XLI. The King of the Arabians in the neighbourhood of Petra[293]

hitherto had not troubled himself at all about the Romans, but now

being much alarmed he wrote to say that he was ready to submit and to

do anything. Pompeius wishing to confirm him in this disposition made

an expedition against Petra, wherein he did not altogether escape

censure from most people. For they considered that this was evading

the pursuit of Mithridates, and they urged him to turn against him who

was his old antagonist and was fanning his flame and preparing

according to report to lead an army through the country of the

Scythians and Pæonians[294] against Italy. But Pompeius thinking it

would be easier to crush the forces of Mithridates in the field than

to overtake him when he was flying, did not choose to exhaust himself

to no purpose in a pursuit, and he contrived to find other occupations

in the interval of the war and he protracted the time. Fortune,

however, settled the difficulty; for when he was at no great distance

from Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and was

exercising himself with his horse around the camp, letter-bearers rode

up from Pontus with good tidings. This was manifest at once by the

points of their spears, for they were wreathed with bay. Pompeius at

first wished to finish his exercises, but as the men called out and

entreated him, he leapt from his horse and taking the letters advanced

into the camp. But as there was no tribunal[295] and there had not

been time to make even the kind of tribunal that is used in the camp,

which they are accustomed to form by digging out large lumps of earth

and putting them together upon one another, in their then zeal and

eagerness they piled together the loadings of the beasts of burden and

raised an elevated place. Pompeius ascending this announced to the

soldiers, that Mithridates was dead, having put an end to his own life

because his son Pharnakes[296] rebelled against him, and Pharnakes had

taken possession of everything in those parts, and put all under his

own dominion and that of the Romans, as he said in his letter.

XLII. Upon this the soldiers being delighted, as was natural, occupied

themselves with sacrifices and entertainments, considering that in the

person of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had expired. Pompeius

having brought his own undertakings and expeditions to a termination,

which he had not anticipated could be so easily done, immediately

retired from Arabia; and quickly traversing the intermediate provinces

he arrived at Amisus, where he found that many presents had been sent

by Pharnakes and many corpses of members of the royal family, and the

corpse of Mithridates also, which could not well be recognised by the

face (for those who had embalmed the body had neglected to destroy the

brain); but those who wished to see the body, recognised it by the

scars. Pompeius himself would not see the body, but fearing divine

retribution[297] he sent it off to Sinope.[298] He was amazed at the

dress and armour of Mithridates, both at the size and splendour of

what he saw; though the sword belt, which cost four hundred talents,

Publius stole and sold to Ariarathes, and the cittaris, a piece of

wonderful workmanship, Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates himself

gave to Faustus the son of Sulla who asked for it. Pompeius did not

know this at the time; but Pharnakes who afterwards discovered it

punished the thieves. After Pompeius had arranged and settled affairs

in those parts, he continued his march with more pomp. On arriving at

Mitylene[299] he gave the city its freedom for the sake of Theophanes,

and he witnessed the usual contest there among the poets, the sole

subject being his own exploits. Being pleased with the theatre he had

a sketch taken of it and a plan made, with the intention of making one

like it in Rome, but larger and more splendid. When he was in Rhodes,

he heard all the sophists and made each a present of a talent.

Poseidonius[300] put in writing the discourse which he read before

Pompeius in opposition to the rhetorician Hermagoras on the doctrine

of general invention. In Athens Pompeius behaved in like manner to the

philosophers, and after giving also to the city fifty talents towards

its restoration, he was in hopes to set foot in Italy with a

reputation above that of any man and to be received by his family with

the same eagerness that he had to see them. But the Dæmon[301] who

takes care always to mix some portion of ill with the great and

glorious good things which come from Fortune, had long been lurking on

the watch and preparing to make his return more painful to him. For

during the absence of Pompeius his wife Mucia[302] had been

incontinent. Indeed while Pompeius was at a distance he treated the

report with contempt, but when he had come near to Italy, and had

examined the charge with more deliberation, as it seems, he sent her

notice of divorce, though neither then nor afterwards did he say for

what reason he put her away: but the reason is mentioned in Cicero's

letters.

XLIII. All kinds of reports about Pompeius preceded his arrival at

Rome, and there was great alarm, as it was supposed that he would

forthwith lead his army against the city and that a monarchy[303]

would be firmly established. Crassus taking his sons and his money

secretly got away from Rome, whether it was that he really was afraid,

or, what is more probable, he wished to give credibility to the

calumny and to strengthen the odium against Pompeius. As soon,

however, as Pompeius landed[304] in Italy, he summoned his soldiers to

an assembly,and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and

expressing his affectionate thanks to them, he bade them disperse

among their several cities and each go to his home, remembering to

meet again for his triumph. The army being thus dispersed, and the

fact being generally known, a wonderful circumstance happened. For the

cities seeing Pompeius Magnus unarmed and advancing with a few

friends, as if he were returning from an ordinary journey, pouring

forth through good will and forming an escort brought him into Rome

with a larger force, so that if he had designed to make any change and

revolution at that time he would not have wanted the army which he had

disbanded.

XLIV. As the law did not allow a general to enter the city before his

triumph, Pompeius sent to the Senate to request they would put off the

consular elections and to grant him this favour, that he might in his

own person assist Piso in his canvass. As Cato opposed his request, he

did not attain his object. But Pompeius admiring Cato's boldness of

speech and the vigour which he alone openly displayed in behalf of the

law, desired in some way or other to gain the man; and as Cato had two

nieces, Pompeius wished to take one of them to wife and to marry the

other to his son. Cato saw his object, which he viewed as a way of

corrupting him and in a manner bribing him by a matrimonial alliance;

but his sister and wife took it ill that he should reject an alliance

with Pompeius Magnus. In the mean time Pompeius wishing to get

Afranius[305] made consul, expended money on his behalf among the

tribes, and the voters came down to the gardens of Pompeius where they

received the money, so that the thing became notorious and Pompeius

had an ill name for making that office which was the highest of all

and which he obtained for his services, venal for those who were

unable to attain to it by merit. "These reproaches however," said Cato

to the women, "we must take our share of, if we become allied to

Pompeius." On hearing this the women agreed that he formed a better

judgment than themselves as to what was proper.

XLV. Though the triumph[306] was distributed over two days, such was

its magnitude that the time was not sufficient, but much of the

preparation was excluded from the spectacle, and enough for the

splendour and ornament of another procession. The nations over which

Pompeius triumphed were designated by titles placed in front. The

nations were the following, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia,

Media, Colchis, the Iberians, Albani, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, the

parts about Phœnice and Palestine, Judæa, Arabia, and the whole body

of pirates by sea and land who had been subdued. Among these nations

fortified places not fewer than a thousand were taken, and cities not

far short of nine hundred, and eight hundred piratical ships; and

cities forty save one were founded. Besides this it was shown on

written tablets that 5000 myriads (fifty millions) were the produce of

the taxes, while from the additions that he had made to the state they

received 8500 myriads (eighty-five millions), and there were brought

into the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold and

silver twenty thousand talents, not including what had been given to

the soldiers, of whom he who received the least according to his

proportion received fifteen hundred drachmæ. The captives who appeared

in the procession, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranes

the Armenian with his wife and daughter, and Zosime a wife of King

Tigranes, and Aristobulus King of the Jews, and a wife and five

children of Mithridates, and Scythian women, and also hostages of the

Albani and Iberians and of the King of Commagene, and numerous

trophies, equal in number to all the battles, which Pompeius had won

himself or by his legati. But it was the chief thing towards his

glory, and what had never happened before to any Roman, that he

celebrated his third triumph over the third continent. For though

others before him had triumphed three times, Pompeius by having gained

his first triumph over Libya, his second over Europe, and this the

last over Asia, seemed in a manner to have brought the whole world

into his three triumphs.

XLVI. At this time Pompeius was under four-and-thirty[307] years of

age, as those affirm who in all respects compare him with Alexander

and force a parallel, but in fact he was near forty. How happy would

it have been if he had died at the time up to which he had the fortune

of Alexander; but the period that followed brought to him good fortune

accompanied with odium, and ill fortune that was past all cure. For

the power which he got in the city by fair means, he employed on the

behalf of others illegally; and as much strength as he gave to them,

so much he took from his own reputation, and so he was overthrown by

the strength and magnitude of his own power before he was aware of it.

And as the strongest parts and places in cities, when the enemies have

got possession of them, give to them their own strength, so Cæsar

being raised up through the power of Pompeius against the State,

overthrew and cast down the man by whose help he became strong against

others. And it was brought about thus. Immediately upon Lucullus

returning from Asia, where he had been treated with great contumely by

Pompeius, the Senate gave him a splendid reception, and when Pompeius

had arrived they urged Lucullus still more to take a part in public

affairs, for the purpose of limiting the credit of Pompeius. Though

Lucullus was in other matters now dull and chilled for all active

life, having given himself up to the pleasures of ease and the

enjoyment of wealth, yet he forthwith sprang up against Pompeius, and

by a vigorous attack got a victory over him with respect to the

arrangements of Lucullus that he had annulled, and had the advantage

in the Senate with the co-operation of Cato. Pompeius, defeated and

pressed on all sides, was compelled to fly to tribunes and to attach

himself to young men, of whom the most scandalous and the most daring,

Clodius, took up his cause, but threw him completely under the feet of

the people; and by making him inconsistently with his station

constantly frequent the Forum and carrying him about, he used him for

the purpose of confirming everything that was said or proposed to

please and flatter the people. Further, he asked of Pompeius for his

reward, just as if he were not degrading him but were doing him a

service, and he afterwards got what he asked, the betrayal of

Cicero,[308] who was a friend of Pompeius and had served him in public

matters more than any one else. For when Cicero was in danger and

prayed for his aid, Pompeius would not even see him, but shut the

front door upon those who came on Cicero's part and went out by

another door. Cicero fearing the trial retired from Rome.

XLVII. At this time Cæsar[309] returned from his government and

undertook a political measure, which brought him the greatest

popularity for the present and power for the future, but did the

greatest damage to Pompeius and the State. For he became a candidate

for his first consulship; but seeing that while Crassus was at

variance with Pompeius, if he attached himself to one of them he would

have the other for his enemy, he applied himself to effect a

reconciliation between them, a thing which in other respects was fair

and useful to the State, but was managed by him for a bad reason and

with a dexterity full of treacherous design. For the strength which

kept the State, just as in the case of a vessel, in a condition of

equilibrium and prevented it falling over to this side or that, when

brought together and united caused it to incline to one side with an

irresistible force that overpowered and beat down everything.

Accordingly Cato said that they were mistaken who affirmed that the

State was overturned by the quarrel which afterwards broke out between

Cæsar and Pompeius, for they laid the blame on the last events; for it

was not their disunion nor yet their enmity, but their union and

concord which was the first and greatest misfortune that befel the

State. Cæsar was elected consul, and forthwith he courted the needy

and poor by proposing measures for the establishment of cities, and

the division of lands, wherein he stepped beyond the proprieties of

his office and in a manner made his consulship into a tribunate. When

his colleague Bibulus opposed him and Cato was prepared to support

Bibulus most vigorously, Cæsar brought forward Pompeius on the

Rostra, and put the question to him, "If he approved of the proposed

laws;" upon Pompeius saying that he did, "Will you not then," said

Cæsar, "if any one makes resistance to the laws, come forward before

the people to maintain them?" "Certainly," said Pompeius, "I will come

against those who threaten swords, with sword and shield." It was the

general opinion that Pompeius up to that day had never said or done

anything more arrogant, so that even his friends in his defence said

that the words had escaped him at the moment. But yet it was clear

from what followed that he had completely given himself up to Cæsar to

do what he pleased with him: for contrary to all expectation Pompeius

married Cæsar's daughter Julia, who had been betrothed to Cæpio and

was going to be married to him within a few days; and to pacify Cæpio,

Pompeius gave him his own daughter who was already promised to Faustus

the son of Sulla. Cæsar himself married Calpurnia the daughter of

Piso.

XLVIII. After this Pompeius filled the city with soldiers and managed

everything by force. For the soldiers suddenly fell on the consul

Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum with Lucullus and Cato, and

broke the fasces; and some one bedaubed Bibulus by throwing a basket

of ordure over his head, and two of the tribunes who were conducting

him were wounded. By these means they cleared the Forum of their

opponents and then carried the law about the distribution of lands.

The people being taken with this bait were now become tame and ready

to support any project of theirs, giving no trouble at all, but

silently voting for what was proposed to them. Accordingly the

regulations of Pompeius as to which he was at variance with Lucullus

were confirmed, and Cæsar received Gaul within and without the Alps

and the province of Illyricum for five years with four complete

legions; and it was settled that the consuls for the next year should

be Piso[310] the father-in-law of Cæsar, and Gabinius, who was the

most extravagant of the flatterers of Pompeius. While this was going

on, Bibulus shut himself up in his house and never went out for eight

months, the remainder of the period of his consulship, but he sent out

counter-edicts full of abuse and charges against both: Cato as if

inspired and under divine influence foretold in the Senate what would

happen to the city and to Pompeius; and Lucullus[311] renouncing

public life kept quiet, on the ground that his age disqualified him

for political concerns, on which Pompeius observed that for an old man

luxury was more unsuitable to his age than to mingle in affairs of

state. However Pompeius himself also was soon rendered inactive

through passion for his young wife, with whom he passed the chief part

of his time, and lived in the country and his gardens, and he paid no

attention to what was going on in the Forum, so that even Clodius, who

was then tribune, despised Pompeius and engaged in the most daring

measures. For after Clodius had ejected Cicero and sent off Cato to

Cyprus[312] under colour of giving him a command, and Cæsar was gone

to Gaul, and Clodius saw that the people were devoted to him as he was

doing everything and framing all his measures to please them, he

immediately attempted to repeal some of the regulations of Pompeius,

and seizing the person of the captive Tigranes he kept him in his own

house, and he instituted prosecutions against the friends of Pompeius,

and so made trial of the power of Pompeius by attacking his friends.

At last when Pompeius came forward upon the occasion of a certain

trial, Clodius having with him a body of men filled with insolence and

arrogance took his station in a conspicuous place and put to them the

following questions: "Who is Imperator unlimited? what man seeks

another man? who scratches his head[313] with one finger?" The people

like a Chorus trained to chant corresponding parts, while Clodius was

shaking his toga,[314] at every question with loud shouts replied,

"Pompeius."

XLIX. Now this also annoyed Pompeius, who was unaccustomed to be

abused and had no practice in this kind of warfare; but he was still

more vexed when he perceived that the Senate were pleased at the

insults offered to him and at his paying the penalty for his treachery

to Cicero. But when it happened that they came to blows in the Forum

and even proceeded so far as to wound one another, and a slave of

Clodius was detected in the crowd stealing through the bystanders up

to Pompeius with a dagger in his hand, Pompeius alleging these

proceedings as his excuse, and besides that, being afraid of the

insolence and abuse of Clodius, came no more into the Forum so long as

Clodius was in office, but kept to his house and was planning with his

friends how he could pacify the resentment of the Senate and the

nobles towards him. However he would not listen to Culleo,[315] who

advised him to put away Julia and giving up the friendship of Cæsar to

pass over to the Senate, but he followed the advice of those who

recommended that Cicero[316] should be restored, who was the greatest

enemy of Clodius and most beloved by the Senate. Pompeius with a

strong party accompanied Cicero's brother who was going to make his

entreaty to the people, and after some wounds had been inflicted in

the Forum and some persons were killed, they got the advantage over

Clodius. Cicero returning to the city in pursuance of a law

immediately reconciled Pompeius to the Senate, and, by speaking in

favour of the law relating to grain,[317] in a manner again made

Pompeius master of all the land and sea that the Romans possessed.

For under his control were placed harbours, places of trade, the

disposal of produce, in a word, all the affairs of those who navigated

the sea and cultivated the land. But Clodius complained that the law

had not been made on account of the scarcity of grain, but that the

scarcity of grain was caused in order that the law might be passed,

and that Pompeius might again fan into a flame and recover his power,

which was as it were wasting away through his want of spirit. Others

explained this to have been a device of the consul Spinther, whose

object was to engage Pompeius in a higher official employment, that

himself might be sent out to support king Ptolemæus.[318] However

Canidius the tribune proposed a measure to the effect that Pompeius

without an army and with two lictors should go to bring about a

reconciliation between the Alexandrians and the king. And indeed it

was supposed that Pompeius was not displeased at the measure, but the

Senate rejected it on the specious pretext that they feared for the

safety of Pompeius. There were writings to be found scattered about

the Forum and near the Senate-house, to the effect that Ptolemæus

wished Pompeius to be given to him as general instead of Spinther. And

Timagenes[319] says that Ptolemæus without any reason and without

necessity had quitted Egypt and left it at the advice of Theophanes

who was planning profitable occupation for Pompeius and a subject for

a fresh command. But the villainy of Theophanes does not make this so

probable, as the character of Pompeius makes it improbable, for he had

no ambition of so mean and illiberal a kind.

L. Pompeius being appointed to look after the management and the

supply of corn, sent his deputies and friends to many places, and he

himself sailed to Sicily and Sardinia and Libya and collected grain.

When he was about to set sail, there was a violent wind on the sea,

and the masters of the ships were unwilling to put out, but Pompeius

embarking first and bidding them raise the anchor, cried, "It is

necessary to sail; there is no necessity to live." By such boldness

and zeal, and the help of good fortune, Pompeius filled the markets

with grain and the sea with ships, so that the superfluity of what he

got together sufficed even for those who were without, and there was

as from a spring an abundant overflowing for all.

LI. During this time the Celtic wars[320] raised Cæsar to great

distinction; and though he was considered to be a very long way from

Rome, and to be occupied with Belgæ and Suevi and Britanni, he

contrived, by his skilful management, without being perceived, in the

midst of the popular assemblies, and in the most important matters, to

frustrate the political measures of Pompeius. For Cæsar's military

force was like a body that invested him, and he was training it to

toil, and making it invincible and formidable, not to oppose the

barbarians, but he was disciplining his men in these contests just as

if it were merely hunting wild beasts and pursuing them with dogs; and

in the meantime he was sending to Rome gold and silver, and the rest

of the spoil and wealth which he got in abundance from so many

enemies, and by tempting people there with gifts, and assisting ædiles

in their expenses, and generals and consuls and their wives, he was

gaining over many of them; so that when he had crossed the Alps and

was wintering in Luca, there was a great crowd of men and women who

vied with one another in their eagerness to visit him, besides two

hundred of the Senatorian class, among whom were Pompeius and Crassus;

and one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and prætors were seen

at Cæsar's doors. Now, after filling all the rest with hopes and

money, he sent them off; but a compact was made between him and

Crassus and Pompeius, that they should be candidates for the

consulship, and that Cæsar should help them by sending many of his

soldiers to vote, and that as soon as they were elected, they should

secure for themselves the command of provinces and armies, and should

confirm Cæsar's provinces to him for another five years. Upon this

being publicly known, the first men in the State were displeased, and

Marcellinus coming forward before the popular assembly, asked both

Crassus and Pompeius to their faces, if they would be candidates for

the consulship. The assembly bade them give him an answer, on which

Pompeius spoke first, and said, that perhaps he should and perhaps he

should not. Crassus replied in a manner more befitting a citizen,[321]

for he said that he would act either way, as he should think it best

for the common weal. But when Marcellinus stuck close to Pompeius, and

was considered to be speaking in violent terms, Pompeius said that

Marcellinus, of all men, showed the least regard to fair dealing,

because he was not grateful to him in that he was the means of

Marcellinus becoming eloquent, though he was formerly mute, and of now

being so full as to vomit, though formerly he was starving of hunger.

LII. However, though everybody else declined to become candidates for

the consulship, Cato persuaded Lucius Domitius,[322] and encouraged

him not to give up, for he said the contest with the tyrants was not

for power, but for liberty. But Pompeius and his partisans fearing the

vigour of Cato, and lest, as he had all the Senate on his side, he

should draw away and change the minds of the sounder part of the

people, would not allow Domitius to come down into the Forum, but they

sent armed men and killed the linkbearer, who was advancing in front,

and put the rest to flight. Cato was the last to retreat, after being

wounded in the right arm while he was fighting in front of Domitius.

By such means they attained the consulship, nor did they conduct

themselves in it with more decency. First of all, while the people

were electing Cato prætor and giving their votes, Pompeius broke up

the assembly, alleging that the omens were not favourable; and they

had Vatinius[323] proclaimed in place of Cato by bribing the tribes.

In the next place they introduced measures by means of Trebonius,[324]

which gave to Cæsar, pursuant to the agreement, a second five years,

to Crassus[325] Syria and the Parthian expedition, but to Pompeius all

Libya, and both the provinces of Iberia and four legions, of which he

lent two to Cæsar at his request for the war in Gaul. Now Crassus went

out to his province, after giving up his consular functions; and

Pompeius opened his theatre,[326] and gave gymnastic and musical

contests at the dedication of it, and fights of wild beasts, in which

five hundred lions were killed; and at the end he exhibited an

elephant-fight, a most astonishing spectacle.

LIII. For all this Pompeius got admiration and love; but on the other

hand he brought on himself no less odium by giving up the forces and

the provinces to legati who were his friends, while himself in the

places of amusement in Italy going about from one to another spent his

time with his wife, either because he loved her, or because he could

not bear to leave his wife who was attached to him; for this also is

said. And the love of the young woman for her husband was much talked

about, for her affection towards Pompeius was not what might have been

expected considering his age; but the reason appears to have been the

chaste conduct of her husband who knew only his married wife, and the

dignity of his manners which were not austere but agreeable and

particularly attractive to women, if we must not disbelieve the

testimony even of Flora the courtezan. It happened that at the

election of ædiles some men came to blows and no small number were

killed near Pompeius, and as his garments were drenched with blood, he

changed them. There was great confusion and hurrying to the house of

the slaves who were carrying the vests; and it happened that

Julia,[327] who was with child, saw the bloody toga, upon which she

fainted and with difficulty recovered, and in consequence of that

alarm and the excitement, she miscarried. Even those who found most

fault with the alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, could not blame the

woman for her affection. She became pregnant a second time and brought

forth a female child, but she died of the pains of labour and the

child did not survive her many days. Pompeius made preparations to

bury her in his Alban villa, but the people by force took the body and

carried it down into the Field of Mars, more from pity for the young

woman than to please Pompeius and Cæsar. But of the two, it was

considered that the people gave a larger portion of the honour to

Cæsar who was absent than to Pompeius who was present. But in the city

the waves forthwith began to move and everything was tossed to and

fro, and was the subject of conversation tending to a complete split,

now that the marriage connection was ended which hitherto rather

veiled than checked the ambition of the two men. After no long time

news also arrived that Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians;

and that which had been a great hindrance to the civil war breaking

out was now removed, for both Cæsar and Pompeius feared Crassus, and

accordingly to some extent confined themselves within limits in their

behaviour towards one another. But when fortune had cut off the man

who was keeping a watch over the struggle, forthwith the words of the

comic poet became applicable:

"Now each against the other smears his limbs,

And strews his hands with dust."

So small a thing is fortune in comparison with men's nature. For

fortune cannot satisfy men's desires, since so great an amount of

command and extent of wide-stretched territory put no check on the

desires of two men, but though they heard and read that "all

things[328] were divided into three portions for the gods and each got

his share of dominion," they thought the Roman empire was not enough

for them who were only two.

LIV. Yet Pompeius once said when he was addressing the people, that

he had obtained every office sooner than he expected, and laid it down

sooner than was expected. And in truth he had the disbandings of his

forces a perpetual testimony of the truth of what he said. But now

being convinced that Cæsar would not give up his power, he sought by

means of the functionaries of the state to strengthen himself against

him, but he attempted no change of any kind and did not wish to be

considered to distrust Cæsar, but to disregard him rather and to

despise him. However when he saw that the officers were not disposed

of according to his judgment, the citizens being bribed, he allowed

anarchy to spring up in the state; and forthwith there was much talk

about a dictator, whom Lucilius the tribune first ventured to mention

by advising the people to choose Pompeius dictator. Cato attacked him

for this, and Lucilius ran the risk of losing his tribunate, and many

of the friends of Pompeius came forward to exculpate him and said that

he did not seek that office or wish for it. Upon this Cato commended

Pompeius and exhorted him to turn his attention to the establishment

of order, and Pompeius then out of shame did turn his attention to it,

and Domitius[329] and Messala were made consuls; but afterwards there

was again anarchy, and a greater number of persons now began to

agitate the question of a dictator more boldly, and Cato and his

partisans fearing that they should be forced to yield, determined to

let Pompeius have a certain legalized authority for the purpose of

diverting him from that pure tyrannical office. Bibulus, who was an

enemy of Pompeius, was the first to propose in the Senate to choose

Pompeius sole consul[330] and he said that the city would thus either

be relieved from the present disorder, or they would be slaves to the

best man among them. This opinion appeared strange from such a person,

when Cato rising for the purpose as it was expected of speaking

against Bibulus, as soon as there was silence, said that for his part

he would not have introduced the proposed measure, but as it was

introduced by another he advised that it should be adopted, for he

preferred any government to no government, and he thought that nobody

would administer affairs better than Pompeius at a time of such

disorder. The Senate accepted the proposal and passed a decree that

Pompeius if elected should be solo consul, and that if he wanted a

colleague, he might choose any person whom he approved of, but not

before two months had elapsed; and Pompeius being made consul on these

terms and declared by Sulpicius the Interrex, addressed Cato in a

friendly manner, admitting his great obligations to him and urging him

to give him his advice as a private man in the discharge of his

office. But Cato would not admit that Pompeius was under any

obligations to him, for he had said nothing that he did say out of

regard to him, but out of regard to the state: he added that he would

give him his advice if he were privately applied to; and if Pompeius

did not invite him, he would publicly tell him his opinion. Such was

Cato in everything.

LV. After entering the city, Pompeius married Cornelia,[331] a

daughter of Metellus Scipio, who was not a virgin, but had lately been

left a widow by Publius, the son of Crassus, who had lost his life

among the Parthians, and whose virgin bride she was. The young woman

possessed many charms besides her youthful beauty, for she was well

instructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and in geometry, and

she had been accustomed to listen to philosophical discourses with

profit. In addition to this she had a disposition free from all

affectation and pedantic display, faults which such acquirements

generally breed in women: her father also, both in respect to family

and reputation, was above all imputation. Still the marriage did not

please some people on account of the disparity of years; for the youth

of Cornelia made her a fitter match for a son of Pompeius. But those

who were more judicious considered that Pompeius had overlooked the

state, which was in an unfortunate condition, to cure which the state

had selected him for her physician, and put herself solely in his

hands; and he was wearing chaplets and celebrating a marriage, when he

ought to have considered his consulship a calamity, as it would not

have been conferred on him so contrary to all constitutional practice,

if his country were in a prosperous condition. However, he presided at

the trials for corruption and bribery,[332] and drew up laws, pursuant

to which the trials were conducted, and with the exception presently

to be mentioned, he conducted all the proceedings with dignity and

fairness, and he secured to the courts safety, order, and quiet, by

taking his own place there with armed men; but when his father-in-law

Scipio was under trial, he sent for the three hundred and sixty

judices to his house and obtained their support for him, and the

accuser gave up the prosecution when he saw Scipio conducted from the

Forum by the judices.[333] This brought Pompeius again into bad

report, which was still further increased when he came forward to

speak in praise of Plancus,[334] though he had by special law put an

end to encomiums on persons under trial. Cato, who happened to be one

of the judices, stopped his ears with his hands, saying it was not

right in him to listen to the encomiums which were contrary to law. In

consequence of this Cato was rejected before the votes were given, but

Plancus was convicted by the votes of the rest and to the shame of

Pompeius. Now, a few days after, Hypsæus,[335] a consular man, who was

under prosecution, watched for Pompeius as he was going to sup after

taking the bath, and clasping his knees, suppliantly entreated him;

but Pompeius passed by contemptuously, saying that Hypsæus was

spoiling his supper, and doing nothing more. By showing himself thus

partial he got blame. However, in every other respect he established

good order, and took his father-in-law as his colleague for the

remaining five months. A decree also was made that he should hold the

provinces for another four years, and should receive yearly a thousand

talents, out of which he was to feed and maintain his troops.

LVI. Cæsar's friends taking advantage of this, claimed some notice for

Cæsar also, who was fighting so many battles for the supremacy of

Rome; they said that he deserved either another consulship, or to have

a fresh period added to his command, during which no other should

supersede him and carry off the glory due to his labours, but that he

who had accomplished those things should hold the command and quietly

enjoy the honour. A debate arose on those subjects, on which Pompeius,

affecting to deprecate the odium against Cæsar out of regard to him,

said that he had letters of Cæsar, who was willing to have a

successor and to be relieved from service, but still Cæsar thought it

fair that he should be allowed to be a candidate for the consulship

though he was not at Rome. To this Cato made opposition, and said that

Cæsar ought to become a private person and lay down his arms, and then

get any favour that he could from the citizens; and when Pompeius did

not prosecute the debate, but submitted as if he were worsted, his

real opinions about Cæsar became more suspected. He also sent to Cæsar

and demanded back the troops[336] which he had lent him, pretending

that he wanted them for the Parthian war. But Cæsar, though he knew

why he was required to give up the troops, sent them back after

handsomely rewarding them.

LVII. After this Pompeius had a dangerous illness at Neapolis, from

which he recovered. Upon the suggestion of Praxagoras, the people of

Neapolis offered sacrifices for his restoration to health. The

neighbouring people followed their example, and the thing thus going

the round of Italy, every city, small and great, celebrated a festival

for several days. No place was large enough to contain the people, who

flocked together from all parts, but the roads were filled and the

villages and ports with the people rejoicing and sacrificing. Many

persons also with chaplets on their heads and lighted torches received

Pompeius, and accompanied him throwing flowers over him, so that his

journey and progress was a most beautiful sight and very splendid.

However, it is said that this circumstance contributed to bring about

the war as much as anything else. For an arrogant feeling entered the

mind of Pompeius, and, with the greatness of the rejoicing, carried

off all reflection on the present state of affairs; and throwing away

the caution which had always secured his good fortune and his

measures, he fell into a state of such unmingled confidence and

contempt of Cæsar's power, as to suppose that he would require neither

arms to oppose him nor any troublesome preparation, but that he could

put him down much easier than he had raised him. Besides this, Appius

came from Gaul with the troops which Pompeius had lent to Cæsar; and

he greatly disparaged Cæsar's exploits there, and uttered much abuse

against Cæsar; and he said that Pompeius did not know his own power

and reputation, if he intended to strengthen himself against Cæsar by

other troops, for that he could put down Cæsar with Cæsar's own

troops, as soon as he made his appearance; so great, as he said, was

their hatred of Cæsar and their affection towards Pompeius.

Accordingly Pompeius was so much elated, and through his confidence

filled with such contempt, that he even ridiculed those who were

afraid of the war; and to those who said that, if Cæsar advanced

against the city, they saw no troops sufficient to repulse him, with

smiling countenance and tranquil mien he bade them give themselves no

trouble about that, "for in whatever part of Italy," he said, "I stamp

the earth with my foot, there will spring up forces both men and

horse."

LVIII. And now Cæsar also stuck to public affairs more vigorously,

himself keeping at no great distance from Italy, and continually

sending his soldiers to the city to attend the elections, and with

money insinuating himself into the favour of many of the magistrates

and corrupting them; among whom was Paulus[337] the consul who changed

sides for fifteen hundred talents, and Curio[338] the tribune who was

released by Cæsar from countless debts, and Marcus Antonius who

through friendship for Curio was involved in his obligations. Now it

was said that one of the centurions who had come from Cæsar, while

standing near the Senate-house and hearing that the Senate were

refusing to allow Cæsar a prolongation of his term of government, said

as he struck his hand on his sword, "But this will give it." And all

that was doing and preparing had this design in view. Yet the claims

and reasons urged by Curio in favour of Cæsar were of a more

constitutional character. For he asked one of two things, either that

they should require Pompeius also to give up his force, or they should

not take Cæsar's troops from him: he said, "Whether they become

private persons on fair terms or continued a match for one another by

each keeping what he had, they would remain quiet; but he who proposed

to weaken one of them would double the power which he feared." Upon

this Marcellus the consul called Cæsar a robber, and urged the Senate

to vote him an enemy, if he should not lay down his arms. Yet Curio

with the assistance of Antonius and Piso, prevailed so far as to have

it put to a regular vote. Accordingly he proposed that those senators

should move off to one side who were in favour of Cæsar alone laying

down his arms and Pompeius remaining in command; and the majority went

over to that side. Again, upon his proposing that all should withdraw

who were of opinion that both should lay down their arms and that

neither should hold a command, only two-and-twenty were in favour of

Pompeius, and all the rest were on the side of Curio. Curio

considering that he had gained his point, rushed forth to the people

exulting with delight, and the people received him with clapping of

hands and threw on him chaplets and flowers. Pompeius was not in the

Senate, for those who are in command of an army do not enter the city.

But Marcellus rose up and said that he would not sit still to listen

to words, but that as he spied ten legions already appearing in sight

above the Alps and on their march, he also would dispatch a man to

oppose them and to defend their country.

LIX. Upon this they changed their garments as was usual in a public

calamity. Marcellus[339] advanced to Pompeius through the Forum with

the Senate following him, and standing in front of him said, "I bid

you, Pompeius, defend your country and employ the forces that are in

readiness and raise others." Lentulus also said the same, who was one

of the consuls elect for the coming year. But when Pompeius began to

raise recruits, some refused and a few came together tardily and

without any readiness, but the greater part cried out that some terms

should be come to. For Antonius in spite of the Senate had read a

letter of Cæsar to the people which contained proposals likely to

conciliate the mass; for Cæsar proposed that both he and Pompeius

should give up their provinces and dismiss their troops, and so put

themselves in the hande of the people and render an account of what

they had done. Lentulus who was now consul would not assemble the

Senate; but Cicero who had just returned from Cilicia[340] attempted

an amicable settlement on the terms, that Cæsar should quit Gaul and

give up all his army except two legions with which he should hold

Illyricum and wait for his second consulship. As Pompeius was

dissatisfied with this, the friends of Cæsar so far yielded as to

agree that Cæsar should dismiss one of these two legions; but as

Lentulus made opposition and Cato called out that Pompeius was

blundering again if he allowed himself to be deceived, the attempt at

a settlement came to no conclusion.

LX. In the mean time intelligence arrived that Cæsar had taken

Ariminum,[341] a large city of Italy, and was marching straight upon

Rome with all his force. But this was false; for he was advancing with

only three hundred horsemen and five thousand legionary soldiers, and

he did not wait for the rest of his force which was beyond the Alps,

choosing to fall upon his enemies when they were in confusion and did

not expect him, rather than to give them time to prepare to fight with

him. Upon reaching the river Rubico, which was the boundary of his

province, he stood in silence and lingered, reflecting, as we may

presume, on the magnitude of the risk. Then, like those who throw

themselves into a huge abyss from a precipice, closing the eyes of

calculation and wrapping himself up to meet the danger, he called out

in Greek to those who were present these words only, "Let the die be

cast," and took his army over. As soon as the report reached Rome, and

tumult and fear, such as were never known before, together with

consternation filled the city, the Senate immediately hurried in a

body to visit Pompeius, and the magistrates with them; but upon

Tullus[342] asking about an army and force, and Pompeius after some

delay saying in a tone of no great confidence, that he had the men in

readiness who had come from Cæsar, and he thought he should soon be

able to get together those who had been before enrolled to the number

of thirty thousand, Tullus cried aloud, "You have deceived us,

Pompeius," and he advised to send commissioners to Cæsar. One

Favonius,[343] in other respects no bad man, but who with his

self-will and insolence often supposed that he was imitating the bold

language of Cato, bade Pompeius strike the ground with his foot and

call up the troops which he promised. Pompeius mildly submitted to

this ill-timed sarcasm; and when Cato reminded him of what he had

originally predicted to him about Cæsar, Pompeius replied that what

Cato had said was in truth more prophetic, but what he had done was of

a more friendly character.

LXI. Cato advised that Pompeius should be appointed general Imperator,

adding, that it was the business of those who caused great mischief to

put an end to it. Cato immediately left the city for Sicily, for he

had obtained that island as his province; and of the rest each went to

the province which had been assigned to him by lot. But as nearly all

Italy was in commotion, the events that happened caused much

perplexity; for those who were out of Rome hurried from all parts and

crowded into the city, and the inhabitants of Rome hastened to leave

the city, which in such tempest and confusion was weak in available

means, but strong in insubordination and the difficulty that it caused

to the magistrates. For it was not possible to allay the fear, nor did

any one allow Pompeius to follow his own judgment, but in whatever way

a man was affected, whether by fear, grief or perplexity, he carried

it to Pompeius and filled him with it; and opposite measures prevailed

in the same day, and it was impossible for Pompeius to get any true

intelligence about the enemy, because there were many who reported

anything that they chanced to hear, and were vexed if he did not

believe them. Under these circumstances after declaring by an edict

that he saw nothing but confusion, and bidding all the senators follow

him, and giving notice that he should consider all who stayed behind

as partisans of Cæsar, he left the city late in the evening; and the

consuls fled without even making the sacrifices which were usual

before wars. But even in the midst of danger Pompeius was fortunate in

the general affection of the people, for though many blamed the

generalship, there was not one who hated the general, but one might

have found that those who were not willing to leave Pompeius were more

numerous than those who left the city for the cause of liberty.

LXII. A few davs after, Cæsar entered and took possession of

Rome.[344] He behaved with moderation to all and pacified everybody,

except Metellus[345] one of the tribunes who attempted to hinder him

from taking money out of the treasury, on which Cæsar threatened him

with death and added to his threat still harsher words, for he said,

That to say this was harder for him than to do it. Having thus put

Metellus to flight and taken what he wanted, Cæsar pursued Pompeius,

being anxious to drive him out of Italy before his troops from Iberia

arrived. Pompeius who had got possession of Brundisium and had plenty

of ships, immediately put on board the consuls and with them thirty

cohorts and sent them over before him to Dyrrachium: Scipio his

father-in-law and his own son Cneius he sent to Syria to get a fleet

ready. After barricading the gates and placing on the walls the

soldiers who were most lightly armed, he ordered the people of

Brundisium[346] to keep quiet in their houses, and he then broke up

all the ground in the city and intersected it with ditches, and filled

up all the streets with stakes except two through which he went down

to the sea. On the third day he had already embarked at his leisure

all the troops with the exception of those who were guarding the

walls, to whom he suddenly gave a signal, upon which they all ran down

quickly and being taken on board got out to sea. When Cæsar saw the

walls deserted, he concluded that the enemy were making off, and in

his pursuit of them he narrowly escaped getting involved among the

stakes and trenches; but as the people of Brundisium gave him warning,

he avoided the city and, making a circuit round it, he found that all

had got under sail, except two vessels which contained only a few

soldiers.

LXIII. Now everybody else reckons the sailing away of Pompeius among

the best military stratagems, but Cæsar[347] wondered that Pompeius,

who was in possession of a strong city and was expecting his troops

from Iberia and was master of the sea, should desert and abandon

Italy. Cicero[348] also blames Pompeius for imitating the generalship

of Themistokles rather than that of Perikles, the circumstances being

like those of Perikles and not those of Themistokles. And Cæsar showed

by what he did that he was greatly afraid of time:[349] for when he

had taken prisoner Numerius, a friend of Pompeius, he sent him to

Brundisium with instructions to bring about a reconciliation on fair

terms; but Numerius sailed off with Pompeius. Upon this Cæsar, who in

sixty days had become master of Italy without shedding any blood, was

desirous of pursuing Pompeius immediately, but as he had no vessels,

he turned about and marched to Iberia with the design of gaining over

the troops there.

LXIV. During this time Pompeius got together a great force: his naval

power was completely irresistible, for the fighting ships were five

hundred, and the number of Liburnian vessels[350] and other small

craft was immense; the cavalry, the flower of the Romans and Italians,

was seven thousand, distinguished by family, and wealth and courage;

his infantry, which was a mixed body and required discipline, he

exercised in Berœa,[351] not sitting still lazily, but practising

himself in gymnastic exercises[352] as if he were still in the vigour

of his age. And it was a great motive to confidence, when men saw

Pompeius Magnus, who was now sixty years of age save two, exercising

himself among the infantry under arms, then mounting his horse and

drawing his sword without any trouble while his horse was galloping

and easily sheathing it again; and in the throwing of his spear

showing not only an exactness of aim, but a strength of arm in the

distance to which he sent it, which many of the young men could not

surpass. Both kings of nations and governors came to him; and of the

men of rank about him from Rome there were sufficient to make up a

complete Senate.[353] There came also Labeo,[354] who left Cæsar

though he had been his friend and had served with him in Gaul; and

Brutus,[355] son of the Brutus who was put to death in Gaul, a man of

noble spirit who had never yet spoken to Pompeius or saluted him

because Pompeius had put his father to death, but now he took service

under him as the liberator of Rome. Cicero,[356] though he had both in

his writings and his speeches in the Senate recommended other

measures, was ashamed not to join those who were fighting in defence

of their country. There came also to Macedonia Tidius Sextius,[357] a

man of extreme old age, lame of one leg; and while others were

laughing and jeering, Pompeius on seeing him rose up and ran to meet

him, for he considered it a great testimony for men of advanced age

and feeble strength to choose danger with him in preference to safety.

LXV. A Senate being formed, upon the proposition of Cato they came to

a resolution to put no Roman to death except in battle, and not to

plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, which increased still

further the popularity of the party of Pompeius; for those who were

unconcerned about the war by reason of being far removed from it or

who were disregarded on account of their weakness, gave Pompeius the

benefit of their good wishes at least, and as far as words could go

contended on his behalf in favour of the right, considering every man

an enemy to gods and to men who did not wish Pompeius to be

victorious. Cæsar also showed much moderation in his success, for

after he had captured and defeated the forces of Pompeius in

Iberia,[358] he let the generals go and employed the troops. After

crossing the Alps again and hurrying through Italy, he arrived at

Brundisium about the winter solstice. He then crossed the sea and

putting in at Oricum sent Jubius,[359] a friend of Pompeius, who was

his prisoner, to Pompeius[360] to propose that they should both meet

together on the third day, disband all their forces, and after being

reconciled and confirming their union by oath, return to Italy.

Pompeius again considered this to be an ambuscade, and hastily going

down to the sea he took possession of the posts and places which

presented very strong positions for an army; he also seized the naval

stations and landing places which were favourable for those who came

by sea, so that every wind which blew brought to Pompeius corn or

troops or money; but Cæsar being confined in straits both on the sea

and land side was of necessity glad to fight, and he attacked the

lines of Pompeius and continually provoked him to battle, in which

Cæsar had generally the advantage and the superiority in the

skirmishing. But on one occasion he narrowly escaped being completely

crushed and losing his army, for Pompeius fought with great courage

and routed all the enemy, who lost two thousand men; but he was

either unable or was afraid to force his way into Cæsar's camp and to

enter with the fugitives, which made Cæsar say to his friends, "To-day

the victory would have been with the enemy, if they had had a

commander who knew how to conquer."

LXVI. The partisans of Pompeius being greatly elated at this success

were eager to have a decisive battle. Pompeius wrote to the distant

kings and generals and cities to inform them that he was victorious,

but he feared the risk of a battle, thinking that by delay and

reducing the enemy to straits he should finally vanquish men who were

invincible in arms and had long been accustomed to conquer together,

but as to the other military duties, and marches, and change of

position, and digging of trenches and building of walls, were not

efficient by reason of age and on this account were eager to come to

close fighting and to engage hand to hand. However, previous to the

last contest Pompeius had been able in some degree to draw his men

from their purpose by persuading them to keep quiet; but when Cæsar

after the battle was compelled by want of provisions to break up his

camp, and began his march into Thessaly through the country of the

Athamanes,[361] the confidence of the soldiers of Pompeius could no

longer be kept in check, and calling out that Cæsar was flying, some

were for following and pursuing him, and others for crossing over into

Italy, and others were sending to Rome their slaves and friends to get

possession of houses near the Forum, with the intention of forthwith

becoming candidates for office. Many of their own accord sailed to

Cornelia who was in Lesbos bearing the good tidings of the war being

at an end; for Pompeius had sent her there out of the way of danger.

The Senate being assembled, Afranius gave his opinion that they should

stick to Italy, for Italy was the chief prize of the war, and would

bring to those who were masters of it the possession of Sicily,

Sardinia, Corsica, Iberia, and all Gaul; and as to that which was the

greatest concern to Pompeius, his native country who was stretching

out her hands only at a short distance from them, it was not

honourable to leave her to be insulted and enslaved by slaves and

flatterers of tyrants. But Pompeius did not consider it to be

consistent with his reputation to run away from Cæsar a second time

and to be pursued, when fortune gave him the opportunity of being the

pursuer, nor did he think it consistent with his duty to desert

Scipio[362] and the consular men in Hellas and Thessaly who would

immediately fall into Cæsar's hands with their military chests and

large forces; he thought also that Rome was best cared for by fighting

in her defence as far from her as possible, that she might wait for

the conqueror without feeling or hearing of any misfortunes.

LXVII. Having come to this decision, Pompeius pursued Cæsar, resolved

to avoid a battle, but by following close up to hem him in and wear

him out by privation. He had other reasons for thinking this to be the

best plan, and it also reached his ears that it was a subject of

common conversation among the cavalry that they ought to defeat Cæsar

as soon as they could and then put down Pompeius also. Some say that

this was also the reason why Pompeius employed Cato[363] in no matter

of importance, but even when he was marching against Cæsar left him on

the coast to look after the stores, through fear that if Cæsar were

destroyed, Cato might forthwith compel him also to lay down his

command. Accordingly as he followed the enemy leisurely he was much

censured and there was a clamour against him, that his object was not

to defeat Cæsar by his generalship, but his native country and the

Senate, that he might always keep the command and never give over

having as his attendants and guards those who considered themselves

the masters of the world. Domitius Ahenobarbus also by always calling

him Agamemnon and King of Kings made him odious. Favonius too made

himself no less disagreeable by his scoffing manner than others by the

unseasonable freedom of their language, calling out, "Men, we shall

not eat figs in Tusculum[364] even this year!" Lucius Afranius who had

lost his forces in Iberia and on that account had fallen under the

imputation of treachery, now seeing that Pompeius avoided a battle,

said he was surprised that those who accused him did not advance and

fight against the trafficker in provinces. By these and like

expressions often repeated they at last prevailed over Pompeius, a man

who was a slave to public fame and the opinion of his friends, and

drew him on to follow their own hopes and impetuosity and to give up

the best considered plans, a thing which would have been unbefitting

even in the master of a vessel, to say nothing of the

commander-in-chief of so many nations and forces. Pompeius approved of

the physician who never gratifies the desires of his patients, and yet

he yielded to military advisers who were in a diseased state, through

fear of offending if he adopted healing measures. And how can one say

those men were in a healthy state, some of whom were going about among

the troops and already canvassing for consulships and prætorships, and

Spinther and Domitius[365] and Scipio were disputing and quarrelling

about the priesthood of Cæsar and canvassing, just as if Tigranes the

Armenian were encamped by them or the King of the Nabathæans, and not

that Cæsar and that force with which he had taken a thousand cities by

storm, and subdued above three hundred nations, and had fought with

Germans and Gauls unvanquished in more battles than could be counted,

and had taken a hundred times ten thousand prisoners, and had

slaughtered as many after routing them in pitched battles.

LXVIII. However, by importunity and agitation, after the army had

descended into the plain of Pharsalus,[366] they compelled Pompeius to

hold a council of war, in which Labienus, who was commander of the

cavalry, got up first, and swore that he would not leave the battle

till he had routed the enemy; and they all swore to the same effect.

In the night Pompeius dreamed that as he was entering the theatre, the

people clapped, and that he was decorating a temple of Venus the

Victorious[367] with many spoils. And in some respects he was

encouraged, but in others rather depressed by the dream, lest fame and

glory should accrue from him to the race of Cæsar, which traced its

descent from Venus; and certain panic alarms which were rushing

through the camp aroused him. In the morning-watch a bright light[368]

shone forth above the camp of Cæsar, which was in a state of profound

tranquillity, and a flame-like torch springing from this light

descended upon the camp of Pompeius; and Cæsar himself says that he

witnessed this as he was visiting the watches. At daybreak, as Cæsar

was going to move to Scotussa,[369] and the soldiers were engaged in

taking down the tents and sending forward the beasts and

camp-followers, the scouts came with intelligence that they spied many

arms in the enemy's encampment moving backwards and forwards, and that

there was a movement and noise as of men coming out to battle. After

them others came announcing that the vanguard was already putting

itself in battle order. Upon this, Cæsar observing that the expected

day had arrived on which they would have to fight against men, and not

against hunger and poverty, quickly gave orders to hang out in front

of his tent the purple colours,[370] which is the signal for battle

among the Romans. The soldiers at the sight of it left their tents

with loud shouts and rejoicing and hurried to arms; as the centurions

led them to their several ranks, every man, just as if he belonged to

a chorus, without confusion, being well trained, quietly took his

place.

LXIX. Pompeius commanded the right wing, intending to oppose Antonius;

in the centre he placed his father-in-law Scipio against Calvinus

Lucius;[371] and the left was commanded by Lucius Domitius, and

strengthened with the main body of the cavalry. For nearly all the

horsemen had crowded to that point, with the design of overpowering

Cæsar and cutting to pieces the tenth legion, which had a very great

reputation for courage, and Cæsar was accustomed to take his station

in this legion when he fought a battle. But Cæsar, observing that the

enemy's left wing was strengthened by so large a body of cavalry, and

fearing their brilliant equipment, summoned six cohorts from the

reserve, and placed them in the rear of the tenth legion, with orders

to keep quiet and not let the enemy see them; but as soon as the

cavalry advanced, they had orders to run forwards through the first

ranks, and not to throw their javelins, as the bravest soldiers are

used to do in their eagerness to get to fighting with the sword, but

to push upwards and to wound the eyes and faces of the enemy, for

those handsome, blooming pyrrichists would not keep their ground for

fear of their beauty being spoiled, nor would they venture to look at

the iron that was pushed right into their faces. Now Cæsar was thus

employed. But Pompeius, who was examining the order of battle from his

horse, observing that the enemy were quietly awaiting in their ranks

the moment of attack, and the greater part of his own army was not

still, but was in wavelike motion through want of experience and in

confusion, was alarmed lest his troops should be completely separated

at the beginning of the battle, and he commanded the front ranks to

stand with their spears presented, and keeping their ground in compact

order to receive the enemy's attack. But Cæsar finds fault[372] with

this generalship of Pompeius; for he says that he thus weakened the

force of the blows which a rapid assault produces; and the rush to

meet the advancing ranks, which more than anything else fills the mass

of the soldiers with enthusiasm and impetuosity in closing with the

enemy, and combined with the shouts and running increases the

courage--Pompeius, by depriving his men of this, fixed them to the

ground and damped them. On Cæsar's side the numbers were twenty-two

thousand; on the side of Pompeius the numbers[373] were somewhat more

than double.

LXX.[374] And now, when the signal was given on both sides, and the

trumpet was beginning to urge them on to the conflict, every man of

this great mass was busy in looking after himself; but a few of the

Romans, the best, and some Greeks who were present, and not engaged in

the battle, as the conflict drew near, began to reflect to what a

condition ambition and rivalry had brought the Roman State. For

kindred arms and brotherly battalions and common standards,[375] and

the manhood and the might of a single state in such numbers, were

closing in battle, self-matched against self, an example of the

blindness of human nature and its madness, under the influence of

passion. For if they had now been satisfied quietly to govern and

enjoy what they had got, there was the largest and the best portion of

the earth and of the sea subject to them; and if they still wished to

gratify their love of trophies and of triumphs, and their thirst for

them, they might have their fill of Parthian or German wars. Scythia,

too, and the Indians were a labour in reserve, and ambition had a

reasonable pretext for such undertaking, the civilization of barbaric

nations. And what Scythian horse, or Parthian arrows, or Indian wealth

could have checked seventy thousand Romans advancing in arms under

Pompeius and Cæsar, whose name these nations heard of long before they

heard of the name of Rome? Such unsociable, and various, and savage

nations had they invaded and conquered. But now they engaged with one

another in battle, without even feeling any compunction about their

own glory, for which they spared not their native country, up to this

day having always borne the name of invincible. For the relationship

that had been made between them, and the charms of Julia, and that

marriage, were from the very first only deceitful and suspected

pledges of an alliance formed from interested motives, in which there

was not a particle of true friendship.

LXXI. Now when the plain of Pharsalus was filled with men and horses

and arms, and the signal for battle was raised on both sides, the

first to spring forward from the line of Cæsar was Caius

Crassianus[376] a centurion who had the command of one hundred and

twenty men, and was now fulfilling a great promise to Cæsar. For as

Cæsar observed him to be the first that was quitting the camp, he

spoke to him and asked what he thought of the battle; and Crassianus

stretching out his right hand replied with a loud voice, "You shall

have a splendid victory, Cæsar; and as to me, you shall praise me

whether I survive the day or die." Remembering what he had said, he

rushed forward and carrying many along with him fell on the centre of

the enemy. The struggle was forthwith with the sword and many fell;

but while Crassianus was pushing forwards and cutting down those who

were in the front ranks, a soldier made a stand against him and drove

his sword through his mouth so that the point came out at the back of

the neck. When Crassianus had fallen, the battle was equally contested

in this part of the field. Now Pompeius did not quickly lead on the

right wing, but was looking at the opposite wing and lost time in

waiting for the cavalry to get into action. The cavalry were now

extending their companies with the view of surrounding Cæsar, and they

drove Cæsar's cavalry who were few in number upon the line in front of

which they were stationed. But upon Cæsar giving the signal, the

cavalry retired, and the cohorts which had been reserved to meet the

enemy's attempt to outflank them, rushed forward, three thousand in

number, and met the enemy; then fixing themselves by the side of the

horsemen, they pushed their spears upwards, as they had been

instructed, against the horses, aiming at the faces of the riders. The

horsemen, who were altogether inexperienced in fighting, and had never

expected or heard of such a mode of attack, did not venture to stand

or endure the blows aimed at their eyes and mouths, but turning their

backs and holding their hands before their faces they ingloriously

took to flight. The soldiers of Cæsar leaving these fugitives to

escape advanced against the infantry, and they made their attack at

that point where the wing having lost the protection of the cavalry

gave them the opportunity of outflanking and surrounding them. These

men falling on the enemy in the flank and the tenth legion attacking

them in front, the enemy did not stand their ground nor keep together,

for they saw that while they were expecting to surround the enemy,

they were themselves surrounded.

LXXII. After the infantry were routed, and Pompeius seeing the dust

conjectured what had befallen the cavalry, what reflections passed in

his mind, it is difficult to say; but like a madman more than anything

else and one whose reason was affected, without considering that he

was Magnus Pompeius, without speaking a word to any one, he walked

slowly back to his camp, so that one may properly apply to him the

verses[377]

"But lofty father Zeus struck fear in Ajax;

He stood confounded, and behind him threw

His shield of seven-ox-hide, and trembling look'd

Towards the crowd."

In this state Pompeius came to his tent and sat down without speaking,

until many of the pursuers rushed into the camp with the fugitives;

and then merely uttering these words, "What, even to the camp!" and

nothing more, he rose and taking a dress suitable to his present

condition made his way out. The rest of the legions also fled, and

there was great slaughter in the camp of those who were left to guard

the tents and of the slaves; but Asinius Pollio[378] says that only

six thousand soldiers fell, and Pollio fought in that battle on

Cæsar's side. When Cæsar's men took the camp, they saw evidence of the

folly and frivolity of the enemy. For every tent was crowned with

myrtle and furnished with flowered coverings to the couches and tables

loaded with cups; and bowls of wine were laid out, and there was the

preparation and decoration of persons who had performed a sacrifice

and were celebrating a festival,[379] rather than of men who were

arming for battle. So blinded by their hopes, and so full of foolish

confidence did they come out to war.

LXXIII. Pompeius having proceeded a little way from the camp let his

horse go, and with very few persons about him, went on slowly as no

one pursued him, and with such thoughts, as would naturally arise in

the mind of a man who for four-and-thirty years had been accustomed to

conquer and to have the mastery in everything, and now for the first

time in his old age experienced what defeat and flight were;

reflecting also that in a single battle he had lost the reputation and

the power which were the fruit of so many struggles and wars, and

while a little before he was protected by so many armed men and

horses, and armaments, now he was retreating and had become so weak

and humbled, as easily to escape the notice of his enemies who were

looking for him. After passing Larissa[380] and arriving at Tempe,

being thirsty he threw himself down on his face and drank of the

river, and then rising up he proceeded through Tempe till he reached

the sea. There he rested for the remainder of the night in a

fisherman's hut, and at daybreak embarking on board of one of the

river-boats and taking with him those of his followers who were

freemen, and bidding his slaves go to Cæsar without any apprehension

for their safety, he rowed along the coast till he saw a large

merchant-ship preparing to set sail, the master of which was a Roman,

who had no intimacy with Pompeius, but knew him by sight: his name was

Peticius. It happened the night before that Peticius saw Pompeius in a

dream, not as he had often seen him, but humble and downcast, speaking

to him. And it happened that he was telling his dream to his

shipmates, as is usual with men in such weighty matters, who have

nothing to do; when all at once one of the sailors called out that he

spied a river-boat rowing from the land with men in it who were making

signals with their clothes and stretching out their hands to them.

Accordingly Peticius turning his eyes in that direction recognised

Pompeius just as he had seen him in the dream, and striking his

forehead he ordered the sailors to put the boat alongside, and he

stretched out his right hand and called to Pompeius, already

conjecturing from his appearance the fortune and the reverses of the

man. Upon which the master, without waiting to be entreated or

addressed, took on board with him, all whom Pompeius chose (and these

were the two Lentuli[381] and Favonius), and set sail; and shortly

after seeing King Deiotarus making his way from the land as fast as he

could they took him in also. When it was supper time and the master

had made the best preparation that he could, Favonius observing that

Pompeius had no domestics and was beginning to take off his shoes, ran

up to him and loosed his shoes and helped him to anoint himself. And

henceforward Favonius continued to wait on Pompeius and serve him,

just as slaves do their master, even to the washing of his feet and

preparing his meals, so that a witness of the free will of that

service and the simplicity and absence of all affectation might have

exclaimed

"To generous minds how noble every task."[382]

LXXIV. In such wise Pompeius coasted to Amphipolis,[383] and thence

crossed over to Mitylene, wishing to take up Cornelia and her son.

Upon reaching the shore of the island he sent a message to the city,

not such as Cornelia expected, for the pleasing intelligence that she

had received both by report and by letter led her to hope that the war

was terminated near Dyrrachium, and that all that remained for

Pompeius was to pursue Cæsar. The messenger, who found her in this

state of expectation, did not venture to salute her, but indicating by

tears more than words the chief and greatest of her misfortunes, he

bade her hasten, if she wished to see Pompeius in a single vessel and

that not his own. Cornelia, on hearing these words, threw herself on

the ground, and lay there a long time without sense or speech, and

with difficulty recovering herself, and seeing that it was not a time

for tears and lamentations, she ran through the city to the sea.

Pompeius met and caught her in his arms as she was just ready to sink

down and fall upon him, when Cornelia said, "I see you, husband, not

through your own fortune but mine, reduced to a single vessel, you who

before your marriage with Cornelia sailed along this sea with five

hundred ships. Why have you come to see me, and why did you not leave

to her evil dæmon one who has loaded you also with so much misfortune?

How happy a woman should I have been had I died before I heard that

Publius, whose virgin bride I was, had perished by the Parthians; and

how wise, if even after he died I had put an end to my own life, as I

attempted to do; but forsooth I have been kept alive to be the ruin of

Pompeius Magnus also."

LXXV. So it is said Cornelia spoke, and thus Pompeius replied: "It is

true, Cornelia, you have hitherto known only one fortune, and that the

better; and perhaps it has deceived you too, in that it has abided

with me longer than is wont. But as we are mortals, we must bear this

change, and still try fortune; for it is not hopeless for a man to

attempt from this condition to recover his former state who has come

to this after being in that other." Accordingly Cornelia sent for her

property and slaves from the city; and though the Mitylenæans came to

pay their respects to Pompeius, and invited him to enter the city, he

would not, but he exhorted them also to yield to the conqueror and to

be of good heart, for Cæsar was merciful and of a humane disposition.

But turning to Kratippus[384] the philosopher, for he had come down

from the city to see him, Pompeius found fault with and in a few

words expressed some doubts about Providence, Kratippus rather giving

way to him and trying to lead him to better hopes, that he might not

give him pain at so unseasonable a time by arguing against him; for

Pompeius might have questioned him about Providence, and Kratippus

might have shown that the state of affairs at Rome required a monarchy

on account of the political disorder; and he might have asked

Pompeius, "How, Pompeius, and by what evidence shall we be persuaded

that you would have used your fortune better than Cæsar, if you had

been victorious?" But these matters that concern the gods we must

leave as they are.

LXXVI. Taking on board his wife and friends, Pompeius continued his

voyage, only putting in at such ports as of necessity he must for

water or provisions. The first city that he came to was Attaleia[385]

of Pamphylia; and there some galleys from Cilicia met him, and some

soldiers were collecting, and there were again about sixty senators

about him. Hearing that his navy still kept together, and that Cato

had recruited many soldiers and was passing over to Libya, he lamented

to his friends and blamed himself for being forced to engage with his

army only, and for not making any use of the force which was beyond

all dispute superior to that of the enemy; and that his navy was not

so stationed that if he were defeated by land he might forthwith have

had what would have made him a match for the enemy, a strength and

power so great by sea close at hand. Indeed Pompeius committed no

greater fault, nor did Cæsar show any greater generalship, than in

withdrawing the field of battle so far beyond the reach of assistance

from the navy. However, being compelled in the present state of

affairs to decide and do something, he sent round to the cities, and

himself sailing about to some, asked them for money, and began to man

ships. But fearing the rapid movements and speed of his enemy, lest he

should come upon him and take him before he was prepared, he looked

about for a place of refuge for the present and a retreat. Now there

appeared to them upon consideration to be no province to which they

could safely fly; and as to the kingdoms, Pompeius gave it as his

opinion that the Parthian[386] at the present was the best able to

receive and protect them in their present weakness, and to strengthen

them again and to send them forth with the largest force; of the rest,

some turned their thoughts towards Libya and Juba,[387] but Theophanes

of Lesbos pronounced it madness to leave Egypt, which was only three

days' sail distant, and Ptolemæus,[388] who was still a youth, and

indebted to Pompeius for the friendship and favour which his father

had received from him, and to put himself in the hands of the

Parthians, a most treacherous nation; and to be the first of all

persons who did not choose to submit to a Roman who had been connected

with him by marriage, nor to make trial of his moderation, and to put

himself in the power of Arsakes,[389] who was not able to take even

Crassus so long as he was alive; and to carry a young wife of the

family of Scipio among barbarians, who measured their power by their

insolence and unbridled temper; and if no harm should befall Cornelia,

and it should only be apprehended that she might suffer injury, it

would be a sad thing for her to be in the power of those who were able

to do it. This alone, it is said diverted Pompeius from proceeding to

the Euphrates; if indeed any reflection still guided Pompeius, and he

was not rather directed by a dæmon to the way that he took.

LXXVII. Accordingly when the proposal to fly to Egypt prevailed,

Pompeius setting sail from Cyprus in a galley of Seleukeia[390] with

his wife (and of the rest some accompanied him also in ships of war,

and others in merchant vessels), crossed the sea safely; and hearing

that Ptolemæus[391] was seated before Pelusium with his army, being

engaged in war against his sister, he came to that part of the coast

and sent forward a person to announce his arrival to the king and to

pray for his protection. Now Ptolemæus was very young, and Potheinus

who managed everything, summoned a council of the chief persons; and

the chief persons were those whom he chose to make so, and he bade

each man give his opinion. It was indeed a sad thing that such men

should deliberate about Pompeius Magnus, as Potheinus the eunuch and

Theodotus of Chios who was hired as a teacher of rhetoric and the

Egyptian Achillas: for these were the chief advisers of the king among

the eunuchs and others who had the care of his person; and such was

the court whose decision Pompeius was waiting for at anchor some

distance from the shore and tossed by the waves, he who thought it

beneath him to be indebted to Cæsar for his life. Now opinions among

the rest were so far divided that some advised they should drive away

Pompeius, and others, that they should invite and receive him: but

Theodotus displaying his power in speech and his rhetorical art proved

that neither of these courses was safe, but that if they received

Pompeius, they would have Cæsar for an enemy and Pompeius for their

master, and if they drove him away, they would incur the displeasure

of Pompeius for ejecting him and of Cæsar for the trouble of the

pursuit; it was therefore best to send for the man and kill him, for

thus they would please Cæsar and have nothing to fear from Pompeius.

And he concluded with a smile, as it is said, A dead man does not

bite.

LXXVIII. Having determined on this they intrust the execution to

Achillas, who taking with him one Septimius who had a long time ago

served under Pompeius as a centurion and Salvius another centurion and

three or four slaves, put out towards the ship of Pompeius. It

happened that all the most distinguished persons who accompanied

Pompeius had come on board his ship to see what was going on.

Accordingly when they saw a reception which was neither royal nor

splendid nor corresponding to the expectations of Theophanes, but a

few men in a fishing-boat sailing towards them, this want of respect

made them suspect treachery and they advised Pompeius to row back into

the open sea, while they were still out of reach of missiles. In the

mean time as the boat was nearing, Septimius was the first to rise and

he addressed Pompeius as Imperator in the Roman language and Achillas

saluting him in Greek invited him to enter the boat, because, as he

said, the shallows were of great extent and the sea being rather sandy

had not depth enough to float a trireme. At the same time it was

observed that some of the king's ships were getting their men on

board, and soldiers occupied the shore, so that it appeared impossible

to escape even if they changed their minds and made the attempt; and

besides, this want of confidence would give the murderers some excuse

for their crime. Accordingly, after embracing Cornelia who was

anticipating and bewailing his fate, he ordered two centurions to step

into the boat before him, and Philippus one of his freedmen and a

slave called Scythes, and while Achillas was offering him his hand out

of the boat, he turned round to his wife and son and repeated the

iambics of Sophocles,

"Whoever to a tyrant bends his way,

Is made his slave, e'en if he goes a freeman."

LXXIX.[392] These were the last words that he spoke to his friends

before he entered the boat: and as it was a considerable distance to

the land from the galley, and none of those in the boat addressed any

friendly conversation to him, looking at Septimius he said, "I am not

mistaken I think in recognising you as an old comrade of mine;" and

Septimius nodded without making any reply or friendly acknowledgment.

As there was again a profound silence, Pompeius who had a small roll

on which he had written a speech in Greek that he intended to address

to Ptolemæus, began reading it. As they neared the land, Cornelia with

her friends in great anxiety was watching the result from the galley,

and she began to have good hopes when she saw some of the king's

people collecting together at the landing as if to honor Pompeius and

give him a reception. In the mean time, while Pompeius was taking the

hand of Philippus that he might rise more easily, Septimius from

behind was the first to transfix him with his sword; and Salvius, and

after him Achillas drew their swords. Pompeius drawing his toga close

with both hands over his face, without saying or doing anything

unworthy of himself, but giving a groan only, submitted to the blows,

being sixty years of age save one, and ending his life just one day

after his birthday.

LXXX. Those in the ships seeing the murder uttered a shriek which

could be heard even to the land, and quickly raising their anchors,

took to flight: and a strong breeze aided them in their escape to the

open sea, so that the Egyptians, though desirous of pursuing, turned

back. They cut off the head of Pompeius, and throwing the body naked

out of the boat, left it for those to gaze at who felt any curiosity.

Philippus stayed by the body, till the people were satisfied with

looking at it, and then washing it with sea-water he wrapped it up in

a tunic of his own; and as he had no other means, he looked about till

he found the wreck of a small fishing-boat, which was decayed indeed,

but enough to make a funeral pile in case of need for a naked body,

and that not an entire corpse. As he was collecting these fragments

and putting them together, a Roman, now an old man[393] who had served

his first campaigns in his youth under Pompeius, stood by him and

said: "Who are you, my friend, that are preparing to perform the

funeral rites to Pompeius Magnus?" Philippus replying that he was a

freedman, the man said: "But you shall not have this honour to

yourself: allow me too to share in this pious piece of good fortune,

that I may not altogether have to complain of being in a strange land,

if in requital for many sufferings I get this honour at least, to

touch and to tend with my hands the greatest of the Roman generals."

Such were the obsequies of Pompeius. On the next day Lucius Lentulus

who was on his voyage from Cyprus, not knowing what had happened, was

coasting along the shore, when he saw the pile and Philippus standing

by it before he was seen himself and said, "Who is resting here after

closing his career?" and after a slight interval, with a groan, he

added, "perhaps it is you, Pompeius Magnus." Presently he landed, and

being seized was put to death. This was the end of Pompeius. Not long

after Cæsar arriving in Egypt, which was filled with this horrid deed,

turned away from the man who brought him the head of Pompeius, as from

a murderer, and when he received the seal of Pompeius, he shed tears;

the device was a lion holding a sword. He put to death Achillas and

Potheinus, and the king himself being defeated in battle was lost

somewhere near the river. Theodotus the sophist escaped the vengeance

of Cæsar, for he fled from Egypt and wandered about in a miserable

state, the object of detestation; but Brutus Marcus, after he had

killed Cæsar and got the power in his hands, finding Theodotus in

Asia, put him to death with every circumstance of contumely. Cornelia

obtained the remains of Pompeius and had them carried to his Alban

villa and interred there.