THE JACKSONIAN SUCCESSION
"Oh, hang General Jackson," exclaimed Fanny Kemble one day, after
dinner, in the cabin of the ship that brought her, in the summer of
1832, to the United States. Even before she set foot on our shores, the
brilliant English actress was tired of the din of politics and bored by
the incessant repetition of the President's name. Subsequently she was
presented at the White House and had an opportunity to form her own
opinion of the "monarch" whose name and deeds were on everybody's lips;
and the impression was by no means unfavorable. "Very tall and thin he
was," says her journal, "but erect and dignified; a good specimen of a
fine old, well-battered soldier; his manners perfectly simple and
quiet, and, therefore, very good."
Small wonder that the name of Jackson was heard wherever men and women
congregated in 1832! Something more than half of the people of the
country were at the moment trying to elect the General to a second term
as President, and something less than half were putting forth their
best efforts to prevent such a "calamity." Three years of Jacksonian
rule had seen the civil service revolutionized, the Cabinet banished
from its traditional place in the governmental system, and the conduct
of the executive branch given a wholly new character and bent. Internal
improvements had been checked by the Maysville Road veto. The United
States Bank had been given a blow, through another veto, which sent it
staggering. Political fortunes had been made and unmade by a wave of
the President's hand. The first attempt of a State to put the stability
of the Union to the test had brought the Chief Executive dramatically
into the rÙle of defender of the nation's dignity and perpetuity. No
previous President had so frequently challenged the attention of the
public; none had kept himself more continuously in the forefront of
political controversy.
Frail health and close application to official duties prevented Jackson
from traveling extensively during his eight years in the White House.
He saw the Hermitage but once in this time, and on but one occasion did
he venture far from the capital. This was in the summer of 1833, when
he toured the Middle States and New England northward as far as
Concord, New Hampshire. Accompanied by Van Buren, Lewis Cass, Levi
Woodbury, and other men of prominence, the President set off from
Washington in early June. At Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and
intervening cities the party was received with all possible
demonstrations of regard. Processions moved through crowded streets;
artillery thundered salutes; banquet followed banquet; the enthusiasm
of the masses was unrestrained. At New York the furnishings of the
hotel suite occupied by the President were eventually auctioned off as
mementoes of the occasion.
New England was, in the main, enemy country. None the less, the
President was received there with unstinted goodwill. Edward Everett
said that only two other men had ever been welcomed in Boston as
Jackson was. They were Washington and La Fayette. The President's
determined stand against nullification was fresh in mind, and the
people, regardless of party, were not slow to express their
appreciation. Their cordiality was fully reciprocated. "He is amazingly
tickled with the Yankees," reports a fellow traveler more noted for
veracity than for elegance of speech, "and the more he sees on 'em, the
better he likes 'em. 'No nullification here,' says he. 'No,' says I,
'General; Mr. Calhoun would stand no more chance down east than a
stumped-tail bull in fly time.'"
To the infinite disgust of John Quincy Adams, Harvard University
conferred upon the distinguished visitor the honorary degree of doctor
of laws. In the course of the ceremony one of the seniors delivered, in
Latin, a salutatory concluding with the words: "Harvard welcomes
Jackson the President. She embraces Jackson the Patriot." "A splendid
compliment, sir, a splendid compliment," declared the honored guest
after Woodbury had translated the phrases for his benefit; "but why
talk about so live a thing as patriotism in a dead language?" At the
close of the exercises the students filed past the President and were
introduced to him, each greeting him, "to the infinite edification and
amusement of the grizzly old warrior," by his new title Doctor Jackson.
The wits of the opposition lost no opportunity to poke fun at the
President's accession to the brotherhood of scholars. As he was closing
a speech some days later an auditor called out, "You must give them a
little Latin, Doctor." In nowise abashed, the President solemnly doffed
his hat again, stepped to the front of the platform, and resumed: "E
pluribus unum, my friends, sine qua non!"
Life at the White House, as one writer has remarked, lost under Jackson
something of the good form of the Virginia rÈgime, but it lost nothing
of the air of domesticity. Throughout the two Administrations the
mistress of the mansion was Mrs. Andrew Jackson Donelson, wife of the
President's secretary and in every respect a very capable woman. Of
formality there was little or none. Major Lewis was a member of the
presidential household, and other intimates--Van Buren, Kendall, Blair,
Hill--dropped in at anytime, "before breakfast, or in the evening, as
inclination prompted." The President was always accessible to callers,
whether or not their business was important. Yet he found much time,
especially in the evenings, for the enjoyment of his long reed pipe
with red clay bowl, in the intimacy of the White House living room,
with perhaps a Cabinet officer to read dispatches or other state papers
to him in a corner, while the ladies sewed and chatted and half a dozen
children played about the room.
Social affairs there were, of course. But they were simple enough to
please the most ardent Jeffersonian--much too simple to please people
accustomed to somewhat rigorous etiquette. Thus George Bancroft, who
had the reputation of being one of Washington's most punctilious
gentlemen, thought well of Jackson's character but very poorly of his
levees. In describing a White House reception which he attended in
1831, he wrote:
The old man stood in the center of a little circle, about large enough
for a cotillion, and shook hands with everybody that offered. The
number of ladies who attended was small; nor were they brilliant. But
to compensate for it there was a throng of apprentices, boys of all
ages, men not civilized enough to walk about the room with their hats
off; the vilest promiscuous medley that ever was congregated in a
decent house; many of the lowest gathering round the doors, pouncing
with avidity upon the wine and refreshments, tearing the cake with the
ravenous keenness of intense hunger; starvelings, and fellows with
dirty faces and dirty manners; all the refuse that Washington could
turn forth from its workshops and stables.
The "people" still ruled. Yet it was only the public receptions that
presented such scenes of disorder. The dinners which the President
occasionally gave were well appointed. A Philadelphia gentleman who was
once invited to the White House with two or three friends testifies
that "the dinner was very neat and served in excellent taste, while the
wines were of the choicest qualities. The President himself dined on
the simplest fare: bread, milk, and vegetables."
Jackson was never a rich man, and throughout his stay in the White
House he found it no easy matter to make ends meet. He entertained his
personal friends and official guests royally. He lavished hospitality
upon the general public, sometimes spending as much as a thousand or
fifteen hundred dollars on a single levee. He drew a sharp line between
personal and public expenditures, and met out of his own pocket outlays
that under administrations both before and after were charged to the
public account. He loaned many thousands of dollars, in small amounts,
to needy friends, to old comrades in arms, and especially to widows and
orphans of his soldiery and of his political supporters; and a large
proportion of these debts he not only never collected but actually
forgot. Receipts from the Hermitage farm during his years of absence
were small, and fire in 1834 made necessary a rebuilding of the family
residence at considerable cost. The upshot was that when, in 1837, the
General was preparing to leave Washington, he had to scrape together
every available dollar in cash, and in addition pledge the cotton crop
of his plantation six months ahead for a loan of six thousand dollars,
in order to pay the bills outstanding against him in the capital.
Meanwhile the country came to the election of 1836. From the time of
Van Buren's withdrawal from the Cabinet in 1831 to become, with
Jackson's full approval, a candidate for the vice presidency, there
never was doubt that the New Yorker would be the Democratic
presidential nominee in 1836, or that his election would mean a
continuation, in most respects, of the Jacksonian rÈgime. Never did a
President more clearly pick his successor. There was, of course, some
protest within the party. Van Buren was not popular, and it required
all of the personal and official influence that the President could
bring to bear, backed up by judicious use of the patronage, to carry
his program through. At that, his own State rebelled and, through a
resolution of the Legislature, put itself behind the candidacy of
Senator Hugh L. White. The bold actions of his second Administration,
defiant alike of precedent and opposition, had alienated many of the
President's more intelligent and conservative followers. Yet the
allegiance of the masses was unshaken; and when the Democratic
convention assembled at Baltimore in May, 1835,--a year and a half
before the election--the nomination of Van Buren was secured without a
dissenting vote. There was no need to adopt a platform; everybody
understood that Jackson's policies were the platform, and that Jackson
himself was as truly before the electorate as if he had been a
candidate for a third term. In his letter of acceptance Van Buren met
all expectations by declaring his purpose "to tread generally in the
footsteps of President Jackson."
The anti-Administration forces entered the campaign with no flattering
prospects. Since 1832 their opposition to "executive usurpation" had
won for them a new party name, "Whig." But neither their opposition nor
any other circumstance had given them party solidarity. National
Republicans, anti-Masons, converted Jacksonians, state rights men--upon
what broad and constructive platform could they hope to unite? They had
no lack of able presidential aspirants. There was Clay, the National
Republican candidate in 1832; there was Webster, of whom Jackson once
said that he would never be President because he was "too far east,
knows too much, and is too honest"; and there were lesser lights, such
as Judge John McLean. But, again, how could the many discordant groups
be rallied to the support of any single leader?
Jackson predicted in 1834 that his opponents would nominate William
Henry Harrison, because "they have got to take up a soldier; they have
tried orators enough." The prophecy was a shrewd one, and in 1840 it
was fulfilled to the letter. Upon the present occasion, however, the
leaders decided to place no single nominee in the field, but rather to
bring forward a number of candidates who could be expected to develop
local strength and so to split the vote as to throw the final choice
into the House of Representatives. This seemed the only hope of
circumventing Van Buren's election. Four sectional candidates entered
the race: Webster was backed by New England; the Northwest united on
Harrison; the Southwest joined the Tennessee revolters in support of
White; Ohio had her own candidate in the person of McLean.
The plan was ingenious, but it did not work. Van Buren received 170
electoral votes against 124 in spite of his opponents. He carried
fifteen of the twenty-six States, including four in New England.
Harrison received 73 votes, White 26 (including those of Tennessee),
and Webster 14. South Carolina refused to support any of the candidates
on either side and threw away her votes on W.P. Mangum of North
Carolina. The Democrats kept control of both branches of Congress.
Victory, therefore, rested with the Jacksonians--which means with
Jackson himself. The Democrats would have control of both the executive
and legislative branches of the Government for some years to come; the
Bank would not soon be re-chartered; the veto power would remain
intact; federal expenditure upon internal improvements had been curbed,
and the "American system" had been checked; the national debt was
discharged and revenue was superabundant; Jackson could look back over
the record of his Administrations with pride and forward to the rule of
"Little Van" with satisfaction. "When I review the arduous
administration through which I have passed," declared the President
soon after the results of the election were made known, "the formidable
opposition, to its very close, of the combined talents, wealth, and
power of the whole aristocracy of the United States, aided as it is by
the moneyed monopolies of the whole country with their corrupting
influence, with which we had to contend, I am truly thankful to my God
for this happy result."
Congress met on the 5th of December for the closing session of the
Administration. The note of victory pervaded the President's message.
Yet there was one more triumph to be won: the resolution of censure
voted by the Senate in 1834 was still officially on the record book.
Now it was that Benton finally procured the passage of his expunging
resolution, although not until both branches of Congress had been
dragged into controversy more personal and acrid, if possible, than any
in the past eight years. The action taken was probably
unconstitutional. But Jackson's "honor" was vindicated, and that was
all that he and his friends saw, or cared to see, in the proceeding.
As early as 1831 the President conceived the idea of issuing a farewell
address to the people upon the eve of his retirement; and a few weeks
before the election of Van Buren he sent to Taney a list of subjects
which he proposed to touch upon in the document, requesting him to
"throw on paper" his ideas concerning them. The address was issued on
March 4, 1837, and followed closely the copy subsequently found in
Taney's handwriting in the Jackson manuscripts. Its contents were
thoroughly commonplace, being indeed hardly more than a rÈsumÈ of the
eight annual messages; and it might well have been dismissed as the
amiable musings of a garrulous old man. But nothing associated with the
name of Jackson ever failed to stir controversy. The Whigs ridiculed
the egotism which underlay the palpable imitation of Washington.
"Happily," said the New York American, "it is the last humbug which the
mischievous popularity of this illiterate, violent, vain, and
iron-willed soldier can impose upon a confiding and credulous people."
The Democrats, however, lauded the address, praised the wisdom and
sincerity of its author, and laid away among their most valued
mementoes the white satin copies which admiring friends scattered
broadcast over the country.
Showered with evidences of undiminished popularity, the General came
down to his last day in office. One enthusiast sent him a light wagon
made entirely of hickory sticks with the bark upon them. Another
presented a phaeton made of wood taken from the old frigate
Constitution. A third capped the climax by forwarding from New York a
cheese four feet in diameter, two feet thick, and weighing fourteen
hundred pounds--twice as large, the Globe fondly pointed out, as the
cheese presented to Jefferson under similar circumstances a quarter of
a century earlier. From all parts of the country came callers, singly
and in delegations, to pay their respects and to assure the outgoing
Chief of their goodwill and admiration. March 4, 1837, was a raw,
disagreeable day. But Jackson, pale and racked by disease, rode with
his chosen successor to the place where he had himself assumed office
eight years before, and sat uncovered while the oath was administered
and the inaugural delivered. The suave, elegantly dressed Van Buren was
politely applauded as the new Chief to whom respect was due. But it was
the tall, haggard, white-haired soldier-politician who had put Van
Buren where he was who awoke the spontaneous enthusiasm of the crowds.
Three days after the inauguration Jackson started for the Hermitage.
His trip became a series of ovations, and he was obliged several times
to pause for rest. At last he reached Nashville, where once again, as
in the old days of the Indian wars, he was received with an acclaim
deeply tinged by personal friendship and neighborly pride. A great
banquet in his honor was presided over by James K. Polk, now Speaker of
the national House of Representatives; and the orators vied one with
another in extolling his virtues and depicting his services to the
country. Then Jackson went on to the homestead whose seclusion he
coveted.
No one knew better than the ex-President himself that his course was
almost run. He was seventy years of age and seldom free from pain for
an hour. He considered himself, moreover, a poor man--mainly, it
appears, because he went back to Tennessee owing ten thousand dollars
and with only ninety dollars in his pockets. He was, however, only
"land poor," for his plantation of twenty-six hundred acres was rich
and valuable, and he had a hundred and forty slaves--"servants" he
always called them--besides large numbers of horses and cattle. A year
or two of thrifty supervision brought his lands and herds back to
liberal yields; his debts were soon paid off; and notwithstanding heavy
outlays for his adopted son, whose investments invariably turned out
badly, he was soon able to put aside all anxiety over pecuniary
matters.
Established again in his old home, surrounded by congenial relatives
and friends, respected by neighbors without regard to politics, and
visited from time to time by notable foreigners and Americans, Jackson
found much of satisfaction in his declining years. For a time he fully
lived up to the promise made to Benton and Blair that he would keep
clear of politics. His interest in the fortunes of his party, however,
was not diminished by his retirement from public life. He corresponded
freely with Van Buren, whose policies he in most respects approved; and
as the campaign of 1840 approached the "old war-horse began once more
to sniff the battle from afar." Admitting to his friends that the
situation looked "a little dubious," he exerted himself powerfully to
bring about the reÎlection of the New Yorker. He wrote a letter
belittling the military qualities of the Whig candidate, thereby
probably doing the Democratic cause more harm than good; and finally,
to avert the humiliation of a Whig victory in Tennessee, he "took the
stump" and denounced the enemy up and down through all western
Tennessee and southern Kentucky. But "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" was too
much for him; the Whig candidates carried both Tennessee and Kentucky
and won the nation-wide contest by 234 to 60 electoral votes.
The old warrior took the defeat--his defeat, he always regarded
it--philosophically, and at once began to lay plans for a recovery of
Democratic supremacy in 1844. For another quadrennium his hand was on
the party throttle. When men speculated as to whether Van Buren,
General Cass, General Butler, or Senator Benton would be the standard
bearer in 1844, they always asked what Jackson's edict on the subject
would be; and the final selection of James K. Polk, while not fully
dictated by the ex-President, was the result of a compromise in which
his advice played a prominent part. Though past seventy-seven and
hardly able to sign his name, Jackson threw himself into the campaign
and undoubtedly contributed to the election of his fellow-Tenneseean.
His satisfaction with the outcome and with the annexation of Texas
which quickly followed found expression in a barbecue attended by all
the Democrats of the neighborhood and by some of note from a distance.
"We have restored the Government to sound principles," declared the
host in a brief, faltering speech from the Hermitage portico, "and
extended the area of our institutions to the Rio Grande. Now for Oregon
and Fifty-four-forty."
Oregon--although not to fifty-four forty--was soon to be duly made
American soil. But Jackson did not live to witness the event. Early in
1845 his health began to fail rapidly and on the very day of Polk's
inauguration he was at the point of death. Rallying, he struggled
manfully for three months against the combined effects of consumption,
dropsy, and dysentery. But on Sunday, the 8th of June, the end came. In
accordance with a pledge which he had given his wife years before, he
had become a communicant of the Presbyterian church; and his last words
to the friends about his bedside were messages of Christian cheer.
After two days the body was laid to rest in the Hermitage garden,
beside the grave of the companion whose loss he had never ceased to
mourn with all the feeling of which his great nature was capable. The
authorities at the national capital ordered public honors to be paid to
the ex-President, and gatherings in all parts of the country listened
with much show of feeling to appropriate eulogies.
"General Jackson," said Daniel Webster to Thurlow Weed in 1837, "is an
honest and upright man. He does what he thinks is right, and does it
with all his might. He has a violent temper, which leads him often to
hasty conclusions. It also causes him to view as personal to himself
the public acts of other men. For this reason there is great difference
between Jackson angry and Jackson in good humor. When he is calm, his
judgment is good; when angry, it is usually bad. . . . His patriotism
is no more to be questioned than that of Washington. He is the greatest
General we have and, except Washington, the greatest we ever had."
To this characterization of Andrew Jackson by his greatest American
contemporary it is impossible to make noteworthy addition. His was a
character of striking contradictions. His personal virtues were
honesty, bravery, open-heartedness, chivalry toward women, hospitality,
steadfastness. His personal faults were irascibility, egotism,
stubbornness, vindictiveness, and intolerance of the opinions of
others. He was not a statesman; yet some of the highest qualities of
statesmanship were in him. He had a perception of the public will which
has rarely been surpassed; and in most, if not all, of the great issues
of his time he had a grasp of the right end of the question.
The country came to the belief that the National Bank should not be
revived. It accepted and perpetuated Van Buren's independent treasury
plan. The annexation of Texas, which Jackson strongly favored, became
an accomplished fact with the approval of a majority of the people. The
moderated protective tariff to which Jackson inclined was kept up until
the Civil War. The removal of the Indians to reservations beyond the
Mississippi fell in with the views of the public upon that subject and
inaugurated an Indian policy which was closely adhered to for more than
half a century. In his vindication of executive independence Jackson
broke new ground, crudely enough it is true; yet, whatever the merits
of his ideas at the moment, they reshaped men's conception of the
presidency and helped make that office the power that it is today. The
strong stand taken against nullification clarified popular opinion upon
the nature of the Union and lent new and powerful support to national
vigor and dignity.
Over against these achievements must be placed the introduction of the
Spoils System, which debauched the Civil Service and did the country
lasting harm; yet Jackson only responded to public opinion which held
"rotation in office to be the cardinal principle of democracy." It
needed a half-century of experience to convince the American people of
this fallacy and to place the national Civil Service beyond the reach
of spoilsmen. Even now public opinion is slow to realize that
efficiency in office can be secured only by experience and relative
permanence.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
The events of the period covered in this volume are described with some
fullness in all of the general American histories. Of these, two are
especially noteworthy for literary quality and other elements of
popular interest: Woodrow Wilson's History of the American People, 5
vols. (1902), and John B. McMaster's History of the People of the
United States, 8 vols. (1883-1913). The Jacksonian epoch is treated in
Wilson's fourth volume and in McMaster's fifth and sixth volumes. On
similar lines, but with more emphasis on political and constitutional
matters, is James Schouler's History of the United States under the
Constitution, 7 vols. (1880-1913), vols. III-IV. One seeking a
scholarly view of the period, in an adequate literary setting, can
hardly do better, however, than to read Frederick J. Turner's Rise of
the New West (1906) and William MacDonald's Jacksonian Democracy
(1906). These are volumes XIV and XV in The American Nation, edited by
Albert B. Hart.
Biographies are numerous and in a number of instances excellent. Of
lives of Jackson, upwards of a dozen have been published. The most
recent and in every respect the best is John S. Bassett's Life of
Andrew Jackson, 2 vols. (1911). This work is based throughout on the
sources; its literary quality is above the average and it appraises
Jackson and his times in an unimpeachable spirit of fairness. Within
very limited space, William G. Brown's Andrew Jackson (1900) tells the
story of Jackson admirably; and a good biography, marred only by a lack
of sympathy and by occasional inaccuracy in details, is William G.
Sumner's Andrew Jackson (rev. ed., 1899). Of older biographies, the
most important is James Parton's Life of Andrew Jackson, 3 vols.
(1861). This work is sketchy, full of irrelevant or unimportant matter,
and uncritical; but for a half-century it was the repository from which
historians and biographers chiefly drew in dealing with Jackson's
epoch. John H. Eaton's Life of Andrew Jackson (1842) describes
Jackson's earlier career, mainly on the military side; but it never
rises above the level of a campaign document.
Among biographies of Jackson's contemporaries may be mentioned George
T. Curtis, Life of Daniel Webster, 2 vols. (1870); Henry C. Lodge,
Daniel Webster (1883); John B. McMaster, Daniel Webster (1902);
Frederic A. Ogg, Daniel Webster (1914); Carl Schurz, Henry Clay, 2
vols. (1887); Gaillard Hunt, John C. Calhoun (1908); William M. Meigs,
The Life of John Caldwell Calhoun, 2 vols. (1917); John T. Morse, John
Quincy Adams (1882); Edward M. Shepard, Martin Van Buren (1888);
Theodore Roosevelt, Thomas Hart Benton (1888); and Theodore D. Jervey,
Robert Y. Hayne and His Times (1909).
On many topics the reader will do well to go to monographs or other
special works. Thus Jackson's policy of removals from public office is
presented with good perspective in Carl R. Fish, The Civil Service and
the Patronage (Harvard Historical Studies, xi, 1905). The history of
the bank controversy is best told in Ralph C. H. Catterall, The Second
Bank of the United States (1903); and interesting chapters in the
country's financial history are presented in Edward G. Bourne, History
of the Surplus Revenue of 1837 (1885), and David Kinley, The History,
Organization, and Influence of the Independent Treasury of the United
States (1893). On the tariff one should consult Frank W. Taussig,
Tariff History of the United States (6th ed., 1914) and Edward
Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies, 2 vols. (1903). Similarly
illuminating studies of nullification are David F. Houston, Critical
Study of Nullification in South Carolina (Harvard Historical Studies,
III, 1896) and Ulrich B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (American
Historical Association Reports, 1901, II).
Aside from newspapers, and from collections of public documents of
private correspondence, which cannot be enumerated here, the source
materials for the period fall into two main classes: books of
autobiography and reminiscence, and the writings of travelers. Most
conspicuous in the first group is Thomas H. Benton, Thirty Years' View;
or, a History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty
Years, from 1820 to 1850, 2 vols. (1854). Benton was an active member
of the Senate throughout the Jacksonian period, and his book gives an
interesting and valuable first-hand account of the public affairs of
the time. Amos Kendall's Autobiography (1872) is, unfortunately, hardly
more than a collection of papers and scattered memoranda. Nathan
Sargent's Public Men and Events, 1817-1853, 2 vols. (1875), consists of
chatty sketches, with an anti-Jackson slant. Other books of
contemporary reminiscence are Lyman Beecher's Autobiography, 2 vols.
(1863-65); Robert Mayo's Political Sketches of Eight Years in
Washington (1839); and S.C. Goodrich's Recollections of a Lifetime, 2
vols. (1856). The one monumental diary is John Quincy Adams, Memoirs;
Comprising Portions of his Diary from 1795 to 1848 (ed. by Charles F.
Adams, 12 vols., 1874-77). All things considered, there is no more
important nonofficial source for the period.
In Jackson's day the United States was visited by an extraordinary
number of Europeans who forthwith wrote books descriptive of what they
had seen. Two of the most interesting--although the least
flattering--of these works are Charles Dickens's American Notes for
General Circulation (1842, and many reprints) and Mrs. Frances E.
Trollope's Domestic Manners of the Americans (1832). Two very readable
and generally sympathetic English accounts are Frances A. Kemble's
Journal, 1832-1833, 2 vols. (1835) and Harriet Martineau's Society in
America, 3 vols. (2d ed., 1837). The principal French work of the sort
is M. Chevalier, Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States
(Eng. trans. from 3d French ed., 1839). Political conditions in the
country are described in Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
(Eng. trans. by Reeve in 2 vols., 1862), and the economic situation is
set forth in detail in James S. Buckingham, America, Historical,
Statistical and Descriptive, 2 vols. (1841), and The Slave States of
America, 2 vols. (1842).
INDEX A Adams, John, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17. Adams, J. Q.,
Secretary of State, and Jacksonís Florida expedition, 62, 63, 64;
candidate for presidency, 76-77, 82-83, 84, 86, 87, 88-93; and Jackson,
80, 93-94, 108, 122, 220; diary quoted, 88, 109; ìcorrupt bargain,î
89-92, 96; elected, 93; as President, 95-100, 104-106; personal
characteristics, 96-97; abolishes patronage, 97-98; and internal
improvements, 99, 100, 105; candidate for reÎlection (1828), 106,
109-110; no enthusiasm for, 113; on Calhoun, 139; and Indian question,
206; biography, 238. Alabama, Indians in, 202, 203, 204, 214.
Ambrister, Robert, 58. American, New York, quoted, 229. Apalachicola
River, Nicholls builds fort on, 53; Jacksonís army marches down, 57.
Arbuthnot, Alexander, 53, 58. Aurora, Pennsylvania newspaper, 193. B
Baltimore, welcomes Jackson, 64, 219; Democratic convention at (1835),
225. Bancroft, George, quoted, 222. Bank, United States, Jacksonís
attitude toward, 79, 184-188; Adams and, 99; established, 138, 182; and
the South, 140; war on, 181-200; Congress supports, 187; Jackson plans
reorganization of, 187; bill to recharter, 189-191; bill vetoed, 190,
218; as political issue, 191; believed insolvent by Jackson, 192-193;
removal of deposits, 193-195; senate censures Jackson for removal,
196-198; Whigs try to resurrect (1841), 200; bibliography, 239. Barry,
W. T., Postmaster-General, 118. Bassett, J. S., biographer of Jackson,
cited, 4, 238; quoted, 37. Benton, Jesse, Jackson encounters, 21, 33.
Benton, T. H., 26, 149, 232, 233; Jackson fights with, 21, 33; quoted,
49, 113, 167; introduces bills against Adams, 105; on Van Burenís
defeat as minister, 136; on Footeís resolution, 144; on Hayne, 147; and
United States Bank question, 190-191, 195; and censure of Jackson, 197;
biography, 238. Berrien, J. M., Attorney-General, 118. Biddle,
Nicholas, President of United States Bank, 183, 184, 185-186, 187, 188,
189, 192, 195. Black Hawk War, 215. Blair, F. P., editor of the Globe,
130, 193, 221, 232. Blount, William, 17; Governor of Tennessee, 26, 28,
30, 35, 55, 74. Borgne, Lake, British army at, 40. Boston, endorses
Jacksonís proclamation to South Carolina, 176; welcomes President
Jackson, 219. Bowyer, Fort, British attempt to destroy, 39. Branch,
John, Secretary of Navy, 118. Brown, Jacob, of New York, 51. Buchanan,
James, author of ìcorrupt bargain,î 90. Burr, Aaron, Jackson makes
acquaintance of, 17; opinion of Jackson, 73. Butler, General, 233. C
Cabinet, Jacksonís, 117-118, 129-130, 135-136, 193-194, 218; Kitchen,
130-131. Cadwalader, General Thomas, 110, 184. Calhoun, J. C., father
makes home at Waxhaw, 5; Secretary of War, and Jacksonís Florida
expedition, 56, 62, 135; aspirant for presidency, 77-78, 87, 103, 131;
Jacksonís attitude toward, 80; candidate for vice presidency, 84;
elected, 85; described by Adams, 109; reÎlected to vice presidency,
110; Eaton controversy, 132-134; against Van Buren, 134; sectionalist,
139; at Hayne-Webster debate, 149; change in political ideas, 159;
Exposition, 161, 168; and nullification, 161, 162, 164-165, 166,
167-168, 171, 172; seeks support of South Carolina, 162; Address to the
People of South Carolina, 168; Fort Hill Letter, 168; and tariff, 169;
resigns vice presidency, 172; in Senate, 172, 196; on Indian policy,
216; bibliography, 238. Calhoun, Mrs. J. C., 134. Calhoun, Rebecca,
marries Andrew Pickens, 5. Callava, JosÈ, Governor of Florida, 58-59,
65, 66, 67. Campbell, G. W., Senator from Tennessee, 23. Carrickfergus
(Ireland), home of Jacksonís father, 1, 9. Carroll, William, 111. Cass,
Lewis, Secretary of War, 136; accompanies Jackson to New England, 219;
possible candidate for presidency, 233. Castlereagh, Robert Stewart,
Lord Viscount, quoted, 61. Caucus as nominating device, 81-82, 84.
Charleston (S. C.), Andrew Jacksonís father arrives at, 1; Jackson in,
9, 10; preparations against, 173; nullifiers meet at, 178. Cherokee
Indians, number, 203; location, 203; civilization, 204; and Georgia,
207-213; treaty with, 214; remainder removed from the East, 215.
Cherokee Nation vs. State of Georgia, 210-211. Cheves, Langdon,
exponent of broad constitutional construction, 159; President of United
States Bank, 183. Chickasaw Indians, number, 203; location, 203;
civilization, 203-204; removed, 214. Choctaw Indians, number, 203;
location, 203; civilization, 203-204; removed, 214. Cincinnati greets
Jackson, 115. Civil service, Adams and, 97-98; bibliography, 239; see
also Spoils System. Claiborne, W. C. C., Governor-General and Intendant
of Louisiana, 25. Clay, Henry, quoted, 43; and Jacksonís Florida
expedition, 62, 63; candidate for presidency (1824), 78, 82, 83, 84,
86, 87, 88; and Jackson, 80; ìcorrupt bargain,î 89-92; 96; Secretary of
State, 94, 97, 105; and nationalism, 100; loses hope of presidency,
109; Compromise Tariff, 179; and United States Bank, 189, 196; on veto
power, 190; nominee of National Republican party (1832), 191, 225; on
disposal of proceeds from public lands, 199; on removal of Indians,
215-216. Clayton, J. M., of Delaware, 148. Clinton, DeWitt, toasted at
Tammany dinner, 64. Cochrane, Sir Alexander Inglis, Admiral, sends news
of peace to Jackson, 46. Cocke, General John, 33, 34. Cohens vs.
Virginia, 141. Columbia (S. C.), ordinance of nullification drawn up
at, 170-171, 174. Columbian Observer of Philadelphia, 89, 90. Concord
(N. H.), Jackson goes to, 219. Congress, question of Jacksonís Florida
expedition, 62-63; and Adams, 104-105; nationalistic laws, 138;
Webster-Hayne debate, 145-157; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180; Verplanck
Bill, 178; and United States Bank, 187, 189-191, 196; Senate censures
Jackson, 196-198, 228; Senate ratifies Indian treaty, 206; creates
Indian reservation, 209. Constitution, Adams for liberal construction,
99; amendment proposed, 105; questions in 1828, 143; Webster-Hayne
debate, 145-157. Corn Tassel, Cherokee executed in Georgia, 212.
Cotton, influence of price on sentiment of South Carolina, 159.
Crawford, W. H., at Waxhaw settlement, 5; and Jackson, 62, 80;
supported by Van Buren, 64; candidate for presidency, 76, 77, 81, 82,
83, 86; health fails, 83-84; supporters ally themselves to Jackson,
103. Creek Indians, and Tecumseh, 25; massacre at Fort Mims, 31, 32;
outbreak in South, 32-36; 52, 54-55; treaty with, 37-38; number, 203;
location, 203; civilization, 203; dispossessed, 205-207, 214; see also
Creek War, Seminole War. Creek War, 32-38. Cumberland River, Jacksonís
army down the, 28. D Dale, Sam, and Jackson, 174. Davie, W. R.,
Governor of North Carolina, 5. Democratic party, and United States
Bank, 195; convention (1835), 225. Dickerson, Mahlon, of New Jersey,
148. Dickinson, Charles, killed in duel by Jackson, 21. Donelson, A.
J., nephew and private secretary of Jackson, 114, 130. Donelson, Mrs.
A. J., mistress of White House, 114, 221. Donelson, John, helps found
Nashville, 12; Jackson marries daughter of, 15. Duane, W. J., Secretary
of Treasury, 193-194. E Earl, R. E. W., artist engaged in painting
portraits of Jackson, 114. Eaton, J. H., and Jackson, 7-8, 52, 73, 116,
130; Secretary of War, 8, 117, 118, 208. Eaton, Mrs. J. H., 88,
132-134. Elections, Presidential, of 1824, 82-93, 95-96; manner of
selecting President an issue of 1824, 84; ìcorrupt bargain,î 89-92, 96;
proposed amendment to Constitution providing direct, 105; campaign of
1828, 106-110; of 1832, 187, 191; of 1836, 226-227; of 1840, 232; of
1844, 233. England, frontiersmanís attitude toward, 25; see also War of
1812. Everett, Edward, cited, 219. F Finance, national debt paid, 199;
Government funds in state banks, 199; independent treasury system,
199-200, 235; see also Bank, United States; Tariff. Florida and
Jackson, 22, 27-28, 30-31, 39-40, 51-61; Southwest longs for conquest
of, 26; encourages Indian uprising, 32; Spain and, 52, 53, 55-56, 61;
controversy over Jacksonís expedition, 61-64; United States treaty with
Spain, 64. Foote, S. A., of Connecticut, 144. Force Bill, 177, 179;
nullified by South Carolina convention, 180. Forsyth, John, of Georgia,
149. Fowltown, fight at, 54, 55. Franklin, ìWestern Districtî tries to
set up State of, 12. Frelinghuysen, Theodore, of New Jersey, 148.
Friends, Society of, protest removal of Indians, 216. G Gaines, General
E. P., 54, 55. Gallatin, Albert, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17;
describes Jackson, 18. Gazette, Nashville, 75. General Neville (river
boat), Jackson travels down Ohio on, 101. Georgia, and state rights,
142; and tariff, 169; Indians of, 202, 203, 204, 205 et seq.;
nullification, 213. Ghent, Treaty of, 43, 53, 137. Gibbs, General, 40.
Girard Bank of Philadelphia, treasury receipts to be deposited in, 194.
Globe, administration organ, 130, 230. Green, Duff, party manager for
Jackson, 115; edits United States Telegraph, 118; in Kitchen Cabinet,
130. Grundy, Felix, of Tennessee, 74, 75, 149. H Hall, D. A., Federal
district judge in New Orleans, 47. Hamilton J. A., 117, 118. Hamilton,
James, Governor of South Carolina, 168, 170, 179. Harrisburg (Penn.),
nominating convention at, 84. Harrison, W. H., Governor of Indiana, at
Tippecanoe, 25; Jackson offers aid to, 26; resigns commission, 37;
candidate for presidency, 226-227. Hartford Convention, 138. Harvard
University confers degree on Jackson, 220. Havana, Jackson sends
Spaniards to, 60. Hayne, R. Y., 110, 167; speech in Congress, 144-145;
debate with Webster, 145-157; personal characteristics, 147; change in
political ideas, 159, 163; and nullification, 162, 176; elected
Governor of South Carolina, 172; biography, 239. Hermitage, The,
Jacksonís home, 19-20, 50, 55, 67, 68-72, 102-103, 218, 223, 231, 233,
234. Hill, Isaac, 111, 116, 221; Senate rejects nomination of, 129; in
Kitchen Cabinet, 130; quoted, 164-165, 181. Holmes, John, of Maine,
148. Horseshoe Bend, battle with Creeks at, 35. Houston, Sam, 35.
Hunterís Hill, Jacksonís plantation near Nashville, 15, 19. Huntsville
(Ala.), Jackson brings forces together at, 33. I Indian Queen Tavern
(the Wigwam), 115, 120. Indian Territory created (1834), 214. Indians,
142; hostility near Nashville, 12; Creek War, 32-38; Seminole War,
54-58; removal of, 201-216, 236; see also names of tribes. Ingham, S.
D., Secretary of Treasury, 117. Internal improvements, 138; Jackson on,
79; issue in 1824, 84; Adams and, 99, 100, 105; South opposes, 140;
South Carolina and, 159; Maysville Road veto, 218. J Jackson, Andrew,
father of the President, 1-3. Jackson, Andrew, birth (1767), 3-4;
birthplace, 4-5; early life, 5 et seq.; personal characteristics, 6, 7,
11, 15, 18, 19, 20-21, 213, 217, 234-235; education, 7, 10; in the
Revolution, 8-9; attitude toward British, 9; business enterprises,
9-10, 19-20; in Charleston, 9-10; admitted to bar, 11; goes to
Tennessee, 13-14; as ìsolicitorî in Nashville, 14-16; marriage, 15;
represents Tennessee in Congress, 16-17; in Senate, 17-18, 69; as judge
in Tennessee, 18-19; quarrels, 20-21; in War of 1812, 26 et seq.;
nicknamed ìOld Hickory,î 30; in Creek War, 33-38; at New Orleans,
40-43, 45-50; popularity, 45, 50, 63-64, 115, 210, 229-230; in Seminole
War, and Florida expedition, 55-61; controversy about Florida
expedition, 61-64; as Governor of Florida, 64-67; life at the
Hermitage, 68-72, 102-103; candidate for presidency (1824), 73 et seq.,
95; and tariff, 79, 143, 162-163, 169, 235-236; and Adams, 80, 93-94,
108, 122, 220; and Crawford, 80; and Clay, 80; and Calhoun, 80,
134-135; candidate for presidency (1828), 100 et seq.; resigns from
Senate, 102; as a politician, 107-108; election, 109-110; journey to
Washington, 114-115; as President-elect, 115-119; Cabinet, 117-118,
129-130, 135-136, 193-194, 218; inauguration, 119-124; and Spoils
System, 124-127, 236; and Congress, 128; Kitchen Cabinet, 130-131;
Eaton controversy, 132-134; toast to the Union, 164-166; and
nullification, 167, 173-177; candidate for reÎlection (1832), 168, 218;
proclamation to South Carolina (1832), 175-176; Force Bill, 177, 179,
180; and United States Bank, 182, 184 et seq., 218; censured by Senate,
196-198, 228; and Indian policy, 208-209, 214-216; and Georgia, 213;
journeys to New England, 219; Harvard confers degree on, 220; life at
White House, 221-223; his finances, 223-224; political influence,
224-228; farewell address, 228-229; return to Nashville, 230; last
years, 231-234; death (1845), 234; Websterís characterization of,
234-235; achievements, 235-236; bibliography, 237-238. Jackson, Mrs.
Andrew, mother of the President, 3-4, 5, 8-9. Jackson, Mrs. Andrew,
wife of the President, 48-50, 65, 71, 122; quoted, 65-66, 68-69; death,
111-112. Jackson, Fort, 36; Treaty of, 54. Jamaica, British from, 40.
Jefferson, Thomas, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17; on Jackson, 18;
candidate of the masses, 113; and State rights, 139, 141-142, 164.
Jonesboro (Tenn.), Jacksonís traveling party at, 13. K Kemble, Fanny,
and Jackson, 217. Kendall, Amos, 221; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130. Kentucky
made a State (1791), 16. Key, F. S., at Jacksonís inauguration, 121.
King, W. R., of Alabama, 149. Kitchen Cabinet, 130-131. Knoxville
(Tenn.), 25; convention at, 16. Kremer, George, and ìcorrupt bargain,î
89-91. L La Fayette, Marquis de, 219; and Jackson, 71-72. Lavasseur,
secretary to La Fayette, 70. Lewis, Major W. B., 63, 125, 129, 134-135;
campaign manager for Jackson, 74, 75, 85, 103, 111, 112, 163;
accompanies Jackson to Washington, 114, 116, 221; in Kitchen Cabinet,
130. Livingston, Edward, 48; Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17;
declines place in cabinet, 117; Secretary of State, 136; and
proclamation to South Carolina, 175; and United States Bank, 188;
minister to France, 193. Lodge, H. C., quoted, 146. Louisville greets
Jackson, 115. M Macay, Spruce, lawyer with whom Jackson studied, 10,
12. MíCulloch vs. Maryland (1819), 141, 183. MacDonald, William,
Jacksonian Democracy, quoted, 152. McDuffie, George, 162, 189. McKemy
family at whose home Jackson is said to have been born, 4. McLane,
Louis, Secretary of Treasury, 136; and United States Bank, 188, 193.
McLean, John, Postmaster-General, 118; candidate for presidency, 226.
McNairy, John, 12-13, 14, 21. Mangum, W. P., of North Carolina, 227.
Marshall, John, Chief-Justice, at Jacksonís inauguration, 120, 121; and
State rights, 138, 141; on Cherokee nation, 211; and Jackson, 213.
Martinsville (N. C.), Jackson practices law at, 11. Mason, Jeremiah,
branch bank president, 185. Maysville Road veto, 218. Mims, Fort
(Ala.), massacre at, 31, 32, 36. Mississippi and Indians, 214.
Mississippi Valley, British plan assault on, 38. Missouri Compromise,
159. Mobile, Jackson and, 29, 37, 39, 57; Congress authorizes taking
of, 30. Monroe, Fortress, 173. Monroe, James, Secretary of War, 40;
Jackson writes to, 43; and Jacksonís Florida expedition, 56, 61, 62,
67; Jackson supports, 80; Adams confers with, 94; popular approval of,
95; and Indian question, 206. Monticello, home of Jefferson, 18.
Morganton (N. C.), 25; Jackson joins traveling party at, 13. N
Nashville (Tenn.), founded, 12; Jackson goes to, 13-14; in 1789, 14;
Phillips reaches, 25; Jacksonís army assembles at, 28; entertains
Jackson, 37, 101; Jackson in, 51, 230. Natchez (Miss.), Jacksonís
troops in, 29, 30. National Intelligencer, 62, 89. National Republican
party, 104, 108; defends United States Bank, 191, 195; joins Whigs,
225. Negro Fort, Nichollsís, 53, 54, 57. New England receives President
Jackson, 219-220. New Orleans, news of War of 1812 reaches, 25; Jackson
and, 28, 37, 39, 40-43, 45-50; gunboats sent from, 57. New Orleans
Territory, Jackson denied governorship of, 20. New York (State)
controls vice presidency, 75-76. New York City, fÍtes Jackson, 63, 219;
and nullification, 176. Nicholls, Colonel Edward, 32, 52-53. Nolte
describes Jackson and his wife, 49-50. North Carolina, claims to be
Jackson's birthplace, 4; and tariff, 169. Nullification, 161-180, 236;
and Jefferson, 142; Georgia and, 142, 213; South Carolina Exposition,
142; Hayne on, 150; Webster on, 151, 152-153; Calhoun and, 161, 162,
164-165, 166, 167-168, 171, 172; Turnbullís Crisis, 161; Calhounís
Exposition, 161; Jackson and, 167, 173-177, 219; South Carolinaís
ordinance of, 170-171, 179-180; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180; Compromise
Tariff, 178-179; bibliography, 239. O Ohio on State rights, 141.
OíNeil, ìPeggy,î see Eaton, Mrs. J. H. OíNeilís Tavern, 87-88. Onis,
Luis de, Spanish Minister, 61, 64. Oregon, Jackson desires extension
in, 233. Osborn vs. United States Bank (1824), 183. P Pakenham, General
Sir Edward, 40, 42. Panama Congress (1826), 105. Parton, James,
biographer of Jackson, 238; cited, 4, 18-19, 29, 72, 175. Peale,
picture of Jackson by, 64. Pennsylvania, 193-194; grants Bank charter,
198. Pensacola, Jackson and, 29, 39, 40, 58; Nicholls at, 32; Spanish
in, 52; toast to, 60. Philadelphia, national capital, 17; fÍtes
Jackson, 63, 219. Phillips, William, ìBilly,î courier, 23, 24-25, 26.
Pickens, Andrew, at Waxhaw settlement, 5. Pittsburgh greets Jackson,
115. Poinsett, J. R., of South Carolina, 174. Political parties, no
party lines in 1822, 73; see also Democratic, National Republican,
Republican, Whig. Polk, J. K., 230, 233. Public lands, Adams and, 99;
Footeís resolution (1829), 144-145, 155; sale of, 169, 199. R Randolph,
John, 17, 93, 96. ìRed Sticks,î name for Creek braves, 36, 54. Reid,
John, biographer of Jackson, 7. Republican party, and Constitution, 99;
supports Jackson, 103. Rhea, John, 56, 74. ìRhea letter,î 56. Richmond
Enquirer, 141. Roane, Judge, of Virginia, 141. Robertson, James, helps
found Nashville, 12. Rush, Richard, cited, 61. S St. Augustine, Jackson
and, 29; Spaniards in, 52. St. Marks, Spaniards in, 52; Jackson and,
57, 58. Salisbury (N. C.), 25; Jackson studies law at, 10-11. Scott,
General Winfield, 173, 215. Scott, Fort, 55, 57. Seminole Indians, 52.
Seminole War, 54-58. Sevier, John, Governor of Tennessee, 20. Seymour,
Horatio, of Vermont, 148. Slavery, South resists federal legislation
on, 140. South, The, on State rights, 139-140, 143; and United States
Bank, 140; and tariff, 160-161; see also names of States. South
Carolina, claims to be birthplace of Jackson, 4; and tariff, 142, 145,
159, 166; see also Nullification. South Carolina Exposition, 142.
ìSouthwest Territory,î 16. Spain, and Florida, 52, 53, 55-56; treaty
with, 64; see also Florida. Spoils System, Jackson and, 124-127, 236.
State rights, 139-140; Hayne on, 150, 154; Webster on, 152; see also
Nullification. Story, Judge Joseph, quoted, 123. Strother, Fort, 34,
35. Supreme Court, on State rights, 138-139; on United States Bank,
183; on Indian rights, 210-212; Georgia defies, 212-213. Suwanee
(Fla.), Jackson at, 58. Swann, Thomas, Jackson and, 21. T Tammany
entertains Jackson, 63. Taney, R. B., Attorney-General, 136; writes for
Jackson, 190, 228; Secretary of Treasury, 194, 196. Tariff, 84, 158 et
seq.; Jackson and, 79, 143, 162-163, 169, 235-236; Adams and, 99;
Calhoun votes for protection, 139; South opposes protective, 140, 142,
143, 159-160; woolens bill (1827), 160; Act of 1824, 160, 161; Act of
1828, 160, 169, 170; Act of 1832, 169, 170; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180;
Verplanck Bill, 178; Compromise Tariff, 179; bibliography, 239; see
also Nullification. Tecumseh works among Southern Indians, 25-26.
Tennessee, admitted as State (1796), 16; meaning of name, 16;
Legislature favors Jacksonís nomination, 102; Indians, 202. Texas,
Jackson favors annexation, 235. Tippecanoe, Battle of, 25. Tohopeka,
battle at, 35. Troup, G. M., Governor of Georgia, 206. Turnbull, R. J.,
The Crisis, 161. Turner, F. J., The Rise of the New West; quoted,
159-160. Twelve-mile Creek, Jacksonís father settles on, 2. Tyler,
John, President, 148; Bank vetoes, 200. U Union County (N. C.),
Jacksonís father settles in, 3. United States Telegraph, of Washington,
Jackson organ, 102, 118, 130. V Van Buren, Martin, 63, 115, 219, 221,
232, 233; supports Jackson, 103-104; Governor of New York, 116-117;
Secretary of State, 117, 118; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130; aims at
presidency, 132-134, 135; in Eaton controversy, 133-134; appointment as
minister to Great Britain not ratified, 136; advises Jackson, 166;
candidate for vice presidency, 168, 224; sets up independent treasury
system, 200; candidate for presidency, 224-225; election, 226-227;
inauguration, 230; biography, 238. Verplanck, J. C., of New York,
tariff bill, 178. Virginia, controls presidency, 75-76; and State
rights, 141-142; and tariff, 169. W War of 1812, 24 et seq., 52, 99,
137-138. Washington, George, 14, 219. Washington, captured, 38; Jackson
journeys to, 50-51, 85, 114-115. Waxhaw settlement, Jackson family at,
2; notable people from, 5; in the Revolution, 8. Weathersford, Creek
half-breed, 36. Webster, Daniel, 18, 93, 189, 196; quoted, 115-116,
127; constitutional debate (1830), 145-157; life and characteristics,
147-148; Jacksonís estimate of, 225-226; on Jackson, 234-235;
bibliography, 238. Webster, Ezekiel, 113. West, The, and War of 1812,
25; and Indian policy, 201 et seq. ìWestern Districtî tries to set up
State, 12. Whig party, 225; tries to resurrect United States Bank, 200.
White, H. L., of Tennessee, 116, 149; candidate for presidency, 224,
226, 227. Wilkinson, General James, 29, 31, 37. Wirt, William, 210.
Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of Navy, 136, 148, 219. Worcester vs. State
of Georgia, 211-212.
The Chronicles of America Series
1. The Red Man's Continent by Ellsworth Huntington 2. The Spanish
Conquerors by Irving Berdine Richman 3. Elizabethan Sea-Dogs by
William Charles Henry Wood 4. The Crusaders of New France by William
Bennett Munro 5. Pioneers of the Old South by Mary Johnson 6. The
Fathers of New England by Charles McLean Andrews 7. Dutch and English
on the Hudson by Maud Wilder Goodwin 8. The Quaker Colonies by Sydney
George Fisher 9. Colonial Folkways by Charles McLean Andrews 10. The
Conquest of New France by George McKinnon Wrong 11. The Eve of the
Revolution by Carl Lotus Becker 12. Washington and His Comrades in
Arms by George McKinnon Wrong 13. The Fathers of the Constitution by
Max Farrand 14. Washington and His Colleagues by Henry Jones Ford 15.
Jefferson and his Colleagues by Allen Johnson 16. John Marshall and
the Constitution by Edward Samuel Corwin 17. The Fight for a Free Sea
by Ralph Delahaye Paine 18. Pioneers of the Old Southwest by Constance
Lindsay Skinner 19. The Old Northwest by Frederic Austin Ogg 20. The
Reign of Andrew Jackson by Frederic Austin Ogg 21. The Paths of Inland
Commerce by Archer Butler Hulbert 22. Adventurers of Oregon by
Constance Lindsay Skinner 23. The Spanish Borderlands by Herbert E.
Bolton 24. Texas and the Mexican War by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson
25. The Forty-Niners by Stewart Edward White 26. The Passing of the
Frontier by Emerson Hough 27. The Cotton Kingdom by William E. Dodd
28. The Anti-Slavery Crusade by Jesse Macy 29. Abraham Lincoln and the
Union by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 30. The Day of the Confederacy by
Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 31. Captains of the Civil War by William
Charles Henry Wood 32. The Sequel of Appomattox by Walter Lynwood
Fleming 33. The American Spirit in Education by Edwin E. Slosson 34.
The American Spirit in Literature by Bliss Perry 35. Our Foreigners by
Samuel Peter Orth 36. The Old Merchant Marine by Ralph Delahaye Paine
37. The Age of Invention by Holland Thompson 38. The Railroad Builders
by John Moody 39. The Age of Big Business by Burton Jesse Hendrick 40.
The Armies of Labor by Samuel Peter Orth 41. The Masters of Capital by
John Moody 42. The New South by Holland Thompson 43. The Boss and the
Machine by Samuel Peter Orth 44. The Cleveland Era by Henry Jones Ford
45. The Agrarian Crusade by Solon Justus Buck 46. The Path of Empire
by Carl Russell Fish 47. Theodore Roosevelt and His Times by Harold
Howland 48. Woodrow Wilson and the World War by Charles Seymour 49.
The Canadian Dominion by Oscar D. Skelton 50. The Hispanic Nations of
the New World by William R. Shepherd