I. Towards Pompeius the Roman people seem to have been disposed from
the very first, just as the Prometheus of Aeschylus[189] was towards
his deliverer Hercules, when he says:--
"Though hateful is the sire, most dear to me the son."
For neither did the Romans ever display hatred so violent and savage
towards any commander as towards Strabo[190] the father of Pompeius,
whom they dreaded, when he was alive, for his military talent, for he
was a man most expert in arms; and when he was killed by lightning and
his body was carried out to interment they pulled it from the bier on
which it was lying and treated it with indignity: nor, on the other
hand, did any other Roman besides Pompeius ever receive from the
people tokens of affection so strong, or so early, or which grew so
rapidly with his good fortune, or abided with him so firmly in his
reverses. The cause of their hatred to the father was his insatiable
avarice: the causes of their affection to the son were many; his
temperate life, his practice in arms, the persuasiveness of his
speech, the integrity of his character, and his affability to every
man who came in his way, so that there was no man from whom another
could ask a favour with so little pain, and no man whose requests
another would more willingly labour to satisfy. For in addition to his
other endearing qualities, Pompeius could give without seeming to
confer a favour, and he could receive with dignity.
II. At the beginning also his countenance contributed in no small
degree to win the good-will of the people and to secure a favourable
reception before he opened his mouth. For the sweetness of his
expression was mingled with dignity and kindness, and while he was yet
in the very bloom of youth his noble and kingly nature clearly showed
itself. There was also a slight falling back of the hair and softness
in the expression of his eyes, which produced a resemblance to the
likenesses of Alexander, though indeed the resemblance was more talked
of than real. Accordingly many at first gave him the name, which
Pompeius did not object to, whence some in derision called him
Alexander. It was in allusion to this that Lucius Philippus,[191] a
consular man, when he was speaking in favour of Pompeius, said it was
nothing strange if he who was Philippus loved Alexander. They used to
report that Flora the courtesan, when she was now advanced in years,
always spoke with pleasure of her intimacy with Pompeius, and said
that she could never leave the embrace of Pompeius without bearing
marks[192] of the ardour of his passion. Besides this, Flora used to
tell that Geminius, one of the companions of Pompeius, conceived a
passion for her, and plagued her much with his solicitations, and when
she said that for the sake of Pompeius she could not consent, Geminius
applied to Pompeius. Now Pompeius, as she told the story, gave
Geminius permission, but he never after touched Flora or had a meeting
with her, though it was believed that he was attached to her; and
Flora did not take this as most courtesans do, but was ill for a long
time through grief and regret for the loss of her lover. And indeed it
is said that Flora enjoyed such reputation and was so much talked of,
that Cæcilius Metellus, when he was ornamenting the temple of the
Dioscuri with statues and paintings, had the portrait of Flora painted
and placed in the temple on account of her beauty. The wife of his
freedman Demetrius also, who had the greatest influence with Pompeius
and left a property of four thousand talents, contrary to his habit he
did not treat kindly nor in a manner befitting her free condition: but
it was through fear of her beauty, which was irresistible and much
talked about, and that he might not appear to be captivated by her.
Though he was so exceedingly cautious in such matters and so much on
his guard, yet he did not escape the imputations of his enemies on the
ground of amours, but he was slanderously accused of commerce with
married women and of betraying many of the public interests to gratify
them. Of his temperance and simplicity in his way of living the
following anecdote is told. On one occasion when he was ill and
indisposed to his ordinary food, the physician prescribed a thrush for
him. After search had been made and none found, for the season was
past, some one observed that one might be found at the house of
Lucullus, for he kept them all the year round: "Well then," said
Pompeius, "I suppose if Lucullus were not luxurious, Pompeius could
not live;" and without regarding the physician's advice he took
something that was ready at hand. This, however, belongs to a later
period.
III. When he was still quite a youth and was serving under his father,
who was opposed to Cinna, he had one Lucius Terentius[193] for his
companion and tent-mate. This Lucius being bribed by Cinna, designed
to kill Pompeius, and others were to fire the general's tent.
Information of this came to Pompeius while he was at supper, at which,
nothing disturbed, he went on drinking more gaily, and showing great
signs of affection towards Terentius; but when they were turning in to
rest he slipped unobserved from under the tent, and after placing a
guard about his father, kept quiet. When Terentius thought the time
was come, drawing his sword he got up, and approaching the bed of
Pompeius, he struck many blows upon the bed-covering, supposing that
Pompeius was lying there. Upon this there was a great commotion owing
to the soldiers' hatred of their general, and there was a movement
made towards mutiny by the men beginning to pull down the tents and
take their arms. The general, fearing the tumult, did not come near;
but Pompeius, going about in the midst of the soldiers, implored them
with tears in his eyes, and finally throwing himself on his face
before the gate of the camp right in their way, he lay there weeping,
and told those who were going out to trample on him, so that every man
drew back for very shame, and thus the whole army, with the exception
of eight hundred men, changed their design and were reconciled to
their commander.
IV. Upon the death of Strabo, Pompeius had to defend a prosecution in
respect of a charge of peculation against his father. He detected one
of his freedmen in having appropriated most of the property, and
proved it to the magistrates; but he was himself accused of having in
his possession hunting nets and books which were taken among the
plunder at Asculum.[194] He received these things from his father when
he took Asculum, but he lost them after his return to Rome, when the
guards of Cinna broke into his house and plundered it. He had many
preliminary contests with the accuser before the trial commenced, in
which, by showing himself to possess an acuteness and firmness above
his years, he got great reputation and popularity, so that
Antistius,[195] who was prætor and presided at that trial, conceived a
great affection for Pompeius, and offered him his daughter to wife,
and spoke about it to his friends. Pompeius accepted the proposal, and
an agreement was secretly made between them; but yet the matter did
not fail to be generally known by reason of the partizanship of
Antistius. When at last Antistius declared the votes of the judices to
be for his acquittal, the people, as if a signal had been concerted,
called out the name Talasius,[196] which, pursuant to an old custom,
they are used to utter on the occasion of a marriage. This ancient
custom, they say, had the following origin: When the daughters of the
Sabines had come to Rome to see the games, and the noblest among the
Romans were carrying them off to be their wives, some goatherds and
herdsmen of mean condition took upon their shoulders a tall handsome
maid and were carrying her off. In order, however, that none of the
better sort who might fall in with them should attempt to take the
maid from them, they called out as they ran along that she was for
Talasius (now Talasius was a man of rank and much beloved), so that
those who heard the cry clapped their hands and shouted as being
pleased at what the men were doing and commending them for it. From
this time forth, as the story goes, inasmuch as the marriage of
Talasius turned out to be a happy one, it is usual to utter the same
expression by way of merriment at the occasion of a marriage. This is
the most probable story among those which are told about the name
Talasius. However, a few days after the trial Pompeius married
Antistia.
V. Having gone to Cinna[197] to the camp, Pompeius became alarmed in
consequence of some charge and false accusation, and he quickly stole
out of the way. On his disappearing, a rumour went through the camp
and a report that Cinna had murdered the young man, whereupon the
soldiers, who had long been weary of him and hated their general, made
an assault upon him. Cinna attempted to escape, but he was overtaken
by a centurion, who pursued him with his naked sword. Cinna fell down
at the knees of the centurion, and offered him his seal ring, which
was of great price; but the centurion with great contempt replied: "I
am not going to seal a contract, but to punish an abominable and
unjust tyrant," and so killed him. Cinna thus perished, but he was
succeeded in the direction of affairs by Carbo, a still more furious
tyrant than himself, who kept the power in his hands till Sulla
advanced against him, to the great joy of the most part, who in their
present sufferings thought even a change of masters no small profit.
To such a condition had calamities brought the state, that men
despairing of freedom sought a more moderate slavery.
VI. Now about this time Pompeius was tarrying in Picenum in Italy, for
he had estates[198] there, but mainly because he liked the cities,
which were well disposed and friendly towards him by reason of their
ancient connection with his father. Seeing that the most distinguished
and chief of the citizens were leaving their property and flocking
from all sides to Sulla's camp as to a harbour of refuge, Pompeius did
not think it becoming in him to steal away to Sulla like a fugitive,
nor without bringing some contribution, nor yet as if he wanted help,
but he thought that he should begin by doing Sulla some service and so
approach with credit and a force. Accordingly he attempted to rouse
the people of Picenum, who readily listened to his proposals, and paid
no attention to those who came from Carbo. A certain Vindius having
remarked that Pompeius had just quitted school to start up among them
as a popular leader, the people were so infuriated that they
forthwith fell on Vindius and killed him. Upon this Pompeius, who was
now three and twenty years of age, without being appointed general by
any one, but himself assuming the command in Auximum,[199] a large
city, placing a tribunal in the forum and by edict ordering two
brothers Ventidii who were among the chief persons in the place and
were opposing him on behalf of Carbo, to quit the city, began to
enlist soldiers, and to appoint centurions and officers over them, and
he went to all the surrounding cities and did the same. All who were
of Carbo's party got up and quitted the cities, but the rest gladly
put themselves in the hands of Pompeius, who thus in a short time
raised three complete legions, and having supplied himself with
provisions and beasts of burden and waggons and everything else that
an army requires, advanced towards Sulla, neither hurrying nor yet
content with passing along unobserved, but lingering by the way to
harass the enemy, and endeavouring to detach from Carbo every part of
Italy that he visited.
VII. Now there rose up against him three hostile generals at once,
Carinna,[200] and Clœlius and Brutus, not all in front, nor yet all
from the same quarter, but they surrounded him with three armies, with
the view of completely destroying him. Pompeius was not alarmed, but
getting all his force together he attacked one of the armies, that of
Brutus, placing in the front his cavalry, among whom he himself was.
From the side of the enemy the Celtæ rode out to meet him, when
Pompeius with spear in hand struck the first and strongest of them and
brought him down; on which the rest fled and put the infantry also
into confusion, so that there was a general rout. Hereupon the
generals quarrelled among themselves and retired, as each best could,
and the cities took the part of Pompeius, seeing that the enemy had
dispersed in alarm. Next came Scipio[201] the consul against him, but
before the lines had come close enough to discharge their javelins,
the soldiers of Scipio saluted those of Pompeius and changed sides,
and Scipio made his escape. Finally, near the river Arsis,[202] Carbo
himself attacked Pompeius with several troops of horse, but Pompeius
bravely stood the attack, and putting them to flight pursued and drove
all of them upon difficult ground where no cavalry could act; and the
men, seeing that there was no hope of saving themselves, surrendered
with their arms and horses.
VIII. Sulla had not yet received intelligence of these events, but
upon the first news and reports about Pompeius, being alarmed at his
being among so many hostile generals of such reputation, he made haste
to relieve him. Pompeius being informed that Sulla was near, ordered
his officers to arm the forces and to display them in such manner that
they might make the most gallant and splendid appearance to the
Imperator, for he expected to receive great honours from him; and he
got more than he expected. For when Sulla saw him approaching and his
army standing by, admirable for the brave appearance of the men and
elated and rejoicing in their success, he leapt down from his horse,
and being addressed, according to custom, by the title of Imperator,
he addressed Pompeius in return by the title of Imperator, though
nobody would have expected that Sulla would give to a young man who
was not yet a member of the Senate, the title for which he was
fighting against the Scipios and the Marii. And indeed everything else
was in accordance with the first greeting, for Sulla used to rise from
his seat as Pompeius approached and take his vest from his head, which
he was not observed to do generally to any other person, though there
were many distinguished men about him. Pompeius, however, was not made
vain by these marks of distinction, but on being immediately sent into
Gaul by Sulla, where Metellus[203] commanded and appeared to be doing
nothing correspondent to his means, Pompeius said it was not right to
take the command from a man who was his senior and superior in
reputation; however he said he was ready to carry on the war in
conjunction with Metellus, if he had no objection, in obedience to his
orders and to give him his assistance. Metellus accepted the proposal
and wrote to him to come, on which Pompeius entering Gaul, performed
noble exploits, and he also fanned into a flame again and warmed the
warlike and courageous temper of Metellus, which was now near becoming
extinct through old age, as the liquid, heated stream of copper by
flowing about the hard, cold metal is said to soften and to liquefy it
into its own mass better than the fire. But as in the case of an
athlete[204] who has obtained the first place among men and has
gloriously vanquished in every contest, his boyish victories are made
of no account and are not registered; so the deeds which Pompeius then
accomplished, though of themselves extraordinary, yet as they were
buried under the number and magnitude of his subsequent struggles and
wars, I have been afraid to disturb them, lest if we should dwell too
long on his first exploits, we should miss the acts and events which
are the most important and best show the character of the man.
IX.[205] Now when Sulla was master of Italy and was proclaimed
Dictator, he rewarded the other officers and generals by making them
rich and promoting them to magistracies and by granting them without
stint and with readiness what they asked for. But as he admired
Pompeius for his superior merit and thought that he would be a great
support to his own interests, he was anxious in some way to attach him
by family relations. Metella, the wife of Sulla, had also the same
wish, and they persuaded Pompeius to put away Antistia and to take to
wife Aemilia, the step-daughter of Sulla, the child of Metella by
Scaurus, who was then living with her husband and was pregnant. This
matter of the marriage was of a tyrannical character, and more suited
to the interests of Sulla than conformable to the character of
Pompeius, for Aemilia, who was pregnant, was taken from another to be
married to him, and Antistia was put away with dishonour and under
lamentable circumstances, inasmuch as she had just lost her father
also, and that, too, on her husband's account; for Antistius was
murdered in the Senate-house because he was considered to be an
adherent of Sulla for the sake of Pompeius; and the mother of Antistia
having witnessed all this put an end to her life, so that this
misfortune was added to the tragedy of the marriage; and in sooth
another besides, for Aemilia herself died immediately afterwards in
child-birth in the house of Pompeius.
X. After this, news arrived that Perpenna[206] was securing Sicily for
himself, and that the island was supplying to those who remained of
the opposite faction a point for concentrating their forces; for
Carbo[207] was afloat in those parts with a navy, and Domitius had
fallen upon Libya, and many other fugitives of note were crowding
there, who had escaped from the proscriptions. Against these Pompeius
was sent with a large force: and Perpenna immediately evacuated Sicily
upon his arrival. Pompeius relieved the cities which had been harshly
treated, and behaved kindly to them all except to the Mamertini in
Messene. For when the Mamertini protested against the tribunal and the
Roman administration of justice, on the ground that there was an old
Roman enactment which forbade their introduction, "Won't you stop,"
said he, "citing laws to us who have our swords by our sides?" It was
considered also that Pompeius triumphed over the misfortunes of Carbo
in an inhuman manner. For if it was necessary to put Carbo to death,
as perhaps it was, he ought to have been put to death as soon as he
was taken, and then the act might have been imputed to him who gave
the order. But Pompeius produced in chains a Roman who had three times
been Consul, and making him stand in front of the tribunal while he
was sitting, sat in judgment on him, to the annoyance and vexation of
those who were present; after which he ordered him to be removed and
put to death. They say that when Carbo had been dragged off, seeing
the sword already bared, he begged them to allow him to retire for a
short time as his bowels were disordered. Caius Oppius,[208] the
friend of Cæsar, says that Pompeius behaved inhumanly to Quintus
Valerius also; for Pompeius, who knew that Valerius was a learned man
and a particular lover of learning, embraced him, and after walking
about with him and questioning him about what he wanted to know, and
getting his answer, he ordered his attendants to take Valerius away
and immediately put him to death. But when Oppius is speaking of the
enemies or friends of Cæsar, it is necessary to be very cautious in
believing what he says. Now as to those enemies of Sulla who were of
the greatest note and were openly taken, Pompeius of necessity
punished them; but as to the rest he allowed as many as he could to
escape detection, and he even aided some in getting away. Pompeius had
determined to punish the inhabitants of Himera which had sided with
the enemy; but Sthenis the popular leader having asked for a
conference with him, told Pompeius that he would not do right, if he
let the guilty escape and punished the innocent. On Pompeius asking
who the guilty man was, Sthenis replied, it was himself, for he had
persuaded those citizens who were his friends, and forced those who
were his enemies. Pompeius admiring the bold speech and spirit of the
man pardoned him first and then all the rest. Hearing that his
soldiers were committing excesses on the march, he put a seal on their
swords, and he who broke the seal was punished.
XI. While he was thus engaged in Sicily and settling the civil
administration, he received a decree of the Senate and letters from
Sulla which contained an order for him to sail to Libya and vigorously
oppose Domitius,[209] who had got together a power much larger than
that with which Marius no long time back had passed over from Libya to
Italy and put all affairs at Rome in confusion by making himself a
tyrant after having been a fugitive. Accordingly making his
preparations with all haste Pompeius left in command in Sicily
Memmius,[210] his sister's husband, and himself set sail with a
hundred and twenty large ships, and eight hundred transports which
conveyed corn, missiles, money, and engines. On his landing with part
of his vessels at Utica and the rest at Carthage, seven thousand men
deserted from the enemy and came over to him; he had himself six
complete legions. It is said that a ludicrous thing occurred here.
Some soldiers having fallen in with a treasure, as it seems, got a
large sum of money. The matter becoming known, all the rest of the
soldiers got a notion that the place was full of money, which they
supposed to have been hid during the misfortunes of the Carthaginians.
The consequence was that Pompeius could do nothing with the soldiers
for many days while they were busy with looking after treasure, but he
went about laughing and looking on so many thousands all at one time
digging and turning up the ground, till at last the men were tired and
told their commander to lead them were he pleased, as they had been
punished enough for their folly.
XII. Domitius had posted himself to oppose Pompeius, with a ravine in
his front which was difficult to pass and rough; but a violent rain
accompanied with wind commenced in the morning and continued, so that
Domitius giving up his intention of fighting on that day ordered a
retreat. Pompeius taking advantage of this opportunity advanced
rapidly and began to cross the ravine. But the soldiers of Domitius
were in disorder and confusion, and what resistance they offered was
neither made by the whole body nor yet in any regular manner: the wind
also veered round and blew the storm right in their faces. However the
storm confused the Romans also, for they did not see one another
clearly, and Pompeius himself had a narrow escape with his life, not
being recognised by a soldier to whom he was somewhat slow in giving
the word on being asked for it. Having repulsed the enemy with great
slaughter (for it is said that out of twenty thousand only three
thousand escaped) they saluted Pompeius with the title of Imperator.
But Pompeius said that he would not accept the honour, so long as the
enemy's encampment was standing, and if they thought him worthy of
this title they must first destroy the camp, upon which they forthwith
rushed against the rampart, and Pompeius fought without a helmet for
fear of what just had happened. The camp was taken and Domitius fell.
Some of the cities immediately submitted, and others were taken by
storm. Pompeius also made a prisoner of Iarbas,[211] one of the kings,
who had sided with Domitius, and he gave his kingdom to Hiempsal.
Availing himself of his success and the strength of his army he
invaded Numidia. After advancing many days' march and subduing all
whom he met with, and firmly establishing the dread of the Romans
among the barbarians which had now somewhat subsided, he said that he
ought not to leave even the wild beasts of Libya, without letting them
have some experience of the strength and courage of the Romans.
Accordingly he spent a few days in hunting lions and elephants;[212]
and in forty days in all, as it is said, he defeated his enemies,
subdued Libya, and settled all the affairs of the kings, being then in
his four and twentieth year.
XIII. On his return to Utica he received letters from Sulla, with
orders to disband the rest of the army, and to wait there with one
legion for his successor in the command. Pompeius was annoyed at this
and took it ill, though he did not show it; but the army openly
expressed their dissatisfaction, and when Pompeius requested them to
advance, they abused Sulla, and they said they would not let Pompeius
be exposed to danger without them, and they advised him not to trust
the tyrant. At first Pompeius endeavoured to mollify and quiet them,
but finding that he could not prevail, he descended from the tribunal
and went to his tent weeping. But the soldiers laid hold of him and
again placed him on the tribunal, and a great part of the day was
spent in the soldiers urging him to stay and be their leader, and in
Pompeius entreating the soldiers to be obedient and not to mutiny,
till at last, as they still urged him and drowned his voice with their
cries, he swore he would kill himself, if they forced him; and so at
last with great difficulty they were induced to stop. Sulla at first
received intelligence that Pompeius had revolted, on which he said to
his friends, it was his fate now that he was old to fight with boys,
alluding to the fact that Marius, who was very young, gave him most
trouble, and brought him into the extremest danger; but on hearing the
true state of affairs, and perceiving that everybody with right good
will was eager to receive Pompeius and to escort him, he made haste to
outdo them. Accordingly he advanced and met Pompeius, and receiving
him with all possible expressions of good-will, he saluted him with a
loud voice by the name of Magnus,[213] and he bade those who were
present to address him in the same way. The word Magnus means Great.
Others say that it was in Libya first that the whole army with
acclamation pronounced the name, and that it obtained strength and
currency by being confirmed by Sulla. But Pompeius himself, after
everybody else, and some time later when he was sent into Iberia as
proconsul against Sertorius, began to call himself in his letters and
edicts Magnus Pompeius; for the name was no longer invidious when
people had been made familiar with it. And here one may justly admire
and respect the old Romans, who requited with such appellations and
titles not success in war and battles only, but honoured therewith
political services and merits also. Two men accordingly the people
proclaimed Maximi, which means the Greatest; Valerius,[214] because he
reconciled the senate to the people when there was a misunderstanding
between them; and Fabius Rullus,[215] because he ejected from the
senate certain rich persons the children of freedmen who had been
enrolled in the list of senators.
XIV. After this Pompeius asked for a triumph, but Sulla opposed his
claim: for the law gives a triumph to a consul or to a prætor[216]
only, but to no one else. And this is the reason why the first Scipio,
after defeating the Carthaginians in greater and more important
contests in Iberia, did not ask for a triumph, for he was not consul,
nor yet prætor. Sulla considered that if Pompeius, who was not yet
well bearded, should enter the city in triumph, he who, by reason of
his age, was not yet a member of the senate, both his own office and
the honour given to Pompeius would be exposed to much obloquy. Sulla
made these remarks to Pompeius, to show that he did not intend to let
him have a triumph, but would resist him and check his ambition, if he
would not listen to reason. Pompeius, however, was not cowed, but he
told Sulla to reflect, that more men worship the rising than the
setting sun, intending him to understand that his own power was on the
increase, but that the power of Sulla was diminishing and fading away.
Sulla did not distinctly hear these words, but observing that those
who did hear them, by looks and gestures expressed their astonishment,
he asked what it was that Pompeius had said. When he heard what it
was, he was confounded at the boldness of Pompeius, and called out
twice, "Let him triumph!" Now many persons were annoyed, and expressed
their dissatisfaction at the triumph, on which Pompeius, wishing to
annoy them still more, it is said, made preparation for entering the
city in a car drawn by four elephants,[217] for he brought from Libya
many of the king's elephants that he had taken; but as the gate was
too narrow, he gave up his project and contented himself with horses.
The soldiers, who had not obtained as much as they expected, were
ready to make a disturbance and impede the triumph, but Pompeius said
that he cared not for it, and would rather give up the triumph than
humour them; whereupon Servilius,[218] a man of distinction, who had
made most opposition to the triumph of Pompeius, said, Now he
perceived that Pompeius was really Great and was worthy of the
triumph. It is also certain that he might then have been easily
admitted into the senate, if he had chosen; but he showed no eagerness
for it, seeking, as they say, reputation from what was unusual. For it
was nothing surprising if Pompeius were a senator before the age, but
it was a most distinguished honour for him to triumph before he was a
senator. Another thing also gained him the good-will of the many in no
small degree, for the people were delighted at his being reviewed
among the Equites after the triumph.
XV. Sulla[219] was annoyed to see to what a height of reputation and
power Pompeius was advancing, but as he was ashamed to attempt to
check his career he kept quiet. However, when Pompeius had brought
about the election of Lepidus as consul in spite of Sulla and against
his wish, by canvassing for Lepidus, and by employing the affection of
the people towards himself to induce them to favour Lepidus, Sulla
seeing Pompeius retiring with the crowd through the Forum, said, "I
see, young man, that you are pleased with your victory: and indeed how
can it be otherwise than generous and noble, for Lepidus, the vilest
of men, to be declared consul before Catulus the best, through your
management of the people? However, it is time for you not to slumber,
but to attend to affairs, for you have strengthened your rival against
yourself." Sulla showed mainly by his testament that he was not well
disposed to Pompeius, for he left legacies to his other friends, and
made them his son's guardians, but he passed over Pompeius
altogether. But Pompeius took this very quietly, and behaved on the
occasion as a citizen should do; and accordingly, when Lepidus and
some others were putting impediments in the way of the body being
interred in the Field of Mars, and were not for allowing the funeral
to be public, Pompeius brought his aid, and gave to the interment both
splendour and security.
XVI. As soon as Sulla's death made his prophetic warnings manifest,
and Lepidus was attempting to put himself in Sulla's place, not by any
circuitous movement or contrivance, but by taking up arms forthwith,
and again stirring up and gathering round him the remnants of the
factions which had long been enfeebled and had escaped from Sulla; and
his colleague Catulus, to whom the most honest and soundest part of
the Senate and the people attached themselves, was the first of the
Romans of the day for reputation of temperance and integrity, but was
considered to be better adapted for the conduct of civil than of
military affairs, and circumstances themselves were calling for
Pompeius, he did not hesitate what course to take, but attaching
himself to the optimates,[220] he was appointed commander of a force
to oppose Lepidus, who had already stirred up a large part of Italy
and held with an army under the command of Brutus, Gaul within the
Alps. Now Pompeius easily defeated the rest whom he attacked, but at
Mutina[221] in Gaul he sat down for some time opposite to Brutus,
while Lepidus having hurried on to Rome and posted himself before the
walls was demanding a second consulship and terrifying the citizens
with a numerous army. But the alarm was ended by a letter from
Pompeius, who had brought the war to a fortunate issue without a
battle. For Brutus, whether it was that he gave up his force himself
or was betrayed by his army changing sides, surrendered his person to
Pompeius and with some horsemen as an escort retired to one of the
small towns near the Padus, where after the interval of a single day
he was put to death by Geminius, whom Pompeius sent to him; and
Pompeius was much blamed for this. For at the very commencement of the
affair of the army changing sides, he wrote to the Senate that
Brutus[222] had voluntarily surrendered, and he then sent another
letter in which he criminated the man after he was put to death. This
Brutus was the father of the Brutus who together with Cassius killed
Cæsar, a man who neither fought nor died like his father, as is told
in his Life. As soon as Lepidus was driven from Italy, he made his
escape into Sardinia, where he fell sick and died of vexation, not at
the state of affairs, as they say, but from finding some writing by
which he discovered that his wife had committed adultery.
XVII. But a general, Sertorius,[223] who in no respect resembled
Lepidus, was in possession of Iberia and was hovering over the other
Romans, a formidable adversary; for the civil wars had concentrated
themselves as in a final disease in this one man, who had already
destroyed many of the inferior commanders, and was then engaged with
Metellus Pius, who was indeed a distinguished soldier and of great
military ability, but owing to old age was considered to be following
up the opportunities of war somewhat tardily, and was anticipated in
his plans by the quickness and rapidity of Sertorius, who attacked him
at all hazards and somewhat in robber fashion, and by his ambuscades
and circuitous movements confounded a man well practised in regular
battles and used to command a force of heavy-armed soldiers trained to
close fighting. Upon this Pompeius, who had an army under his command,
bestirred himself to be sent out to support Metellus; and though
Catulus ordered him to disband his force he would not obey, but kept
under arms in the neighbourhood of the city continually inventing
excuses, until the command was given to him on the proposal of Lucius
Philippus. It was on this occasion, as it is said, that some one in
the Senate asked Philippus with some surprise, if he thought that
Pompeius ought to be sent out as Proconsul,[224] and Philippus
replied, "Not as Proconsul, as I think, but in place of the Consuls,"
meaning that both the consuls of that year were good for nothing. I
XVIII. When Pompeius arrived in Iberia, as it usually happens with the
reputation of a new commander, he gave the people great hopes, and the
nations which were not firmly attached to the party of Sertorius began
to stir themselves and change sides; whereupon Sertorius gave vent to
arrogant expressions against Pompeius, and scoffingly said, he should
only need a cane and a whip for this youth, if he were not afraid of
that old woman, meaning Metellus. However he conducted his military
operations with more caution, as in fact he kept a close watch on
Pompeius and was afraid of him. For contrary to what one would have
expected, Metellus had become very luxurious in his mode of life and
had completely given himself up to pleasure, and there had been all at
once a great change in him to habits of pride and extravagance, so
that this also brought Pompeius a surpassing good-will and reputation,
inasmuch as he maintained a frugal mode of living, a thing that cost
him no great pains, for he was naturally temperate and well regulated
in his desires. Though there were many vicissitudes in the war, the
capture of Lauron by Sertorius gave Pompeius most annoyance; for while
he supposed that Sertorius was surrounded, and had uttered certain
boasting expressions, all at once it appeared that he himself was
completely hemmed in, and as for this reason he was afraid to stir, he
saw the city burnt before his face. But he defeated, near Valentia,
Herennius and Perpenna, who were men of military talent, and among
others had fled to Sertorius and served under him; and he slaughtered
above ten thousand of their men.
XIX. Elated by this success, and full of great designs, he hastened
to attack Sertorius himself, in order that Metellus might not share
the victory. They engaged on the banks of the Sucro, though it was
near the close of day, both parties fearing the arrival of Metellus,
one wishing to fight by himself, and the other wishing to have only
one opponent. The issue of the battle was doubtful, for one wing was
victorious on each side; but of the two commanders-in-chief Sertorius
got the more honour, for he put to flight the enemy who were opposed
to him. A man of tall stature, an infantry soldier, attacked Pompeius,
who was on horseback; and as they closed and came to a struggle, the
blows of the swords fell on the hands of both, but not with the same
effect; for Pompeius was only wounded, but he cut off the man's hand.
Now, as many men rushed upon Pompeius, and the rout had already begun,
he escaped, contrary to all expectation, by quitting his horse, which
had trappings of gold and decorations of great value; for while the
enemy were dividing the booty and fighting about it with one another,
they were left behind in the pursuit. At daybreak both commanders
again placed their forces in order of battle, with the intention of
securing the victory, but when Metellus approached, Sertorius
retreated and his army dispersed. For the fashion of his men was to
disperse and again to come together, so that Sertorius often wandered
about alone, and often appeared again at the head of one hundred and
fifty thousand men, like a winter-torrent suddenly swollen. Now, when
Pompeius went to meet Metellus after the battle, and they were near
one another, he ordered his lictors to lower their fasces out of
respect to Metellus as the superior in rank. But Metellus would not
allow this, and in all other respects he behaved with consideration to
Pompeius, not assuming any superiority on the ground of being a
consular and the elder, except that when the two armies encamped
together the watchword for both armies was given out by Metellus; but
the two armies generally encamped apart. For the enemy used to cut off
their communications and separate them, being fertile in stratagems,
and skilful in showing himself in many quarters in a short time, and
in leading from one combat to another. Finally, by cutting off their
supplies, plundering the country, and getting the command of the sea,
he drove both Pompeius and Metellus from that part of Iberia which was
under him, and they were compelled to fly to other provinces through
want of provisions.
XX. Pompeius having spent most of his own property and applied it to
the purposes of the war, demanded money of the senate, and said that
he would come to Italy with his army if they did not send it.
Lucullus, who was then consul, being at variance with Pompeius, and
intriguing to get the command in the Mithridatic war for himself,
bestirred himself to get money sent for fear of letting Pompeius have
a reason for leaving Sertorius, and attacking Mithridates, which he
wished to do, for Mithridates was considered to be an opponent whom it
would be an honour to oppose and easy to vanquish. In the meantime,
Sertorius[225] was assassinated by his friends, of whom Perpenna was
the chief leader, and he attempted to do what Sertorius had done,
having indeed the same troops and means, but not equal judgment for
the management of them. Now Pompeius immediately advanced against
Perpenna, and perceiving that he was floundering in his affairs, he
sent down ten cohorts into the plain, as a bait, and gave them orders
to disperse as if they were flying. When Perpenna had attacked the
cohorts, and was engaged in the pursuit, Pompeius appeared in full
force, and joining battle, gave the enemy a complete defeat. Most of
the officers fell in the battle; but Perpenna was brought to Pompeius,
who ordered him to be put to death, in which he did not show any
ingratitude, nor that he had forgotten what had happened in Sicily, as
some say, but he displayed great prudence and a judgment that was
advantageous to the commonweal. For Perpenna, who had got possession
of the writings of Sertorins, offered to produce letters from the most
powerful men in Rome, who being desirous to disturb the present
settlement and to change the constitution, invited Sertorius to Italy.
Now Pompeius, apprehending that this might give rise to greater wars
than those which were just ended, put Perpenna to death, and burnt the
letters without even reading them.
XXI. After staying[226] long enough to extinguish the chief
disturbances, and to quiet and settle those affairs which were in the
most inflammatory state, he led his army back to Italy, and happened
to arrive at the time when the servile war[227] was at its height.
This was the reason why Crassus the commander urged on the hazard of a
battle, which he gained, with the slaughter of twelve thousand three
hundred of the enemy. Fortune, however, in a manner adopted Pompeius
into this success also, for five thousand men who escaped from the
battle fell in his way, all of whom he destroyed, and he took the
opportunity of writing first to the senate, to say that Crassus indeed
had conquered the gladiators in a pitched battle, but he had pulled up
the war by the roots. And this was agreeable to the Romans to hear,
owing to their good-will towards Pompeius, and also to speak of. As to
Iberia and Sertorius, no one even in jest would have said that the
conquest was due to any one else than Pompeius. But though the man was
in such repute, and such expectations were entertained of him, there
was still some suspicion and fear that he would not disband his army,
but would make his way by arms and sovereign power straight to the
polity of Sulla. Accordingly, those who through fear ran to greet him
on the way, were as many as those who did it from good-will. But when
Pompeius had removed this suspicion also by declaring that he would
disband his army after the triumph, there still remained one subject
of reproach for those who envied him, that he attached himself more
to the people than to the senate, and that he had determined to
restore the authority of the tribunate, which Sulla had destroyed, and
to court the favour of the many, which was true. For there was nothing
for which the people were more madly passionate, and nothing which
they more desired, than to see that magistracy again, so that Pompeius
considered the opportunity for this political measure a great good
fortune, as he could not have found any other favour by which to
requite the good-will of the citizens, if another had anticipated him
in this.
XXII. Now after a second triumph[228] and the consulship were voted to
him, Pompeius was not for this reason considered an object of
admiration and a great man; but the people considered it a proof of
his distinction, that Crassus, though the richest of all who were
engaged in public life, and the most powerful speaker and the greatest
man, and though he despised Pompeius and everybody else, did not
venture to become a candidate for the consulship till he had applied
to Pompeius. Pompeius indeed was well pleased with this, as he had
long wished to have the opportunity of doing some service and friendly
act to Crassus. According he readily accepted the advances of Crassus,
and in his address to the people he declared that he should be as
grateful to them for his colleague as for the consulship. However,
when they were elected consuls, they differed about everything, and
came into collision: in the senate Crassus had more weight, but among
the people the influence of Pompeius was great. For Pompeius restored
the tribunate[229] to the people, and he allowed the judicia to be
again transferred to the Equites by a law. But the most agreeable of
all spectacles was that which Pompeius exhibited to the people when he
personally solicited his discharge from service. It is the custom
among the Roman Equites[230] when they have served the time fixed by
law, to lead their horse into the Forum before the two men whom they
call Censors, and after mentioning each general and Imperator under
whom they have served, and giving an account of their service, they
receive their dismissal. Honours also and infamy are awarded according
to each man's conduct. Now on this occasion the Censors Gellius and
Lentulus were sitting in all their official dignity, and the Equites
who were to be inspected were passing by, when Pompeius was seen
descending from the higher ground to the Forum, bearing the other
insignia of his office, but leading his horse by the hand. When he
came near and was full in sight, he bade the lictors make way for him,
and he led his horse to the tribunal. The people admired, and kept
profound silence; the censors were both awed and delighted at the
sight. Then the elder said: "I ask you, Pompeius Magnus, if you have
performed all the military services that the law requires?" Pompeius
replied with a loud voice, "I have performed all, and all under my own
command as Imperator." On hearing this the people broke out into loud
shouts, and it was impossible to repress the acclamations, so great
was their delight; but the censors rising, conducted Pompeius home to
please the citizens, who followed with loud expressions of applause.
XXIII. Now when the term of office was near expiring for Pompeius, and
the differences with Crassus wore increasing, one Caius
Aurelius,[231] who though a man of equestrian rank did not meddle with
public affairs, on the occasion of an assembly of the people ascended
the Rostra, and coming forward said, that Jupiter had appeared to him
in his sleep and had bid him tell the consuls not to lay down their
office before they were reconciled. On this being said, Pompeius stood
still, without saying a word, but Crassus making the first advance to
take his hand and address him, said, "I think I am doing nothing
ignoble or mean, fellow citizens, in being first to give way to
Pompeius, whom you considered worthy of the name of Magnus before he
had a beard, and decreed to him two triumphs before he was a senator."
Upon this they were reconciled and laid down their office. Now Crassus
continued the kind of life which he had originally adopted; but
Pompeius withdrew himself from his numerous engagements as advocate,
and gradually quitted the forum, and seldom went into public, and
always with a large crowd of people. For it was no longer easy to meet
with him or see him without a train; but he took most pleasure in
showing himself with a numerous company close around him, and by these
means he threw a dignity and importance about his presence, and
thought that he ought to keep his high rank from contact or
familiarity with the many. For life in the garment of peace is a
hazardous thing towards loss of reputation for those who have gained
distinction in arms and are ill suited for civil equality; for such
men claim the first place in peace also, as in war, while those who
get less honour in war cannot submit to have no advantage in peace at
least. Wherefore when they meet in the Forum with the man who has been
distinguished in camps and triumphs, they humble him and cast him
down; but if a man renounces all pretensions to civil distinction and
withdraws, they maintain his military honours and power untouched by
envy. Facts soon showed this.
XXIV. Now the power of the pirates[232] had its beginning in Cilicia,
and at first its adventure was attended with hazard and sought
concealment, but it gained confidence and daring in the Mithridatic
war by lending itself to aid the king. Then, the Romans being engaged
in the civil wars about the gates of Rome, the sea was left destitute
of all protection, and this by degrees drew them on, and encouraged
them not to confine their attacks to those who navigated the sea, but
to ravage islands and maritime cities. And now men who were powerful
by wealth and of distinguished birth, and who claimed superior
education, began to embark on board piratical vessels and to share in
their undertakings as if the occupation was attended with a certain
reputation and was an object of ambition. There were also piratical
posts established in many places and fortified beacons, at which
armaments put in, which were fitted out for this peculiar occupation
not only with bold vigorous crews and skilful helmsmen and the speed
and lightness of the ships, but more annoying than their formidable
appearance was their arrogant and pompous equipment, with their golden
streamers[233] and purple sails and silvered oars, as if they rioted
in their evil practices and prided themselves on them. And flutes and
playing on stringed instruments and drinking along the whole coast,
and capture of persons high in office, and ransomings of captured
cities, were a disgrace to the Roman supremacy. Now the piratical
ships had increased to above a thousand, and the cities captured by
them were four hundred. They attacked and plundered the asyla and
sacred places which had hitherto been unapproached, such as those of
Claros,[234] Didyma, Samothrace, the temple of Chthonia in Hermione,
the temple of Æsculapius in Epidaurus, and those of Neptune at the
Isthmus and Tænaros and Kalauria, and those of Apollo at Actium and
Leucas, and that of Juno in Samos, and in Argos, and Lacinium. They
also performed strange rites on Olympus[235] and celebrated certain
mysterious ceremonies, among which were those of Mithras[236] and they
are continued to the present time, having been first introduced by
them. But they did most insult to the Romans, and going up from the
sea they robbed on their roads and plundered the neighbouring villas.
They once seized two prætors Sextilius and Bellinus in their purple
dress, and they carried off with them their attendants and lictors.
They also took the daughter of Antonius, a man who had enjoyed a
triumph, as she was going into the country, and she was ransomed at
great cost. But their most insulting behaviour was in the following
fashion. Whenever a man who was taken called out that he was a Roman
and mentioned his name, they would pretend to be terror-struck and to
be alarmed, and would strike their thighs and fall down at his knees
praying him to pardon them; and their captive would believe all this
to be real, seeing that they were humble and suppliant. Then some
would put Roman shoes on his feet, and others would throw over him a
toga, pretending it was done that there might be no mistake about him
again. When they had for some time mocked the man in this way and had
their fill of amusement, at last they would put a ladder down into the
sea, and bid him step out and go away with their best wishes for a
good journey; and if a man would not go, then they shoved him into the
water.
XXV. The power of the pirates extended over the whole of our sea[237]
at once in a measure, so that it could not be navigated and was closed
against all trade. It was this which mainly induced the Romans, who
were hard pressed for provisions and were expecting great scarcity, to
send out Pompeius to clear the sea of the pirates. Gabinius,[238] one
of the friends of Pompeius, drew up a law which gave Pompeius, not a
naval command, but palpably sole dominion and power over all men
without any responsibility. For the law gave him authority over the
sea within the columns of Hercules and all the main land to the
distance of four hundred stadia from the sea. There were not many
places within the Roman dominions which lay beyond those limits, but
the chief nations and the most powerful of the kings were comprised
within them. Besides this, Pompeius was empowered to choose fifteen
legati from the Senate who should command in particular parts, to take
from the treasuries and from the Publicani as much money as he
pleased, and two hundred ships, with full authority as to the number
and levying of the armed force and of the rowers for the vessels. When
these provisions of the law were read, the people received them with
exceeding great satisfaction, but the chief of the Senate and the most
powerful citizens considered that this unlimited and indefinite power
was indeed too great to be an object of envy, but was a matter for
alarm. Accordingly with the exception of Cæsar they opposed the law;
but Cæsar spoke in favour of it, though indeed he cared very little
for Pompeius, but from the beginning it was his plan to insinuate
himself into the popular favour and to gain over the people. But the
rest vehemently assailed Pompeius. One of the consuls who had observed
to him that if he emulated Romulus he would not escape the end of
Romulus, was near being killed by the people. When Catulus came
forward to speak against the law, the people out of respect were
silent for some time; but after he had spoken at length with
honourable mention of Pompeius and without any invidious remark, and
then advised the people to spare him and not to expose such a man to
repeated dangers and wars, "What other man," he continued, "will you
have, if you lose him?" when with one accord all the people replied,
"Yourself." Now as Catulus could produce no effect, he retired from
the Rostra; when Roscius[239] came forward, nobody listened, but he
made signs with his fingers that they should not appoint Pompeius to
the sole command, but should give him a colleague. At this it is said
that the people being irritated sent forth such a shout, that a
crow[240] which was flying over the Forum was stunned and fell down
into the crowd. Whence it appears, that birds which fall, do not
tumble into a great vacuum in the air caused by its rending and
separation, but that they are struck by the blow of the voice, which,
when it is carried along with great mass and strength, causes an
agitation and a wave in the air.
XXVI. Now for the time the assembly was dissolved. But on the day on
which they were going to put the law to the vote, Pompeius privately
retired to the country, but on hearing that the law had passed, he
entered the city by night, considering that he should make himself an
object of jealousy if the people met him and crowded about him. At
daybreak he came into public and sacrificed; and an assembly being
summoned he contrived to get many other things in addition to what had
been voted, and nearly doubled his armament. For he manned five
hundred ships, and one hundred and twenty thousand heavy-armed
soldiers and five thousand horse were raised. He chose out of the
senate twenty-four men who had held command and served the office of
prætor; and there were two quæstors. As the prices of provisions
immediately fell, it gave the people, who were well pleased to have
it, opportunity to say that the very name of Pompeius had put an end
to the war. However, by dividing the waters and the whole space of the
internal sea into thirteen parts and appointing a certain number of
ships and a commander for each, with his force, which was thus
dispersed in all directions, he surrounded the piratical vessels that
fell in his way in a body, and forthwith hunted them down and brought
them into port; but those who separated from one another before they
were taken and effected their escape, crowded from all parts and made
their way to Cilicia as to a hive; and against them Pompeius himself
went with sixty of the best ships. But he did not sail against them
till he had completely cleared of the piratical vessels the Tyrrhenian
sea, the Libyan, and the seas around Sardinia, and Corsica, and
Sicily, in forty days in all, by his own unwearied exertions and the
active co-operation of his commanders.
XXVII. In Rome the consul Piso, through passion and envy, was damaging
the preparations for the war, and disbanding the seamen who were to
man the ships, but Pompeius sent round his navy to Brundisium and
himself advanced through Tyrrhenia to Rome. On hearing this all the
people poured forth out of the city upon the road, just as if they had
not only a few days before conducted him out of the city. And the
rejoicing was caused by the speediness of the change, which was
contrary to expectation, for the Forum had a superabundance of
provisions. The consequence was that Piso ran the risk of being
deprived of the consulship, for Gabinius had already a law drawn up.
But Pompeius prevented this, and having managed everything else with
moderation and got what he wanted, he went down to Brundisium and set
sail. But though he was pressed by the urgency of the business and
sailed past the cities in his haste, still he did not pass by Athens
but he went up to it. After sacrifices to the gods and addressing the
people, just as he was quitting the place he read two inscriptions,
each of a single verse, addressed to him, the one within the gate,
"As thou own'st thyself a mortal, so thou art in truth a God."
and that on the outside:
"Expected, welcomed, seen, we now conduct thee forth."
Now as he treated mercifully some of the piratical crews which still
held together and were cruising about the seas upon their preferring
entreaties to him, and after receiving a surrender of their vessels
and persons did them no harm, the rest entertaining good hopes
attempted to get out of the way of the other officers, and coming to
Pompeius they put themselves into his hands with their children and
wives. But he spared all, and it was chiefly through their assistance
that he tracked out and caught[241] those who still lurked in
concealment, as being conscious that they had committed unpardonable
crimes.
XXVIII. The greater part and the most powerful of the pirates had
deposited their families and wealth, and their useless people, in
garrisons and strong forts among the heights of the Taurus; but
manning their ships the pirates themselves awaited the approach of
Pompeius near Coracesium[242] in Cilicia, and a battle was fought in
which they were defeated and afterwards blockaded. At last sending a
suppliant message they surrendered themselves and their cities and the
islands of which they had possession and in which they had built forts
that were difficult to force and hard to approach. Accordingly the war
was ended, and all the pirates were driven from the sea in no more
than three months. Pompeius received by surrender many ships, and
among them ninety with brazen beaks. The pirates, who amounted to more
than twenty thousand, he never thought of putting to death, but he
considered that it would not be prudent to let them go and to allow
them to be dispersed or to unite again, being poor, and warlike and
many in number. Reflecting then that by nature man neither is made nor
is a wild animal nor unsocial, and that he changes his character by
the practice of vice which is contrary to his nature, but that he is
tamed by habits and change of place and life, and that wild beasts by
being accustomed to a gentler mode of living put off their wildness
and savageness, he determined to transfer the men to the land from the
sea and to let them taste a quiet life by being accustomed to live in
cities and to cultivate the ground. The small and somewhat depopulated
cities of Cilicia received some of the pirates whom they associated
with themselves, and the cities received some additional tracts of
land; and the city of Soli,[243] which had lately been deprived of its
inhabitants by Tigranes[244] the Armenian king, he restored and
settled many of them in it. To the greater part he gave as their
residence Dyme[245] in Achæa, which was then without inhabitants and
had much good land.
XXIX. Now those who envied Pompeius found fault with these measures;
but as to his conduct towards Metellus[246] in Crete, even his best
friends were not pleased with it. Metellus, who was a kinsman of the
Metellus who had the command in Iberia jointly with Pompeius, was sent
as commander to Crete before Pompeius was chosen. For Crete was a kind
of second source of pirates and next to Cilicia; and Metellus having
caught many of them in the island took them prisoners and put them to
death. Those who still survived and were blockaded, sent a suppliant
message and invited Pompeius to the island, as being a part of his
government and falling entirely within the limits reckoned from the
coast. Pompeius accepted the invitation and wrote to Metellus to
forbid him continuing the war. He also wrote to the cities not to pay
any attention to Metellus, and he sent as commander one of his own
officers, Lucius Octavius, who entering into the forts of the besieged
pirates and fighting on their side made Pompeius not only odious and
intolerable, but ridiculous also, inasmuch as he lent his name to
accursed and godless men and threw around them his reputation as a
kind of amulet, through envy and jealousy of Metellus. Neither did
Achilles,[247] it was argued, act like a man, but like a youth all
full of violence and passionately pursuing glory, when he made a sign
to the rest of the Greeks and would not let them strike Hector,
"For fear another gave the blow and won
The fame, and he should second only come;"
but Pompeius even protected and fought in behalf of the common enemy,
that he might deprive of a triumph a general who had endured so much
toil. Metellus however did not give in, but he took and punished the
pirates, and after insulting and abusing Octavius in his camp he let
him go.
XXX. When news reached Rome that the Pirates' war was at an end and
that Pompeius being now at leisure was visiting the cities,
Manlius,[248] one of the tribunes, proposed a law, that Pompeius
should take all the country and force which Lucullus commanded, with
the addition of Bithynia, which Glabrio[249] had, and should carry on
the war against the kings Mithridates and Tigranes, with both the
naval force and the dominion of the sea on the terms on which he
received it originally. This was in short for the Roman dominion to be
placed at the disposal of one man. For the provinces which alone he
could not touch under the former law, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia,
Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, Armenia, these he now had
together with the armies and resources with which Lucullus defeated
Mithridates and Tigranes. But though Lucullus was thus deprived of the
glory of his achievements and was receiving a successor in a triumph
rather than in a war, the aristocratical party thought less of this,
though they considered that the man was treated unjustly and
ungratefully, but they were much dissatisfied with the power of
Pompeius which they viewed as the setting up of a tyranny, and they
severally exhorted and encouraged one another to oppose the law and
not to give up their freedom. But when the time came, the rest kept
back through fear of the people and were silent, except Catulus, who
after finding much fault with the law and the tribune, yet without
persuading any one, urged the Senate from the Rostra, repeating it
many times, to seek for a mountain,[250] like their ancestors, and a
rock, to which they might fly for refuge and preserve their liberty.
Accordingly the law was ratified, as they say, by all the tribes[251]
and Pompeius in his absence was put in possession of nearly
everything which Sulla got after he had made himself master of the
city by arms and war. On receiving the letters and reading the decrees
in the presence of his friends who were congratulating him, Pompeius
is said to have contracted his eyebrows and to have struck his thigh,
and to have spoken like a man who was already tired and averse to
command, "Oh, the endless toils, how much better it were to have been
one unknown to fame, if there shall never be an end to my military
service and I shall never elude this envy and live quietly in the
country with my wife."[252] On hearing these expressions not even his
intimate friends could endure his hypocritical pretences, as they knew
that he was the more delighted, inasmuch as his difference with
Lucullus gave additional fire to his innate ambition and love of
command.
XXXI. And in truth his acts soon discovered his real temper: for he
issued counter-edicts in all directions by which he required the
presence of the soldiers and summoned to him the subject rulers and
kings. And as he traversed the country, he let nothing that Lucullus
had done remain undisturbed, but he both remitted the punishments of
many, and took away what had been given, and in short he left nothing
undone in his eagerness to prove to the admirers of Lucullus[253] that
he was entirely without power. Lucullus through his friends complained
to Pompeius, and it was agreed that they should have a meeting. They
met in Galatia: and as they were most distinguished generals and had
won the greatest victories, their lictors met with the fasces wreathed
with bay; but Lucullus advanced from green and shady parts, and
Pompeius happened to have crossed an extensive tract without trees and
parched. Accordingly the lictors of Lucullus seeing that the bays of
Pompeius were faded and completely withered, gave them some of their
own which were fresh, and so decorated and wreathed the fasces of
Pompeius with them. This was considered a sign that Pompeius was
coming to carry off the prizes of victory and the glory that was due
to Lucullus. As to the order of his consulship and in age also
Lucullus had the priority, but the reputation of Pompeius was more
exalted on account of his two triumphs. However they managed their
first interview with as much civility and friendliness as they could,
magnifying the exploits of each other, and congratulating one another
on their victories: in their conferences however they came to no
reasonable or fair settlement, but even fell to mutual abuse, Pompeius
charging Lucullus with avarice, and Lucullus charging Pompeius with
love of power; and they were with difficulty separated by their
friends. Lucullus being in Galatia assigned portions of the captured
land and gave other presents to whom he chose; while Pompeius, who was
encamped at a short distance, prevented any attention being paid to
the orders of Lucullus, and took from him all his soldiers except
sixteen hundred, whose mutinous disposition he thought would make them
useless to himself, but hostile to Lucullus. Besides this, Pompeius
disparaged the exploits of Lucullus and openly said that Lucullus had
warred against tragedies and mere shadows of kings, while to himself
was reserved the contest against a genuine power and one that had
grown wiser by losses, for Mithridates was now having recourse to
shields, and swords and horses. Lucullus retorting said, that Pompeius
was going to fight with a phantom and a shadow of war, being
accustomed, like a lazy bird, to descend upon the bodies that others
had slaughtered and to tear the remnants of wars; for so had he
appropriated to himself the victories over Sertorius, Lepidus and
Spartacus, though Crassus, Metellus and Catulus had respectively
gained these victories: it was no wonder then, if Pompeius was
surreptitiously trying to get the credit of the Armenian and Pontic
wars, he who had in some way or other contrived to intrude himself
into a triumph over runaway slaves.
XXXII. Lucullus[254] now retired, and Pompeius after distributing his
whole naval force over the sea between Phœnicia and the Bosporus to
keep guard, himself marched against Mithridates, who had thirty
thousand foot soldiers of the phalanx and two thousand horsemen, but
did not venture to fight. First of all, Mithridates left a strong
mountain which was difficult to assault, whereon he happened to be
encamped, because he supposed there was no water there; but Pompeius,
after occupying the same mountain, conjectured from the nature of the
vegetation upon it and the hollows formed by the slopes of the ground
that the place contained springs, and he ordered wells to be dug in
all parts: and immediately the whole army had abundance of water, so
that it was a matter of surprise that Mithridates had all along been
ignorant of this. Pompeius then surrounded Mithridates with his troops
and hemmed him in with his lines. After being blockaded forty-five
days Mithridates succeeded in stealing away with the strongest part of
his army, after having first massacred those who were unfit for
service and were sick. Next, Pompeius overtook him on the Euphrates
and pitched his camp near him; and fearing lest Mithridates should
frustrate his design by crossing the river, he led his army against
him in battle order at midnight, at which very hour it is said that
Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was
going to happen. He dreamed that he was sailing on the Pontic sea with
a fair wind, and was already in sight of the Bosporus, and
congratulating his fellow voyagers, as a man naturally would do in his
joy at a manifest and sure deliverance; but all at once he saw himself
abandoned by everybody and drifting about upon a small piece of wreck.
While he was suffering under this anguish and these visions, his
friends came to his bed-side and roused him with the news that
Pompeius was attacking them. The enemy accordingly must of necessity
fight in defence of their camp, and the generals leading their forces
out put them in order of battle. Pompeius, seeing the preparations to
oppose him, hesitated about running any risk in the dark, and thought
that he ought only to surround the enemy, to prevent their escape, and
attack them when it was daylight, inasmuch as their numbers were
greater. But the oldest centurions by their entreaties and
exhortations urged him on; for it was not quite dark, but the moon
which was descending in the horizon still allowed them to see objects
clear enough. And it was this which most damaged the king's troops.
For the Romans advanced with the moon on their backs, and as the light
was much depressed towards the horizon, the shadows were projected a
long way in front of the soldiers and fell upon the enemy, by reason
of which they could not accurately estimate the distance between them
and the Romans, but supposing that they were already at close quarters
they threw their javelins without effect and struck nobody. The Romans
perceiving this rushed upon the enemy with shouts, and as they did not
venture to stand their ground, but were terror-struck and took to
flight, the Romans slaughtered them to the number of much more than
ten thousand, and took their camp. Mithridates at the commencement
with eight hundred horsemen cut his way through the Romans, but the
rest were soon dispersed and he was left alone with three persons, one
of whom was his concubine Hypsikratia,[255] who on all occasions
showed the spirit of a man and desperate courage; and accordingly the
king used to call her Hypsikrates. On this occasion, armed like a
Persian and mounted on horseback, she was neither exhausted by the
long journeys nor ever wearied of attending to the King's person and
his horse, till they came to a place called Inora,[256] which was
filled with the King's property and valuables. Here Mithridates took
costly garments and distributed among those who had flocked to him
after the battle. He also gave to each of his friends a deadly poison
to carry about with them, that none of them might fall into the hands
of the Romans against his will. Thence he set out towards Armenia to
Tigranes, but Tigranes forbade him to come and set a price of a
hundred talents upon him, on which Mithridates passed by the sources
of the Euphrates and continued his flight through Colchis.[257]
XXXIII. Pompeius invaded Armenia at the invitation of young
Tigranes,[258] who had now revolted from his father, and he met
Pompeius near the river Araxes,[259] which rises in the same parts
with the Euphrates, but turns to the east and enters the Caspian Sea.
Pompeius and Tigranes received the submission of the cities as they
advanced: but King Tigranes, who had been lately crushed by Lucullus,
and heard that Pompeius was of a mild and gentle disposition, admitted
a Roman garrison into his palace,[260] and taking with him his friends
and kinsmen advanced to surrender himself. As he approached the camp
on horseback, two lictors of Pompeius came up to him and ordered him
to dismount from his horse and to enter on foot: they told him that no
man on horseback had ever been seen in a Roman camp. Tigranes obeyed
their orders, and taking off his sword presented it to them; and
finally, when Pompeius came towards him, pulling off his
cittaris,[261] he hastened to lay it before his feet, and what was
most humiliating of all, to throw himself down at his knees. But
Pompeius prevented this by laying hold of his right hand and drawing
the king towards him; he also seated Tigranes by his side, and his son
on the other side, and said that Tigranes ought so far to blame
Lucullus only, who had taken from him Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia,
Galatia, and Sophene,[262] but that what he had kept up to that time,
he should still have, if he paid as a compensation to the Romans for
his wrongful deeds six thousand talents, and his son should be King of
Sophene. Tigranes assented to these terms, and being overjoyed by the
Romans saluting him as king, he promised to give every soldier half a
mina of silver,[263] to a centurion ten minæ, and to a tribune a
talent. But his son took this ill, and on being invited to supper he
said that he was not in want of Pompeius to show such honour as this,
for he would find another Roman.[264] In consequence of this he was
put in chains and kept for the triumph. No long time after Phraates
the Parthian sent to demand the young man, as his son-in-law, and to
propose that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the two powers.
Pompeius replied that Tigranes belonged to his father rather than to
his father-in-law, and that as to a boundary he should determine that
on the principles of justice.
XXXIV. Leaving Afranius in care of Armenia, Pompeius advanced through
the nations that dwell about the Caucasus,[265] as of necessity he
must do, in pursuit of Mithridates. The greatest of these nations are
Albani and Iberians, of whom the Iberians extend to the Moschic
mountains and the Pontus, and the Albani extend to the east and the
Caspian Sea. The Albani at first allowed a free passage to Pompeius at
his request; but as winter overtook the Romans in the country and they
were occupied with the festival of the Saturnalia,[266] mustering to
the number of forty thousand they attacked the Romans, after crossing
the Cyrnus[267] river, which rising in the Iberian mountains and
receiving the Araxes which comes down from Armenia, empties itself by
twelve mouths into the Caspian. Others say that the Araxes does not
join this stream, but that it has a separate outlet, though near to
the other, into the same sea. Pompeius, though he could have opposed
the enemy while they were crossing the river, let them cross quietly,
and then he attacked and put them to flight and destroyed a great
number. As the King begged for pardon, and sent ambassadors, Pompeius
excused him for the wrong that he had done, and making a treaty with
him, advanced against the Iberians, who were as numerous as the Albani
and more warlike, and had a strong wish to please Mithridates and to
repel Pompeius. For the Iberians had never submitted either to the
Medes or the Persians,[268] and they had escaped the dominion of the
Macedonians also, inasmuch as Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania. However
Pompeius routed the Iberians also in a great battle, in which nine
thousand of them were killed and above ten thousand taken prisoners,
and he entered Colchis; and on the Phasis[269] he was met by Servilius
with the vessels with which he was guarding the Pontus.
XXXV. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties,
as he had plunged among the nations around the Bosporus and the
Mæotis; and intelligence reached Pompeius that the Albani had again
revolted. Moved by passion and desire of revenge, Pompeius turned
against the Albani. He again crossed the Cyrnus with difficulty and
danger, for the river had been fenced off with stakes to a great
extent by the barbarians; and as the passage of the river was
succeeded by a long waterless and difficult march, he had ten thousand
skins filled with water and then advanced against the enemy, whom he
found posted on the river Abas[270] to the number of sixty thousand
foot and twelve thousand cavalry, but poorly armed, and for the most
part only with the skins of beasts. They were commanded by a brother
of the king, named Kosis, who, when the two armies had come to close
quarters, rushed against Pompeius and struck him with a javelin on the
fold[271] of his breastplate, but Pompeius with his javelin in his
hand pierced him through and killed him. In this battle it is said
that Amazons[272] also fought on the side of the barbarians, and that
they had come down hither from the mountains about the river
Thermodon. For after the battle, when the Romans were stripping the
barbarians, they found Amazonian shields and boots, but no body of a
woman was seen. The Amazons inhabit those parts of the Caucasus which
extend towards the Hyrcanian sea, but they do not border on the
Albani, for Gelæ and Leges dwell between; and they cohabit with these
people every year for two months, meeting them on the river Thermodon,
after which they depart and live by themselves.
XXXVI. After the battle Pompeius set out to advance to the
Hyrkanian[273] and Caspian sea, but he was turned from his route by
the number of deadly reptiles, when he was three days' march from it.
He retired to the Less Armenia; and he returned a friendly answer to
the Kings of the Elymæi[274] and Medes who sent ambassadors, but
against the Parthian king who had invaded Gordyene and was plundering
the people of Tigranes, he sent Afranius with a force who drove him
out and pursued him as far as the territory of Arbela. Of all the
concubines of Mithridates who were brought to him, he knew not one,
but sent all back to their parents and kin; for the greater part were
the daughters and wives of generals and princes. Stratonike,[275] who
was in the greatest repute and guarded the richest of the forts, was,
it is said, the daughter of a harp-player, who was not rich and was an
old man; and she made so sudden a conquest of Mithridates over his
wine by her playing, that he kept the woman and went to bed with her,
but sent away the old man much annoyed at not having been even civilly
spoken to by the king. In the morning, however, when he got up and saw
in his house tables loaded with silver and golden cups, and a great
train of attendants, with eunuchs and boys bringing to him costly
garments, and a horse standing before the door equipped like those
that carried the king's friends, thinking that this was all mockery
and a joke he made an attempt to escape through the door. But when the
slaves laid hold of him and told him that the king had made him a
present of the large substance of a rich man who had just died, and
that this was but a small foretaste and sample of other valuables and
possessions that were to come, after this explanation hardly convinced
he took the purple dress, and leaping on the horse rode through the
city exclaiming, "All this is mine." To those who laughed at him he
said, this was nothing strange, but it was rather strange that he did
not pelt with stones those who came in his way, being mad with
delight. Of this stock and blood was Stratonike. But she gave up this
place to Pompeius, and also brought him many presents, of which he
took only such as seemed suitable to decorate the temples and add
splendour to his triumph, and he told her she was welcome to keep the
rest. In like manner when the King of the Iberians sent him a couch
and a table and a seat all of gold, and begged him to accept them, he
delivered them also to the quæstors for the treasury.
XXXVII. In the fort Kænum[276] Pompeius found also private writings
of Mithridates, which he read through with some pleasure as they gave
him a good opportunity of learning the man's character. They were
memoirs,[277] from which it was discovered that he had taken off by
poison[278] among many others his son Ariarathes and Alkæus of Sardis
because he got the advantage over the King in riding racehorses. There
were registered also interpretations of dreams,[279] some of which he
had seen himself, and others had been seen by some of his women; and
there were lewd letters of Monime[280] to him and his answers to her.
Theophanes says that there was also found an address of Rutilius[281]
in which he urged the King to the massacre of the Romans in Asia. But
most persons with good reason suppose this to be a malicious story of
Theophanes, perhaps invented through hatred to Rutilius, who was a
man totally unlike himself, or perchance to please Pompeius, whose
father Rutilius in his historical writings had shown to be a
thoroughly unprincipled fellow.
XXXVIII. Thence Pompeius went to Amisus,[282] where his ambition led
him to reprehensible measures. For though he had abused Lucullus
greatly, because while the enemy was still alive, he published edicts
for the settlement of the countries and distributed gifts and honours,
things which victors are accustomed to do when a war is brought to a
close and is ended, he himself, while Mithridates was still ruling in
the Bosporus[283] and had got together a force sufficient to enable
him to take the field again, just as if everything was finished, began
to do the very things that Lucullus had done, settling the provinces,
and distributing gifts, many commanders and princes, and twelve
barbarous kings having come to him. Accordingly he did not even deign
when writing in reply to the Parthian,[284] as other persons did, to
address him by the title of King of Kings, and he neglected to do this
to please the other kings. He was also seized with a desire and a
passion to get possession of Syria and to advance through Arabia to
the Erythræan sea,[285] that in his victorious career he might reach
the ocean that encompasses the world on all sides; for in Libya he was
the first who advanced victoriously as far as the external sea, and
again in Iberia he made the Atlantic sea the boundary of the Roman
dominion; and thirdly, in his recent pursuit of the Albani he came
very near to reaching the Hyrkanian sea. Accordingly he now put his
army in motion that he might connect the circuit of his military
expeditions with the Erythræan sea; and besides, he saw that
Mithridates was difficult to be caught by an armed force, and was a
harder enemy to deal with when flying than when fighting.
XXXIX. Wherefore, remarking that he would leave behind him for
Mithridates an enemy stronger than himself, famine, he set vessels to
keep a guard on the merchants who sailed to the Bosporus; and death
was the penalty for those who were caught. Taking the great bulk of
his army he advanced on his march, and falling in with the bodies
still unburied of those who with Triarius[286] had fought
unsuccessfully against Mithridates and fallen in battle, he buried all
with splendid ceremonial and due honours. It was the neglect of this
which is considered to have been the chief cause of the hatred to
Lucullus. After subduing by his legate Afranius the Arabs in the
neighbourhood of the Amanus,[287] he descended into Syria, which he
made a province and a possession of the Roman people on the ground
that it had no legitimate kings; and he subdued Judæa[288] and took
King Aristobulus prisoner. He built some cities, and he gave others
their liberty and punished the tyrants in them. But he spent most time
in judicial business, settling the disputes of cities and kings, and
in those cases for which he had no leisure, sending his friends; as
for instance to the Armenians and Parthians, who referred to him the
decision as to the country[289] in dispute between them, he sent three
judges and conciliators. For great was the fame of his power, and no
less was the fame of his virtue and mildness; by reason of which he
was enabled to veil most of the faults of his friends and intimates,
for he did not possess the art of checking or punishing evil doers,
but he so behaved towards those who had anything to do with him, that
they patiently endured both the extortion and oppression of the
others.
XL. The person who had most influence with Pompeius was Demetrius, a
freedman, a youth not without understanding, but who abused his good
fortune. The following story is told of him. Cato the philosopher, who
was still a young man, but had a great reputation and already showed a
lofty spirit, went up to Antioch,[290] when Pompeius was not there,
wishing to examine the city. Now Cato, as was his custom, walked on
foot, but his friends who were journeying with him were on horseback.
Observing before the gate a crowd of men in white vestments, and along
the road, on one side the ephebi, and on the other the boys, in
separate bodies, he was out of humour, supposing that this was done
out of honour and respect to him who wanted nothing of the kind.
However he bade his friends dismount and walk with him. As they came
near, the man who was arranging and settling all this ceremony, with a
crown on his head and a wand in his hand, met them and asked where
they had left Demetrius and when he would arrive. Now the friends of
Cato fell a-laughing, but Cato exclaimed, "O wretched city," and
passed by without making further answer. However Pompeius himself made
Demetrius less an object of odium to others by submitting to his
caprices without complaint. For it is said that frequently when
Pompeius at entertainments was waiting for and receiving his guests,
Demetrius would already have taken his place at the table, reclining
with haughty air, and with his vest[291] over his ears hanging down.
Before he had returned to Rome, Demetrius had got possession of the
most agreeable places in the suburbs, and the finest pleasure-grounds
and costly gardens were called Demetrian; and yet up to his third
triumph Pompeius was lodged in a moderate and simple manner. But
afterwards when he was erecting for the Romans that beautiful and
far-famed theatre,[292] he built, what may be compared to the small
boat that is towed after a big vessel, close by a house more
magnificent than he had before; and yet even this was so far from
being such a building as to excite any jealousy that the person who
became the owner of it after Pompeius, was surprised when he entered
it, and he asked where Pompeius Magnus used to sup. Such is the story
about these matters.