains, and there was a military guard to

escort the guns on the march. The gunner's duty seems to have been a

general supervision of gun and stores, and the laying and firing it when

in action. He was the captain of the gun in war—its custodian in peace.

After the fifteenth century there was a marked increase in the number of

artillerymen in the trains, although still totally inadequate. For

example, in the train ordered on service in France, in 1544, where the

civil element was represented by 157 artificers, 100 pioneers, and 20

carters, there were no less than 2 master-gunners, 264 gunners, and a

special detachment of 15 gunners, for the guns placed immediately round

the King's tent. The principal officers of the Ordnance also accompanied

the expedition.

There was a distinction between the gunners of garrisons and those of

the trains, as regarded the source of their pay, or rather its channel.

At first, both were paid from the Exchequer; but after the proper

establishment of an Ordnance Department at the Tower, the gunners of the

various trains were paid by it, the others receiving their salaries as

before. The company of fee'd gunners at the Tower of London differed

from the gunners of other garrisons in receiving their pay from the

Ordnance directly. It must not be imagined, however, that the gunners of

garrisons were beyond the control of the Board of Ordnance because their

pay was not drawn on the Ordnance books. Not merely had the Master of

the Ordnance the nomination of the gunners of garrisons, but the power

also of weeding out the useless and superannuated. The instance given in

the Introductory Chapter of this volume, shows how directly they were

under the Board in matters of discipline; and although, as a matter of

Treasury detail, their pay was drawn in a different department, a word

from the Ordnance Office could stop its issue to any gunner in any

garrison who was deemed by the Board to have forfeited his right to it

in any way. It was not until 1771, long after the formation of the Royal

Artillery, that these garrison gunners were incorporated into the

invalid companies of the regiment; and at the present date they are

represented by what is called the Coast Brigade of Artillery. The pay of

the old gunners of garrisons depended on the fort in which they resided.

Berwick, for example, as an important station, was also one in which the

gunner's pay was higher. In the reign of Edward VI. we find the average

pay of a master-gunner was 1_s._ a-day, and of the gunners, from 4_d._

to 1_s._ Later, the pay of the master-gunner was raised to 2_s._ a-day,

and that of the gunners rarely fell below 1_s._ In time of war, the pay

of the gunners of the trains far exceeded the above rates. The senior

master-gunner was styled the Master-Gunner of England. From 2_s._ a-day,

which was the pay of this official in the sixteenth century, it rose to

160_l._ per annum, and ultimately to 190_l._ His residence and duties

lay originally in the Tower, and chiefly among the fee'd gunners at that

station; but after Woolwich had attained its speciality for Artillery

details, quarters were allotted to him there in the Manor House. Among

the oldest Master-Gunners of England whose names are recorded may be

enumerated Christopher Gould, Richard Webb, Anthony Feurutter[3] or

Fourutter,[4] Stephen Bull, William Bull, William Hammond, John Reynold,

and John Wornn—all of whom held their appointments in the sixteenth

century, and the majority of them by letters patent from Elizabeth. From

the fact that in the wording of their appointments two of the above are

particularized as soldiers by profession, it would appear that the

others were not so; and it is more probable that they were chosen for

their knowledge of laboratory duties, and of the "making of pleasaunt

and warlike fireworks."

The company of fee'd gunners at the Tower, which might be supposed to

have had some military organization, really appears to have had little

or none. Their number in Edward VI.'s reign was 58, with a master-

gunner; but gradually it was increased to 100, which for many years was

the normal establishment. They were supposed to parade twice a week, and

learn the science of gunnery, under the Master-Gunner of England; but

their attendance was so irregular, and their ignorance of their

profession so deplorable, that a strong measure had to be adopted, to

which allusion will be made in a later chapter. Colonel Miller, in his

researches among the warrants appointing the gunners, found some

venerable recruits—who can hardly have been of much value in the field—

of ages varying from sixty-four to ninety-two. There is no doubt that

these appointments were frequently sold, or given in return for personal

or political services, without any regard to the capability of the

recipient. The clerks at the Ordnance Office had their fees for

preparing these men's warrants, whose wording of the duties expected of

the nominee must have frequently read like a grotesque satire. The

situations were desirable because they did not interfere with the

holders continuing to work at their trades near the Tower; and if the

gunners were ordered to Woolwich for the purpose of mounting guns, or

shipping and unshipping stores, they received working pay in addition to

their regular salaries. It was from their ranks that the vacancies among

master-gunners and gunners of garrisons were almost invariably filled.

When a warlike expedition had been decided upon, the Master of the

Ordnance was informed what size of a train of Artillery was required;

but he was permitted to increase or decrease its internal proportions as

he thought fit. To him also was left the appointment of all the officers

and attendants of the train; and, with the exception of any belonging to

the small permanent establishment, it was understood that the services

of any so appointed were only required while the expedition lasted. This

spasmodic method of organizing the Artillery forces of this country was

sufficient to account for the want of progress in the science of

gunnery, and the equipments of our trains, which is apparent until we

reach the commencement of the eighteenth century. But it took centuries

of stagnation, and of bitter and shameful experience, to teach the

lesson that Artillery is a science which requires incessant study, that

such study cannot be expected unless from men who can regard their

profession as a permanent one, and the study as a means to an end; and

that, even admitting the possibility of such study being carried on by

men in the hope of occasional employment, it would be too theoretical,

unless means of practice and testing were afforded, beyond the power of

a private individual to obtain. Nor could habits of discipline be

generated by occasional military expeditions, which, to an untrained

man, are more likely to bring demoralization; it is during peace-service

that the discipline is learnt which is to steady a man in the excitement

and hardships of war.

As samples of the trains of Artillery before the Restoration, the

following, of various dates, may be taken: and an examination of the

constituent parts will well repay the reader.

The first is a train in the year 1544, already alluded to, and which was

commanded by the Master of the Ordnance himself, Sir Thomas Seymour.

1. TRAIN OF ARTILLERY _ordered on Service in 1544_.

Pay per diem.

£ _s._ _d._

Sir Thomas Seymour, Master of the Ordnance 1 6 8

Sir Thomas Seymour, Conduct money at 4_d._ a mile.

Sir Thomas Seymour, Coat money for 20 servants at 4_d._

each.

A horse-tent.

Sir Thomas Darcie, Master of the Armoury 1 0 0

Sir Christopher Morris, Lieutenant of the Ordnance 0 10 0

A clerk for him, Robert Morgan 0 2 0

6 servants, each 0 0 6

Burnardyne de Vallowayes } Master-Gunners, each 0 4 0

John Bassett } Master-Gunners, each

209 Gunners, each 0 0 7

157 Artificers, each 0 0 8

Chief conductor of the train 0 6 0

A clerk to him 0 2 0

John Verney, overseer of the King's great mares for the 0 4 0

train of Artillery

William Heywood, assistant to him 0 1 0

Thomas Mulberry } guides of the said mares, each 0 1 0

Harry Hughes } guides of the said mares, each

6 conductors of the Ordnance

20 Carters, each 0 0 6

William Rayherne, Captain of the Pioneers 0 4 0

100 Pioneers, each 0 0 8

* * * * *

John Rogers, of the privy ordnance and weapons.

15 Gunners appointed to the brass pieces about the King's tent.

55 Gunners appointed to the shrympes, with two cases each.

4 carpenters.

4 wheelers.

3 armourers.

Charles Walman, an officer employed to choose the gunpowder.

* * * * *

_N.B._—The pioneers received 2_s._ a piece transport money from Boulogne

to Dover, and conduct money from Dover to their dwelling-places—4_d._ a

mile for the captain, and ½ _d._ for every pioneer.

_Harl. MS. 5753._

* * * * *

2. _Establishment of a Small Train of Artillery in 1548._

1 Master of Artillery.

1 Lieutenant of ditto.

1 Master-Gunner.

15 Gunners at 1_s._ per diem.

12 Gunners at 8_d._ per diem.

80 Gunners at 6_d._ per diem.

2 Gunners at 4_d._ per diem.

* * * * *

3. _Establishment of a Train of Artillery in the year 1618._

1 General of Artillery.

1 Lieutenant of ditto.

10 Gentlemen of ditto.

25 Conductors of ditto.

1 Master-Gunner.

136 Gunners.

1 Petardier.

1 Captain of miners.

25 Miners.

1 Captain of pioneers.

1 Surgeon.

1 Surgeon's-mate.

* * * * *

4. _Establishment of a Train of 22 pieces of Ordnance in the

year 1620._

1 Master of the Ordnance.

1 Lieutenant of ditto.

9 Gentlemen of ditto.

1 Master-Gunner.

3 Master-Gunner's Mates.

3 Constables or Quarter-gunners.

124 Gunners.

* * * * *

5. _Establishment of a Train of 30 pieces in the year 1639._

1 Master of the Ordnance.

1 Lieutenant of ditto.

1 Comptroller.

4 Gentlemen of the Ordnance.

1 Master-Gunner.

30 Gunners.

40 Matrosses.

It will be seen that in Tables 2, 3, 4, and 5, the Artillery element is

alone given. Nor are the proportions of the trains, and their

constituent parts, such as to enable us to draw any fixed law from them.

They are merely interesting—not very instructive. Table 1, on the other

hand, is both interesting _and_ instructive. The appearance of medical

officers in the train of 1618, and of matrosses—a species of assistant-

gunner—in that of 1639, will not have escaped the reader's notice.

In the next chapter we shall find that the presence of a man like Lord

Dartmouth, and his predecessor, Sir William Compton, at the Ordnance,

reveals itself in the greater method visible in the Artillery

arrangements; and with the introduction of Continental artillerists,

under William III., comes a greater experience of the value of

Artillery, which nearly brought about, in 1698, that permanent

establishment which was delayed by circumstances until 1716.

-----

Footnote 2:

This table is reproduced from the MSS. of the late Colonel Cleaveland.

Footnote 3:

Feurutter, according to Colonel Miller.

Footnote 4:

Fourutter, according to Colonel Cleaveland.

History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Vol. 1 Compiled from the Original Records · 第 2 / 30 章