Ahban.—(Probably Sans. ahi, “the dragon,” which may have been the

tribal totem.) A sept of Râjputs chiefly found in Oudh. Their first

ancestors in Oudh are said to have been Gopi and Sopi, two brothers of

the Châwara race, which ruled in Anhalwâra Pâtan of Gujarât. Of the

Châwaras or Chauras, Colonel Tod writes [127]:—“This tribe was once

renowned in the history of India, though its name is now scarcely

known, or only in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in

ignorance. It belongs neither to the Solar nor to the Lunar race; and

consequently we may presume it to be of Scythic origin. The name is

unknown in Hindustân, and is confined with many others originating

beyond the Indus to the peninsula of Saurâshtra. If foreign to India

proper, its establishment must have been at a remote period, as we find

individuals of it intermarrying with the Sûryavansa ancestry of the

present princes of Mewâr when this family were the Lords of Ballabhi.

The capital of the Châwaras was the insular Deobandar on the coast of

Saurâshtra; and the celebrated temple of Somnâth, with many others on

this coast, dedicated to Balnâth, or the Sun, is attributed to this

tribe of the Sauras, or worshippers of the Sun; most probably the

generic name of the tribe as well as of the peninsula. By a natural

catastrophe, or, as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will have it,

as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the element

whose privileges he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As this

coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though the

abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of the

Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and

the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punishment

on the Châwaras. That it was owing to some such political catastrophe,

we have additional grounds for belief from the Annals of Mewâr, which

state that its princes inducted the Châwaras into the seats of the

power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of Saurâshtra.”

After describing their subsequent history Colonel Tod goes on to

say:—“This ancient connection between the Sûryavansi chiefs and the

Châwaras or Chauras of Saurâshtra is still maintained after a lapse of

more than one thousand years, for, though an alliance with the Râna’s

family is the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being

the first in rank in Hindustân, yet is the humble Châwara sought out

even at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of

Râma. The present heir-apparent of a line of one hundred kings, prince

Jovana Sinh, is the offspring of a Châwara woman, the daughter of a

petty chieftain of Gujarât.”

2. These two leaders, Gopi and Sopi, are said to have come into Oudh

shortly after the commencement of the Christian era. The former

obtained the Pargana Gopamau, in Hardoi, and a descendant of the latter

took possession of Pataunja, near Misrikh, in Pargana Nîmkhâr, of

Sîtapur District. “This is the reputed residence of the Dryad Abbhawan,

who is alleged to have given supernatural assistance to the Châwar

chief, her favourite, who thenceforth took the name of Ahban. At any

rate Pataunja became a centre of secular and religious power. A tribe

of Kurmis and a gotra of Tiwâri Brâhmans have called themselves after

Pataunja—a fact which tends to indicate that, although now a mere

village, it was formerly the capital of a state possessing some

independence.” [128] The Ahban race rose afterwards to great

prosperity; “how great it is impossible to state, for of all Chhatri

clans they are the most mendacious, and many plans for the advancement

of individuals have been foiled by this defect of theirs. The sept

labours under a superstitious aversion to build houses of brick or line

wells with them.

3. Of the Ahbans General Sleeman writes [129]:—“No member of the Ahban

tribe ever forfeited his inheritance by changing his creed; nor did any

of them, I believe, change his creed except to retain his inheritance,

liberty, or life, threatened by despotic and unscrupulous rulers. They

dine on the same floor, but there is a line marked off to separate

those of the party who are Hindus from those who are Musalmâns. The

Musalmâns have Musalmân names, and the Hindus have Hindu names, but

they still go under the common patronymic name of Ahban. The Musalmâns

marry into Musalmân families, and the Hindus into Hindu families of the

highest class, Chauhân, Râthaur, Raikwâr, Janwâr, etc. Their conversion

took place under Muhammad Farm ’Ali, alias Kâlapahâr, to whom his uncle

Bahlol, king of Delhi, left Bahrâich as a separate inheritance a short

time before his death, which occurred in 1488 A.D. This conversion

stopped infanticide, as the Musalmân portion of the tribe would not

associate with the Hindus who practised it.”

4. In Sîtapur they generally supply brides to the Tomar and

occasionally to the Gaur septs, while they marry girls of the Bâchhal,

Janwâr, and occasionally of the Gaur. In Kheri their daughters many

Chauhâns, Kachhwâhas, Bhadauriyas, Râthaurs, and Katheriyas, and their

sons marry girls of the Janwâr, Punwâr, Bais Nandwâni or Bâchhal septs.

In Hardoi their gotra is Garga, and they give brides to the Sômbansi,

Chauhân, Dhâkrê and Râthaur septs, and take brides from the Dhâkrê,

Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Râikwar and Bâchhal.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHBAN RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

=============+=======

District. |Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Agra | 1

Farrukhâbâd | 125

Shâhjahânpur | 116

Pilibhît | 52

Bânda | 1

Ballia | 16

Lucknow | 333

Râê Bareli | 30

Sîtapur | 998

Hardoi | 2,413

Kheri | 1,331

Bahrâich | 71

Sultânpur | 3

Partâbgarh | 2

Bârabanki | 520

~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Total | 6,012

=============+=======

Aheriya. [130]—(Sans. akhetika, a hunter.) A tribe of hunters, fowlers,

and thieves found in the Central Duâb. Their ethnological affinities

have not as yet been very accurately ascertained. Sir H. M. Elliot

describes them as a branch of the Dhânuks, from whom they are

distinguished by not eating dead carcases, as the Dhânuks do. They are

perhaps the same as the Hairi or Heri of the Hills, a colony of whom

Bâz Bahâdur settled in the Tarâi as guards, where they, and some

Mewâtis settled in a similar way, became a pest to the country. [131]

At the same time Mr. Williams describes the Heri in Dehra Dûn as

aborigines and akin to the Bhoksas, with whom in appearance and

character the Aheriyas of Aligarh and Etah seem to have little

connection. They are almost certainly not the same as the Ahiriya or

Dahiriya of the Gorakhpur Division, who are wandering cattle-dealers

and apparently Ahîrs. [132] In Gorakhpur, however, there is a tribe

called Aheliya, said to be descended from Dhânuks, whose chief

employment is the capture of snakes, which they eat. There is again a

tribe in the Panjab known as Aheri, who are very probably akin to the

Aheriyas of the North-West Provinces. [133] They trace their origin to

Râjputâna, and especially Jodhpur and the prairies of Bikâner. “They

are vagrant in their habits, but not infrequently settle down in

villages where they find employment. They catch and eat all kinds of

wild animals, pure and impure, and work in reeds and grass. In addition

to these occupations they work in the fields, and especially move about

in gangs at harvest time in search of employment as reapers, and they

cut wood and grass and work as general labourers on roads and other

earthworks.” Mr. Fagan describes them in Hissâr as making baskets and

winnowing fans and scutching wool. He thinks that the Jodhpuriya

section, who appear to have been the ancestors of the tribe, may

possibly have been Râjputs, and the other Aheris are probably descended

from low castes who intermarried with them. In default of any distinct

anthropometrical evidence, the most probable theory seems to be that

the Aheriyas of these Provinces are connected with the Bhîl and their

congeners, the Baheliya, who are a race of jungle hunters and fowlers.

In Aligarh, they distinctly admit that in former times, owing to a

scarcity of women in the tribe, they used to introduce girls of other

castes. This, they say, they have ceased to do in recent years, since

the number of their females has increased. This may, perhaps, point to

the prevalence of infanticide in the tribe; but in any case it is very

probable that a tribe of this character should become a sort of Cave of

Adullam for every one who was in debt, and every one that was in

distress or discontented.

[The Aligarh tradition.] 2. In Aligarh they seem to be known

indifferently by the names of Aheriya, Bhîl, or Karol. They call

themselves the descendants of Râja Piryavart, who (though the Aheriyas

know nothing about him) is probably identical with Priyavrata, who was

one of the two sons of Brahma and Satarûpa. According to the mythology

he was dissatisfied that only half the earth was illuminated at one

time by the sun’s rays; so he followed the sun seven times round the

earth in his own flaming car of equal velocity, like another celestial

orb, resolved to turn night into day. He was stopped by Brahma, and the

ruts which were formed by his chariot wheels were the seven oceans;

thus the seven continents were formed. The Aheriyas say that the son of

the solar hero, whose name they have forgotten, was devoted to hunting,

and for the purpose of sport took up his abode on the famous hill of

Chitrakût, in the Bânda District. Here he became known as Aheriya, or

“sportsman,” and was the ancestor of the present tribe. Thence they

emigrated to Ajudhya, and, after the destruction of that city, spread

all over the country. They say that they came to Aligarh from Cawnpur

some seven hundred years ago. They still keep up this tradition of

their origin by periodical pilgrimages to Chitrakût and Ajudhya.

[Tribal council.] 3. They have a tribal council (panchâyat),

constituted partly by election and partly by nomination among the

members or the tribe. They decide all matters affecting the tribe, but

are not empowered to take up social questions suo motu. They have a

permanent, hereditary chairman (sarpanch). If the son of a deceased

chairman happen to be a minor, one of the members of the council is

appointed to act for him during his minority. At the same time, if the

new chairman, on coming of age, is found to be incompetent, he may be

removed, and a new candidate selected by the votes of the council.

[Marriage rules.] 4. They have no exogamous or endogamous

sub-divisions. The marriage of first cousins is prohibited, and a man

cannot be married in a family to which during memory a bride from his

family has been married. Difference of religious belief is no bar to

marriage, provided there has been no conversion to another faith, such

as that of Christians or Muhammadans. They can have as many as four

wives at the same time, and may marry two sisters together. An apparent

survival of marriage by capture is found in the ceremony which follows

marriage when the newly-married pair are taken to a tank. The wife

strikes her husband with a thin switch of the acacia (babûl). She is

then brought into the house, where the relations of her husband give

her presents for letting them see her face (munh-dikhâi). The senior

wife rules the household, and those junior to her have to do her

bidding. They live, as a rule, on good terms, and it is only under very

exceptional circumstances that separate houses are provided for them.

The age for marriage varies from seven to twenty. Any marriage is

voidable at the wish of the parties with the approval of the tribal

council. The match is arranged by some relation of the youth with the

help of a Brâhman and barber. When the parties are grown up, their

wishes are considered, but in the case of minors the match is arranged

by their friends or guardians. There is no regular bride price; but if

the girl’s father is very poor the friends of the boy assist him to

defray the cost of the marriage feast. In other cases the girl’s father

is supposed to give something as dowry (jahez). As to the ownership of

this there is no fixed rule; but it is understood that the presents

which the bride receives at the munh-dikhâi ceremony, above described,

become her private property. Leprosy, impotency, idiocy, or mutilation

occurring after marriage are considered reasonable grounds for its

annulment; but if any physical defects were disclosed before the

marriage, they are not held to be a ground for dissolving the union.

Charges of adultery are brought before the tribal council, and, if

proved, a divorce is declared. Divorced women can marry again by the

karâo form; but women divorced for adultery, though such a course is

possible, are seldom remarried in the tribe. Children born of a father

or mother who are not members of the tribe are called lendra, and are

not admitted to caste privileges.

[Widow marriage.] 5. When a man desires to marry a widow, he provides

for her a suit of clothes, a set of glass bangles (chûri) and a pair of

toe-rings (bichhua). The council is assembled and the woman is asked if

she accepts her suitor. If she agrees, an auspicious day is selected by

the advice of a Brâhman, and the new husband dresses her in the clothes

and ornament and takes her home. After this he gives a feast to the

brotherhood. In this form of marriage, known as karâo or dhareja, there

is no procession (bârât), and no walking round the sacred fire

(bhanwar). The levirate is enforced unless the younger brother of her

late husband is already married, in which case the widow may live with

an outsider. If she marries a stranger she loses her right to

maintenance from the estate of her first husband, and also the

guardianship of his children, unless they are of tender age. There is

no trace of the fiction that children of the levir are attributed to

his deceased brother.

[Birth ceremonies.] 6. When pregnancy is ascertained the caste men are

assembled and some gram and wheat boiled with molasses is distributed.

Contrary to prevailing Hindu custom the woman is delivered on a bed

with her feet turned towards the Ganges. The midwife is usually a

sweeper woman, and after delivery her place as nurse is taken by a

barber woman. When the child is born molasses is distributed to

friends; and women sing songs and play on a brass tray (thâli). On the

sixth day (chhathi) they worship Sati, and throw a little cakes and

incense into the fire in her honour. On the twelfth day the mother is

bathed, and seated in the court-yard inside a sacred square (chauk)

made by a Brâhman, with wheat-flour. He then names the child, and

purifies the house by sprinkling water all about it and reciting texts

(mantra). The caste-men are feasted, and the women sing and dance. This

is known as the Dashtaun. But if the child happen to be born in the

asterism (nakshatra) of Mûl the Dashtaun is performed on the nineteenth

or twenty-first day. Leaves of twenty-one trees or plants, such as the

lime, mango, siras, jâmun, pomegranate, nîm, custard apple, etc., are

collected. They also bring water from twenty-one wells, and little bits

of lime stone (kankari) from twenty-one different villages. These

things are all put into an earthen jar which is filled with water, and

with this the mother is bathed. Grain and money are given to Brâhmans,

and the purification is concluded. If twins are born, the father and

mother sit together inside the sacred square on the day of the

Dashtaun, and the Brâhman ties an amulet (râkhi), made of thread, round

the wrists of both to keep off ill-luck.

[Adoption.] 7. On an auspicious day selected by a Pandit the father of

the boy makes him over to the person adopting him. The adopter then

dresses the boy in new clothes and gives him sweetmeats. A feast is

then given to the clansmen. The child to be adopted must be under the

age of ten.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 8. The marriage ceremonies begin with the

betrothal, which is finished by the boy eating some betel sent to him

by a barber from the house of the bride. It seems to be the custom in

many cases to betroth children in their infancy. Then comes the lagan,

consisting of cash, clothes, a cocoanut and sweets sent by the father

of the bride with a letter fixing the marriage day; inside this is

placed some dûb grass. The Brâhman recites verses (mantra) as he gives

these things to the boy seated in a sacred square, while the women beat

a small drum and sing songs. This goes on the whole night (ratjaga).

Next follows the anointing (ubtana) of the bride and bridegroom. During

this time the pair are not allowed to leave the house through fear of

the Evil Eye and the attacks of malignant spirits. On the day fixed in

the lagan some mango and chhonkar leaves, some turmeric and two pice

are tied on a bamboo, which is fixed in the court-yard by some relation

on the female side, or by the priest. He is given some money, clothes,

or grain, which is called neg. Then a feast of food, cooked without

butter, known as the marhwa, or “pavilion,” is given to the friends.

The bridegroom is dressed in a coat (jâma) of yellow-coloured cloth,

and wears a head-dress (maur) made of palm leaves. When they reach the

bride’s village, they are received in a hut (janwânsa), prepared for

them. The bridegroom’s father sends, by a connection (mân), some

sharbat to the bride, and she sends food in return: this is known as

barauniya. After this the pair walk seven times round the sacred fire,

and a fire sacrifice (homa) is offered. Then follows the “giving away”

of the bride (kanyâdân), and the pair are taken into an inner room,

where they eat sweetmeats and rice together; this is known as sahkaur,

or confarreatio. A shoe is tied up in cloth, and the women try to

induce the boy to worship it as one of the local godlings. If he falls

into the trap there is great merriment. The knot which has been tied in

the clothes of the bride and bridegroom is then untied, his crown is

taken off, and the marriage being over he returns to the janwânsa.

Among poor people there is no lagan and no betrothal. Some money is

paid to the bride’s father, and the girl is taken to her husband’s

house and married there. No pavilion is erected, and the ceremony

consists in making the girl and boy walk round the sacred fire, which

is lighted in the court-yard. Girls that are stolen or seduced are

usually married in this way, which is known as dola.

[Disposal of the dead.] 9. Rich people cremate the dead; poorer people

bury, or consign the corpse to some river. The dead are buried face

downwards to bar the return of the ghost; the feet face the north; some

bury without a shroud. After cremation the ashes are usually taken to

the Ganges, but some people leave them at the pyre. Fire is provided by

a sweeper, who gets a small fee and the bamboos of the bier as his

perquisite. After the cremation is over, some on their way home bathe,

but this is not essential. After they bathe they collect a little kusa

grass and throw it on the road by which the corpse was removed. Then

they throw some pebbles in the direction of the pyre. The popular

explanation of this practice is, in order that “affection for the dead

may come to an end” (moh chhût jâwê); the real object is to bar the

return of the ghost. On the third or seventh day after the cremation

the son or person who has lighted the pyre shaves; then he has some

large cakes (tikiya) cooked, and some is placed on a leaf of the dhâk

tree (butea frondosa), and laid in a barley field for the support of

the ghost. The clansmen are feasted on the thirteenth day; thirteen

pieces of betel-nut and thirteen pice are placed, one in each of

thirteen pots, and this, with some grain, is divided among thirteen

Brâhmans. Then a fire-sacrifice is made. There is no regular srâddha;

but they worship the souls of the dead collectively in the month of

Kuâr, and throw cakes to the crows, who represent the souls of the

dead.

[Ceremonial pollution.] 10. The death pollution lasts for thirteen

days; after child-birth for ten, and after menstruation for three days.

The first two are removed by regular purification; the third by bathing

and washing the hair of the head.

[Religion.] 11. Devi is their special object of worship, but Mekhâsur

is the tribal godling. His name means “Ram demon,” but they can give no

account of him. His shrine is at Gangîri, in the Atraula Tahsîl. He is

worshipped on the eighth and ninth of Baisâkh, with sweets and an

occasional goat. An Ahîr takes the offering. Zâhir Pîr is the well

known Gûga. His day is the ninth of the dark half of Bhâdon, and his

offering cloth, cloves, ghi and cash, which are taken by a Muhammadan

Khâdim. Miyân Sâhib, the saint of Amroha, in the Morâdâbâd District, is

worshipped on Wednesday and Saturday with an offering of five pice,

cloves, incense, and cakes, which are taken by the faqîrs who are the

attendants (mujâwir) at his tomb. They also make a goat sacrifice known

as kandûri, and consume the meat themselves. Jakhiya has a square

platform at Karas, in the Iglâs Tahsîl, at the door of a sweeper’s hut.

His day is the sixth of the dark half of Mâgh, and his offering is two

pice and some betel and sweets. These are taken by the sweeper

officiant. They also sometimes sacrifice a pig, and the sweeper rubs a

little of the blood on the children’s foreheads in order to ward off

evil spirits. Barai is a common village godling. He is represented by a

few stones under a tree; his offering is a chhakka or six cowries, some

betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman Panda. This godling is

the special protector of women and children. His days are the seventh

of the light half of Chait and the seventh of the light half of Kuâr.

Mâta, the small-pox goddess, and Masâni, the spirit of the burning

ground, are represented by some stones placed on a platform under a

tree. They are worshipped on the same days as Barai by women and

children, and a Brâhman takes the offerings. Châmar also has his abode

under a tree, and is worshipped on the first Monday of every Hindu

month. His offering is a wheat cake; and a ram is offered in serious

cases, and consumed by the worshippers. When cattle are sick or lose

their milk, a little unboiled milk is poured on the shrine. Bûrha Bâba

has his shrine at Chândausi, in the Khair Tahsîl. His day is the third

of the light half of Baisâkh, and he is presented with cloth, betel and

sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman. Sâh Jamâl, who appears to be one

of the Pânch Pîr, has a shrine near the city of Aligarh. The offerings

here are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim.

[Patron Saint.] 12. Vâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, is a sort of

patron saint of the tribe. According to the Aheriya legend Vâlmîki was

a great hunter and robber. After he had taken many lives he one day met

the saint Nârada Muni in the jungle. As he was aiming his arrow at the

Rishi, Nârada asked him if he knew what a sin he was committing. At

last Nârada convinced him of his wickedness and tried to teach him to

say Râma! Râma! but for a long time he could get no nearer it than

Mâra! Mâra! (Kill! kill!) Finally his devotion won him pardon, and he

became learned enough to compose the Râmâyana. Hence he is the saint of

the Aheriyas.

[House worship.] 13. Some make a house shrine dedicated to Mekhâsur in

a room set apart for the purpose. Women regularly married are permitted

to join in this worship, but unmarried girls and karâo wives are

excluded. The sacrifices to these tribal godlings are done by some

member of the family, not by a regular priest. In the case of Miyân

Sâhib and Jakhiya they sometimes release the victim after cutting its

ear; in all other cases the animal is killed, and the flesh eaten by

the worshippers. Most of their festivals are those common to all

Hindus, which will be often mentioned. There is a curious survival of

human sacrifice in the observance at the festival known as the Sakat

Chauth, when they make the image of a human being of boiled rice, and

at night cut it up and eat it. They venerate the pîpal tree, and have a

special worship of the âonla (phyllanthus emblica) on the eleventh of

the light half of Phâlgun. Women bow down before the tree and offer

eight small cakes and water at noon. At the Nâgpanchami women draw

pictures of snakes on the walls of their houses and throw milk over

them. Men take milk to the jungle and place it near the hole of a

snake. Their favourite tattoo mark is Sîtâ ki rasoi, or a

representation of the cooking room of Sîta, which is still shown on the

Chitra Kûta hill. Their chief oath is on the Ganges, and this is made

more binding if the person taking it stands under a pîpal tree or holds

a leaf of it in his hand.

[Social rules.] 14. They cannot eat or drink with any other caste; but

they will eat kachchi cooked by Ahîrs, Barhais, Jâts, and Kahârs; they

eat pakki, cooked by a Nâi, but he will not eat pakki cooked by them.

[Industries.] 15. Their industries are what might have been expected

from their partially nomad life. Like the Musahar of the Eastern

Districts they make the leaf platters which Hindus use at meals (see

Bâri). They also collect reeds for basket-making, etc., honey and gum

from the dhâk and acacia, which they sell in the towns. But the

business which they chiefly carry on is burglary and highway robbery,

and they are about the most active and determined criminals in the

Province. A band of Aheriyas, arrested for committing a highway robbery

on the Grand Trunk Road, gave the following account of themselves to

Colonel Williams [134]:—“Our children require no teaching. At an early

age they learn to steal. At eight or nine years of age they commence

plundering from the fields, and as opportunities offer take brass

vessels or anything they can pick up. So that by fifteen or sixteen

they are quite expert, and fit to join in our expeditions. Gangs

consist of from ten to twenty. Sometimes two gangs meet on the road and

work together. I have known as many as forty in one highway robbery.

Our leaders (Jamadâr) are elected for their skill, intelligence, and

daring. A good Jamadâr has no lack of followers. The Jamadâr collects

his band, gets an advance from Banyas to support his followers during

the expedition, which money is repaid with interest, and our families

are never allowed to want while we are absent. We assemble in the

village and start together, but disperse into parties of two or three

to avoid observation, and generally state that we are Kâchhis, Lodhas,

or even Râjputs, going to Benares on pilgrimage. We do this as our

tribe has a bad name. We also avoid putting up at sarâis, and generally

encamp 100 or 200 paces from the high road to watch travellers, carts,

and vans passing. We all carry bludgeons, rarely weapons; one or two in

the gang may have a sword. Our mode of proceeding in highway robberies

is to look out for vans, carts, or camels laden with cloth: finding

such as are likely to afford a booty, the members of the gang are

warned to follow. The most expert proceed ahead to fix a spot for the

attack. We have followed camels for three or four days before an

opportunity offered. We commence by pelting the guards with pieces of

limestone (kankar) or stones. This generally causes them to fly; but,

if not, we assemble and threaten them with our bludgeons. If they still

resist, we give up the attack. We, however, rarely fail, and at the

first shower of kankar the guards all fly. If any of our gang are

captured, it is the business of our Jamadâr to remain at hand, or

depute some intelligent man of the band for this special duty: no

expense is spared to effect their release. We find the Police readily

accessible. If separated, we recognise each other by the jackal’s cry;

but we have no peculiar terms or slang to distinguish each other. We

take omens. Deer and the sâras crane on the right, jackals, asses, and

white birds on the left, while proceeding on an expedition, are highly

propitious. Unfavourable omens cause the expedition to be deferred

until they become otherwise. On returning, if jackals, asses, and white

birds appear on the left, or deer, sâras, or owls on the right, we

rejoice exceedingly, and fear no evil. Some of our Jamadârs are so

brave that they don’t care for omens. We dispose of our booty through

middlemen (arhatiya), who sell it to the great Mahâjans. Of course they

know it is plundered property from the price they give; and how could

we have silk and fine linen for sale if not plundered? Our zamîndârs

know we live by plunder, and take a fourth of the spoil. Sometimes they

take such clothes as suit them. On returning from a highway robbery we

use great expedition, travelling all night. During the day the plunder

is concealed in dry wells; we disperse and hide in the fields. Two or

three of the sharpest of the gang go to the nearest village for food,

generally prepared food. We soon become acquainted with all the sharp

men on the road. One rogue readily finds a companion, and we thus get

information of parties travelling and suitable booty. Though we pilfer

and thieve wherever we can, we prefer highway robbery, as it is more

profitable, and if the booty is cloth, easily disposed of. Always

thieves by profession, we did not take to highway robbery till the

great famine of 1833. Gulba and Suktua, Baheliyas, first opened the way

for us, and taught us this easy mode of living. These two are famed

men, and resided near Mirzapur, in Pargana Jalesar (now in the Etah

District). The Baheliyas and Aheriyas of Mirzapur soon took a leading

part, and were highly distinguished. They are noted among us as expert

thieves and highway robbers.” Since this was written the Aheriyas have

begun to use the railway in their expeditions, and are known to have

made incursions as far as the Panjab, Central India, Bengal, and

Bombay. The Etah branch of the tribe is under the provisions of the

Criminal Tribes Act. Curiously enough they have escaped record at the

last Census.

DISTRIBUTION OF AHERIYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

=======================

District. | Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Muzaffarnagar | 125

Meerut | 1,437

Bulandshahr | 2,905

Aligarh | 9,877

Mathura | 765

Agra | 4

Mainpuri | 781

Bijnor | 229

Morâdâbâd | 481

Pilibhît | 29

Hamîrpur | 73

Benares | 668

Mirzapur | 6

Jaunpur | 129

Lucknow | 2,266

Faizâbâd | 4

+~~~~~~~

Total | 19,779

==============+=======

Ahîr [135]:—An important and widely-distributed caste of herdsmen and

agriculturists, found in large numbers throughout the Province.

According to the Brâhmanical tradition, as given by Manu, they are

descended by a Brâhman from a woman of the Ambastha, or tribe of

physicians. “In the Brahma Purâna it is said that they are descended

from a Kshatriya father and a woman of the Vaisya caste; but on the

question of the descent of the various tribes, the sacred books, as in

many other matters, differ very much from each other, and none are to

be implicitly trusted. This pastoral tribe of the Yâdubansi stock was

formerly of much greater consideration in India than it is at present.

In the Râmâyana and Mahâbhârata the Abhîras in the west are spoken of;

and in the Purânik Geography, the country on the western coast of

India, from the Tâpti to Devagarh is called Abhîra, or the region of

cowherds. When the Kattis arrived in Gujarât, in the eighth century,

they found the greater part of the country in the occupation of the

Ahîrs. The name of Asirgarh, which Farishta and Khizâna Amîra say is

derived from Asa, Ahîr, shows that the tribe was of some importance in

the Dakkhin also, and there is no doubt that we have trace of the name

in the Abiria of Ptolemy, which he places above Patalene. Ahîrs were

also Râjas of Nepâl at the beginning of our era, and they are perhaps

connected with the Pâla, or shepherd dynasty, which ruled in Bengal

from the 9th to the latter part of the 11th century, and which, if we

may place trust in monumental inscriptions, were for some time the

universal rulers of India.” [136]

[Origin of the tribe.] 2. On the tribe to the east Mr. Risley writes

[137]:—“The traditions of the caste bear a highly imaginative

character, and profess to trace their descent from the god Krishna,

whose relations with the milk-maids of Brindâban play an important part

in Hindu mythology. Krishna himself is supposed to have belonged to the

tribe of Yâdavas, or descendants of Yadu, a nomadic race, who graze

cattle and make butter, and are believed to have made an early

settlement in the neighbourhood of Mathura. In memory of this

tradition, one of their sub-castes, in the North-Western Provinces, is

called Yadu, or Jâdubansi, to the present day. Another story, quoted by

Dr. Buchanan, makes out the Guâlas to be Vaisyas, who were degraded in

consequence of having introduced castration among their herds, and

members of the caste who are disposed to claim this distinguished

ancestor may lay stress upon the fact that the tending of flocks and

herds is mentioned by the authorities among the duties of the Vaisya

order. Taken as a whole, the Guâla traditions hardly can be said to do

more than render it probable that one of their earliest settlements was

in the neighbourhood of Mathura, and that this part of the country was

the centre of distribution of the caste. The large functional group

known by the name Guâla seems to have been recruited not merely by the

diffusion along the Ganges valley of the semi-Aryan Guâlas of the

North-Western Provinces, but also by the inclusion in the caste of

pastoral tribes who were not Aryans at all. These, of course, would

form distinct sub-castes, and would not be admitted to the jus connubii

with the original nucleus of the caste. The great differences of make

and feature which may be observed among Guâlas seem to bear out this

view, and to show that whatever may have been the original constituents

of the caste, it now comprises several heterogeneous elements. Thus,

even in a district so far from the original home of the caste as

Sinhbhûm, we find Colonel Dalton remarking that the features of the

Mathurâbâsi Guâlas are high, sharp and delicate, and they are of a

light brown complexion. Those of the Magadha sub-caste, on the other

hand, are undefined and coarse. They are dark-complexioned, and have

large hands and feet. Seeing the latter standing in a group with some

Sinhbhûm Kols, there is no distinguishing one from the other. There

has, doubtless, been much intermixture of blood. These remarks

illustrate both the processes to which the growth of the caste is due.

They show how representatives of the original tribe have spread to

districts very remote from their original centre, and how at the same

time people of alien race who followed pastoral occupations have become

attached to the caste, and are recognized by a sort of fiction as

having belonged to it all along.”

3. Another account represents them to be the descendants of the Abars,

one of the Scythian tribes who in the second or first century before

Christ entered India from the north-west, or, and this is perhaps more

probable, they are regarded as an old Indian or half-Indian race who

were driven south before the Scythian invasion. That they were very

early settlers in these Provinces and the neighbourhood is certain. The

Nepâl legend [138] states that the Kirâtas obtained possession of the

valley after expelling the Ahîrs. In the Hindu drama of the Toy-Cart,

[139] the successful usurper who overthrows Pâlaka, King of Ujjain, is

Aryaka, of the cowherd caste; and similarly in the Buddhist chronicles

Chandragupta is described as a cowherd of princely race. In Oudh they

appear to have been early, probably aboriginal, inhabitants before the

Râjput invasion. They are also said to be closely connected with the

Bhars, and they attend at great numbers on the occasion of a fair at

Dalmau in the Râê Bareli district held in honor of the Bhar hero Dal,

who has been, in connection with that tribe shown to be mythical. [140]

General Cunningham [141] assumes from the reference to them in Manu

that they must certainly have been in India before the time of

Alexander, and that as they are very numerous in the eastern districts

of Mirzapur, Benares, and Shâhâbâd, they cannot possibly, like the Jâts

and Gûjars, be identified with the Indo-Scythians, whose dominions did

not extend beyond the Upper Ganges. It is merely a conjecture of Mr.

Nesfield that the Kor or Kur sub-caste is derived from the Kols of the

Vindhyan plateau. [142]

4. At the same time, as might have been expected, some of their

traditions indicate a tendency to aspire to a higher origin than those

which would associate them with menial tribes such as the Bhars. Thus

in Bulandshahr [143] they claim to be Chauhân Râjputs. The Rohilkhand

branch say that they came from Hânsi Hissâr about 700 years ago. In

Gorakhpur the Bargaha sub-caste provide wet-nurses in Râjput families

[144]: others call themselves Jâts and refer their origin to Bharatpur,

while they call themselves Kshatriyas. There is again a very close

connection between the Dauwa sub-caste and the Bundela Râjputs for whom

they provide wet-nurses. [145] In Azamgarh [146] they claim to have

been once Kshatriyas who ruled the country; in Mainpuri [147] they

assert that they are descendants of Râna Katîra of Mewâr, who had been

driven from his own country by an invasion of the Muhammadans and took

refuge with Digpâla, Râja of Mahâban, whose daughter, Kânh Kunwar his

son subsequently married, and by her became the ancestor of the Pâthak

sub-caste. They are the highest clan in that part of the country, and

there is a ridiculous legend in explanation of their name, that Râna

Katîra was attacked by the King of Delhi, and that out of the twelve

gates (phâtak) of his capital only one held out to the end. When the

enemy had retired, the Râna, in order to commemorate the signal bravery

shown by the guard of the twelfth gate, issued a decree that they and

their descendants should be for ever designated by the title of Pâthak

or Phâtak.

[Internal structure.] 5. At the last Census the Ahîrs were recorded in

eighteen main sub-castes—Benbansi, the offspring of Râja Vena, the

famous sinner of the mythology; Bhirgudi; Dauwa; Dhindhor; Gaddi;

Gamel; Ghorcharha, “riders on horses;” Ghosi, or “Shouters;” Gûjar;

Guâlbans; Jâdubans, “of the Yâdava race;” Kamariha; Khunkhuniya; Kur;

Nandabans, “of the race of Nanda,” the foster-father of Krishna;

Pâthak; Rajauriya, and Râwat. The internal classification of the Ahîrs

was very carefully worked out by Sir H. M. Elliot, who writes:—“There

appear to be three grand divisions among them,—the Nandbans, the

Jâdubans and the Guâlbans, which acknowledge no connection except that

of being all Ahîrs. Those of the Central Duâb usually style themselves

Nandbans; those to the west of the Jamuna and the Upper Duâb, Jâdubans;

and those in the Lower Duâb and Benares, Guâlbans. The latter seem to

have no sub-divisions or gotras. The principal gotras of the Nandbans

are Samarphalla, Kishnaut, Bhagta, Bilehniya, Diswâr, Nagauwa,

Kanaudha, Dûnr, Râwat, Tenguriya, Kur, Kamariya, Barausiya, Mujwâr,

Dahima, Nirban, Kharkhari, Dirhor, Sitauliya, Jarwariya, Barothi, Gonda

and Phâtak—amounting in all to eighty-four. In Bighoto, besides many of

these there are the Molak, Santoriya, Khosiya, Khalliya, Loniwâl,

Aphariya or Aphiriya, Maila, Mhaila, Khoro, Sesotiya, Gandwâl, Gird,

Bhamsara, Janjariya, Kankauriya and Niganiya, amounting in all to

sixty-four. Many of the two last-named clans have been converted to the

Muhammadan faith, and are known as Rângars. The two villages whence

they derive their name are celebrated in local legends for turbulence

and contumacy.

Dihli ten paintîs kos Kanhaur Nigâna; Apni boi âp khâen, hâkim ne na

den dâna.—“Thirty-five kos from Delhi are Kanhaur and Nigâna. There the

people eat what they sow, and do not give a grain to the Government.”

6. Amongst these the Khoro rank first; but their claim to superiority

is denied by the Aphiriya, who have certainly in modern times attained

the highest distinction. They all, including the Khoro, intermarry on

terms of equality, avoiding, like all other Ahîrs, only the four gotras

nearest related. A man, for instance, cannot marry into his father’s,

mother’s paternal or maternal gotras; and no intermarriages take place

between distant clans. Thus those of the Duâb and Bighoto hold little

or no personal intercourse, and each declares the other an inferior

stock.”

7. In Agra we find the Guâlbans, Nandbans, Kamariha and Ghusiya. The

Nandbans call themselves the offspring of Nanda, the foster-father of

Krishna, and the Guâlbans say that they are descended from the Gopis

who danced with the god in the woods of Brindâban and Gokul. The

Nandbans women wear bangles (chûri) of glass (kâncha) and white

clothes. Those of the Guâlbans wear bangles of lac and coloured or

embroidered dresses. All of them, at the time of marriage, except the

Ghusiya, wear a nuptial crown (maur) made of paper. That of the

Ghusiyas is made of the leaves of the palm (khajûr). The Kamariya

sub-caste have a curious custom of hanging up cakes made of wheat-flour

in the marriage pavilion while the ceremony is going on. All of them

admit widow marriage, and these sub-castes are strictly endogamous. In

Cawnpur the sub-castes are Nandbans, Jâdubans, Kishnaut, Kanaujiya,

Ghosi, Guâlbans and Illahâbâsi, or residents of Allahâbâd. In the east

of the Province there is a different set of sub-castes. Thus in

Mirzapur they are divided into the Churiya Guâl, who are so called

because their women wear bangles (chûri); Mathiya, who wear brass rings

(mâthi); Kishnaut; Maharwa, or Mahalwa; Dharora; Bhurtiya; and Bargâhi.

The Kishnaut sub-caste allege that it was among them that the infant

Krishna was nursed. The Maharwas or Mahalwas tell the following story

to account for their name:—“Once upon a time there lived an Ahîr at

Agori, the famous fortress of the Chandel Râjputs, on the river Son. He

was rich and devoted to gambling. The Râja of Agori also loved the

dice. One day they were playing, when the Ahîr lost all his property,

and, finally, staked his unborn child. He lost this also. When the

Ahîr’s wife brought forth a girl the Râja claimed her, and the Ahîr was

called Maharwa, because his daughter had to enter the harem (mâhal) of

the Râja.” Another version of the legend connects it with the

celebrated Lorik cycle. The Ahîr maiden is said to have been saved by

the hero, and took the name of Maharwa because she was saved from the

harem.

8. Another legend tells the origin of the Bhurtiyas in this way:—“Once

upon a time Sri Krishna blew his flute in the forest and all the girls

of Brindâban rushed to meet him. They were so excited at the prospect

of meeting him that they did not wait to adjust their dress or jewelry.

One of them appeared with brass rings (mâthi) on one wrist and lac

bangles (chûri) on the other; so she was called by way of a joke

Bhurtiya or ‘careless,’ and the name has clung to her descendants ever

since.” In memory of this the women of this sub-caste wear both kinds

of ornaments.

9. Bargâhi is said, again, in Persian to mean “one who attends a royal

court,” and the name is derived from the fact that the women of this

sub-caste used to serve as wet-nurses in the families of noblemen.

Among these the Churiya and Maharwa intermarry; all the others are

endogamous.

10. The detailed Census returns enumerate no less than 1,767 varieties

of Ahîrs. Of these, those most largely represented are—in Bulandshahr,

the Bhatti, Nirban and Ahar; in Aligarh, the Chakiya, Garoriya; in

Mainpuri, the Girdharpuriya and Tulasi; in Etah, the Barwa, Bharosiya,

Deswâr, Dholri, Kanchhariya, and Siyarê; in Bareilly, the Chaunsathiya

or “sixty-fours;” in Morâdâbâd, the Deswâr; in Shâhjahânpur, the

Bâchhar, which is the name of a well-known Râjput sept, Bakaiya,

Birhariya, Chanwar, Darswâr, Dohar, Kharê, Katha, Katheriya,

Manhpachchar, Râna, Rohendi and Sisariya; in Cawnpur, the Darswâr and

Sakarwâr, the latter of which is the title of a Râjput sept; in

Fatehpur, the Raghubansi; in Bânda, the Bharauniya; in Hamîrpur, the

Rautela; in Jhânsi, the Gondiya, Mewâr and Rautela; in Mirzapur, the

Kishnaut; in Ballia, the Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, Majraut; in Gorakhpur,

the Bargâh, Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, and Majnûn; in Basti, the Kanaujiya;

in Lucknow, the Raghubansi; in Unâo, the Gel, Gokuliya, and Guâlbansi;

in Sîtapur, the Râjbansi; in Hardoi, the Kauriya; in Sultânpur, the

Dhuriya; in Partâbgarh, the Sohar; in Bârabanki, the Bâchhar,

Dharbansi, Muriyâna and Râjbansi.

[The Lorik legend.] 11. No account of the Ahîrs would be complete

without some reference to the famous tribal legend of Lorik, which is

most popular among them and is sung at all their ceremonies. There are

various recensions of it, and it is most voluminous and embodies a

number of different episodes. In what is, perhaps, the most common form

of the legend, Siudhar, an Ahîr of the East country, marries Chandain,

and is cursed with the loss of all passion by Pârvati. His wife forms

an attachment for a neighbour named Lorik and elopes with him. The

husband pursues, fails to induce her to return, and fights Lorik, by

whom he is defeated. The pair then go on and finally meet Mahâpatiya, a

Dusâdh, the chief of the gamblers. He and Lorik play till the latter

loses everything, including his mistress. She urges that her jewels did

not form part of the stake, and induces them to try another throw of

the dice. She stands opposite Mahâpatiya and distracts his attention by

exposing her person to him. Finally Lorik wins everything back. The

girl then tells Lorik how she had been insulted by the low-caste man,

who saw her exposed, and Lorik with his two-maund sword cuts off the

gambler’s head, when it and his body were turned into stone, and are to

be seen to this day. Lorik and Chandain then continued their

wanderings, and he attacks and defeats the King of Hardui near Mongir.

The Râja is afterwards assisted by the King of Kalinga, defeats Lorik,

and imprisons him in a dungeon, whence he is released by the

intercession of the goddess Durga, recovers the kingdom and his

mistress Chandain, and after some years of happiness returns to his

native land.

12. Meanwhile the brother of Lorik, Semru, had been attacked and killed

by the Kols and all his cattle plundered. Lorik takes a bloody revenge

from the enemy. Before he left home with Chandain, Lorik had been

betrothed to an Ahîr girl named Satmanain, who by this time had become

a handsome woman, who lived in the hope that Lorik would some day

return and claim her. Lorik was anxious to test her fidelity, and when

he came near home, concealed his identity. When she and the other woman

came to sell milk in his camp he laid down a loin cloth at the

entrance. All the other women stepped over it, but such was the

delicacy of Satmanain that she refused. Lorik was pleased, and, without

her knowledge, filled her basket with jewels, and covered them over

with rice. When she returned, her sister found the jewels, and taxed

her with receiving them as the price of her honour. She indignantly

denied the accusation, and the son of Semru, the dead brother of Lorik,

set out to avenge on him the insult to his aunt. Finally, the matter

was cleared up, and Lorik reigned for many years in happiness with his

wives Chandain and Satmanain. But the god Indra determined to destroy

his virtue, and he induced Durga to take the form of his mistress and

tempt him. When he gave way to the temptation and touched her she

struck him so that his face turned completely round. Overcome by grief

and shame he went to Kâsi (Benares), and there they were all turned

into stone, and sleep the sleep of magic at the Manikarnika Ghât. [148]

[Marriage rules.] 13. As has been already said, the sub-castes are

endogamous. To the west the gotra system is in full force and marriage

is barred in the four gotras of father, mother, grand-father, and

grand-mother. To the east few of the rural Ahîrs seem to know anything

about their gotras. They will not marry in a family to which a sister

has been given in marriage until three generations have passed. In

Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, “the Brâhmanical gotras are unknown,

and marriage among the Guâlas is regulated by a very large number of

exogamous groups (mûl) of the territorial type. In some places where

the existing mûls have been found inconveniently large, and marriage

has been rendered unduly difficult, certain mûls have broken up into

purukhs or sub-sections. Where this has taken place a man may marry

within the mûl, but not within the purukh, the smaller and more

convenient group.” He goes on to explain at length how this rule of

exogamy works in practice, and how it is necessary to supplement it by

the standard formula of exogamy common to many of the lower tribes. Of

this elaborate system no trace has been found as yet among the western

Ahîrs, but it is quite possible that further local enquiry may supply

examples of this, or some analogous rule of exogamy prevailing in these

Provinces.

[Tribal council.] 14. The internal affairs of the caste are managed by

a panchâyat or tribal council. As an instance of its working, in

Mirzapur it is presided over by a permanent chairman (chaudhari) and,

as a rule, meets only on the occasion of weddings and funeral

ceremonies, when current business is brought before it. The cases

usually heard are connected with immorality, eating with a prohibited

caste, and family disputes about inheritance and property. The accused

person during the hearing of the case is not allowed to sit on the

tribal mat with his brethren. The president uses the members only as

assessors, and after enquiry announces the decision. A person found

guilty of immorality is usually fined eight rupees, and has to supply

two feasts for the brethren. Out of the fine the chairman receives one

rupee, and the rest is spent in purchasing vessels and other furniture

for use at the meetings. If a man is convicted of an intrigue with a

woman of the tribe, he is fined only one rupee and has to give two

dinners to the brotherhood. Any one who disobeys the orders of the

chairman is beaten with shoes in the presence of the council and is

excluded from all caste privileges until he submits. Instances of the

contempt of the orders of the council are seldom heard of.

[Marriage.] 15. To the west of the Province polygamy is allowed, but it

is discouraged. In Mirzapur it is said to be prohibited without the

express sanction of the council, which is given only in exceptional

cases, such as the hopeless illness or barrenness of the first wife,

and if a man ventures to take a second wife without sanction, he is

very severely dealt with. There seems to be very little doubt that

along the banks of the Jumna polyandry prevails in the fraternal form.

That it does exist among some of these tribes is shown by the common

saying, Do khasam ki joru chausar ki got (“The wife of two husbands is

no better than a draught in backgammon”). Among the Ahîrs of this part

of the country it has doubtless originated in the custom of one member

of the family remaining away grazing cattle often for a long time. It

is very difficult to obtain information about it, as, wherever it

exists, the custom is strongly reprobated. The eastern Ahîrs agree in

denying its existence, and express the utmost horror at the very idea

of such a family arrangement.

16. Marriage, except among the very poorest members of the caste, takes

place in infancy. As an example of the arrangements the customs in the

Mirzapur District may be described. The match is generally settled by

the brother-in-law of the boy’s father or by the brother-in-law of the

latter. In all cases the assent of the parents on both sides is

essential. The father of the boy pays as the bride price two rupees in

cash, two garments, and five sers of treacle and salt. No physical

defect, which was disclosed at the time of the betrothal, is sufficient

to invalidate the marriage. A husband may put away his wife for

habitual infidelity; but a single lapse from virtue, provided the

paramour be a member of the caste, is not seriously regarded. Widow

marriage is permitted as well as the levirate; but if the widow does

not take up with the younger brother of her late husband, she usually

marries a widower. Children of virgin brides and widows married a

second time rank equally for purposes of inheritance; but it has been

judicially decided [149] that an Ahîr, the offspring of an adulterous

connection, is incapable of inheriting from his father. At widow

marriage there is no regular ceremonial; the bridegroom merely goes to

the woman’s guardian with two rupees and a sheet on a day fixed by the

village Pandit. He pays the bride price and the woman is dressed in the

sheet. He eats that night with her family, and next morning takes his

wife home, and she is recognized as a duly married woman after the

brotherhood have been feasted. If she marry outside the family of her

late husband, his estate devolves on his sons by her first marriage; if

there be no sons, to the brothers of her late husband. If she marry her

husband’s younger brother, he acts as guardian of his nephews and makes

over to them the property of their father when they arrive at the age

of discretion. There is no fiction of attributing the children of the

second to the first husband.

[Adoption.] 17. Adoption prevails; and, as long as there is a sister’s

son available for adoption, no other relative can be selected. A man

may adopt, if his only son is disqualified from succession by being

permanently excluded from caste, or if he have lost his faith (dharm).

Adoption, while a son is alive, is forbidden. A widower may adopt, but

it is forbidden in the case of a woman, a bachelor, or a man who is

blind, impotent, or crippled. A widow can adopt only with the express

permission of her late husband, and not if her husband have adopted a

son during his lifetime. A man may adopt his nephew at any age; but in

the case of an outsider the child adopted must not be more than twelve

years of age. The boy adopted must, in any case, be of the same gotra

as his adoptive father. The adoption of a sister’s son is prohibited;

as a rule a man adopts the son of his brother or daughter. Adoption is

performed in the presence of and with the advice and approval of, the

assembled brethren. The man and his wife take their seats in the

assembly, and the wife takes the boy into her lap and acknowledges him

as her own child. A distribution of food or sweetmeats follows and

concludes the ceremony. There is no custom analogous to Beena marriage

recognised where the bridegroom is taken into the household of his

father-in-law and serves for his bride. They follow, as a rule, the

Hindu law of succession.

[Domestic ceremonies. Birth.] 18. There are no observances during

pregnancy. When the child is born the Chamârin midwife is called in;

she cuts the umbilical cord and buries it on the spot where the birth

occurred, lighting a fire and fixing up a piece of iron—a guard against

evil spirits. The mother gets no food that day, and next morning she is

dosed with a mixture of ginger, turmeric and treacle. The Chamârin

attends for six days, and after bathing the mother and child she is

dismissed with a present of two-and-a-half sers of grain and two annas

in cash. Then the barber’s wife attends, who cuts the nails of the

mother and child and dyes the soles of their feet with lac. The

purification of the confinement room is done by the sister of the

father of the child, who gets a present for the service. The father

does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her delivery.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 19. The following describes a marriage as

carried out in the Mirzapur District. When the match is settled the

father of the boy pays a visit to the girl’s father to make the final

preparations. Next follows the betrothal (sa’at), which is carried out

on a day fixed by the Pandit, who gets a fee of two annas. The father

of the boy goes to the house of the bride with the bride price already

described, pays it over, eats there, and returns next morning. Next

follows the matmangar or collection of the sacred earth, which is done

exactly as in the case of the Dravidian Bhuiyas, in the article on

which tribe the ritual is described. When the earth is brought back to

the house it is placed under the sacred water vessel (kalsa) near the

pole of siddh wood fixed up in the centre of the marriage shed. This

vessel is decorated with lumps of cowdung stuck in a line all round it,

and over these grains of barley are sprinkled. The mouth is filled with

mango leaves, and over them is placed an earthen saucer (kosa) full of

the sânwân millet or barley. When this is completed all the women

present are given some parched grain, which they receive in the part of

their sheet covering the breast.

20. When this is over the anointing (telhardi) of the bride and

bridegroom commences. This goes on every evening till the day before

the wedding (Bhatwân). Next morning the boy is bathed by the barber,

and the water is carefully kept for use in bathing the bride. The boy

is dressed in a yellow loin cloth and a red turban and coat, when his

mother takes him in her lap and five unmarried boys make him chew some

cakes folded up in mango leaves. Then he spits on the palm of his

mother’s hand and she licks it up, when the father and mother, with

their hands covered with a cloth so that no one may see them, grind

some urad pulse on the family curry stone (sil). This is made into

lumps and offered to the sainted dead of the household with the prayer

“Come and help us to bring the marriage to a successful issue!” Then

the boy gets into the litter, while his mother waves a pestle over his

head to drive off evil spirits. When the litter is raised the mother is

obliged to creep beneath it, and as she attempts to do so the Kahârs

put it down, and will not raise it until they receive a present. This

present is called pilâi or “a drink.” It is customary with them that

the procession should reach the house of the bride after nightfall, a

survival of marriage by capture. They then go to the house of the

headman of the village and present him with five chhatânks of betel-nut

and curd—a possible sign of the commutation of the jus prima noctis,

but more probably one of the ordinary dues taken by the village

landlord at marriages. They stay some time at his door and dance and

sing their own tribal song, the birha. Then they go to the reception

place (janwânsa), which is usually arranged under a tree near the

village. Then the bride’s barber appears and washes the feet of the

party, and a relative of the bride comes and feeds five boys of the

gotra of the bridegroom with him on curds and treacle. After this the

boy’s father sends to the bride the water in which the bridegroom had

been washed; in this she gets the marriage bath. This done the

bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and is received at the door

by the mother of the bride, who waves over his head a piece of dough,

on which is laid a silver coin and a lighted lamp. This is the

parachhan ceremony, and is intended to scare away the evil spirits,

which are most to be dreaded at any crisis of life such as marriage.

Then the barber’s wife brings out the bride, who is seated on the thigh

of her father. The pair worship Gauri and Ganesa, of whom flour images

are made. The father then gives away his daughter in the regular

kanyâdân form, holding a bunch of kusa grass, water, and rice, in his

right hand. Then the bridegroom first performs the emblematical

marriage with the siddh tree forming the central pole of the marriage

shed, and he then marks the parting of the bride’s hair. The pair next

make five circuits round the siddh tree, and the ceremony ends with a

salute to the officiating Brâhman.

21. Next the bridegroom walks with the bride into the retiring room

(kohabar), an obvious survival of the custom still prevailing among

some of the Dravidian tribes, where consummation follows immediately on

the marriage ceremony. The sister-in-law of the bride attempts to

obstruct his passage, and he is obliged to carry in the bride by force.

The walls of the retiring room are decorated with rude drawings in red,

of elephants and horses. Over these the bridegroom is made to pour a

little butter. Then the women crack jokes with the boy. Pointing to a

rice pestle they say “That is your father! Salute him!” and taking up a

lamp they say, “That is your mother! Salute her!” On this he breaks the

lamp with the pestle. Then the knot joining the clothes of the pair is

opened and the boy returns to his own party.

22. Next morning the bridegroom is brought with two or three other boys

to go through the confarreatio or khichari rite. When he is asked to

eat in the house of the bride he holds out for some time, and will not

touch the food until he gets a present from his father-in-law; then his

party are feasted. Next morning the boy goes again into the marriage

shed, and his mother-in-law, as before, waves a pestle over his head

and gives him a present. This done, his father shakes one of the poles

of the shed and receives a present for so doing, which is known as

mânro hilâi. On this, the relations on both sides embrace, and the

wedding party start for home. If the bride be nubile she accompanies

her husband; if not, in the first, third, or fifth year there is the

gauna, when she is brought to the house of her husband. After the party

return, a burnt offering (hom) is made in honour of the village

godlings (dih), and the barber’s wife takes the marriage jar (kalsa) to

a neighbouring stream, where she washes it, and then, filling it with

water, pours the contents over the head of the mother of the

bridegroom, and asks her if she feels refreshed, meaning thereby if she

is satisfied with the marriage of her son. Of course she says that she

is satisfied, and blesses him and his wife.

[Death ceremonies.] 23. The married dead are cremated; children and

those who die of epidemic disease are buried. The cremation is carried

out in the orthodox way. After it is over the chief mourner plants by

the side of a river, or tank, a bunch of the jurai grass, as an abode

for the soul until the funeral rites are completed. He cooks for

himself, and daily places on a dung-hill a leaf platter (dauna) full of

food for the ghost of the dead man. On the tenth day he throws into a

tank ten balls of rice boiled in milk (khîr) in honour of the dead.

During this the Brâhman repeats texts; and the relatives, after

shaving, come home and offer a burnt offering. Clothes, vessels, a cow,

and other articles are given to a Mahâbrâhman in the belief that they

will pass for the use of the dead man in the next world.

[Religion.] 24. Ahîrs are all Hindus, but are seldom initiated into any

of the regular sects. To the east of the Province they worship, by

preference, Mahâdeva. They also worship the Pânchonpîr and Birtiya. The

latter, they say, was one of their forefathers, who fell in some fight

at Delhi. He is worshipped in the month of Sâwan, or at the Holi

festival, with a burnt offering, which is made either in the courtyard

of the house where the churn is kept, or in the cow-house. They also

pour spirits on the ground in his honour. They worship the Pânchonpîr

during the Naurâtri or first nine days of Chaitra. Birtiya is regarded

as the special guardian of cattle. The only one of the regular

pantheon, to whom they offer regular sacrifices, is the Vindhyabâsini

Devi, of Vindhyâchal, to whom they occasionally sacrifice a goat. In

other parts of the Province they seem, as a rule, to worship Devi. They

are served by Brâhmans of all the ordinary priestly classes.

[Worship of Kâsinâth.] 25. To the east of the province the worship of

Kâsinâth is very popular. In most of their villages there is a man who

is supposed to be possessed by this deity, who is generally a young,

strong man, who lets his hair grow. Once or twice a year Kâsinâth

“comes on his head,” as the phrase is. Then he begins to move his hands

and shakes his head, and in this state utters prophecies of the

prospects of the crops and other matters affecting the village. Then

they all assemble in some open ground, outside the village, and arrange

for the worship of the godling. They light several fires in a row, and

on each a pot of milk is set to boil. Opposite these a pile of parched

barley (bahuri) is collected. As soon as the milk begins to boil over,

the man possessed of the spirit of Kâsinâth, rushes up and pours the

contents of all the pots in succession over his shoulders. It is said

that he is never scalded. The rite concludes with the distribution of

the barley among the congregation.

[Worship of Bîrnâth.] 26. In parts of the Mirzapur District, south of

the River Son, you may notice, on the side of the road, here and there,

a little platform (chaura), with one, three or five rude wooden images,

about three feet high, with a sort of representation of a human face

and head at the top. These fetish posts are quite black with a

continual application of oil or ghi. This is the shrine of Bîrnâth, the

Ahîr cattle godling. He was an Ahîr, who, according to some, was killed

by a tiger, and he has now become a godling, and is worshipped by the

Ahîrs of the jungle as the protector of cattle. People make occasional

vows to him in seasons of sickness or distress, but his special

function is to keep the cattle safe from beasts of prey. He has no

special feast day, but is presented with occasional offerings of rice,

milk, and cakes. The worshipper first bathes; then fresh plasters the

platform of the godling, and deposits his offering upon it and says

“Bîrnâth Bâba keep our cattle safe, and you will get more!” This

worship is always done in the morning, and more particularly when the

cattle are sent into the jungle in the hot weather, or when cattle

disease is prevalent. The curious point about the worship is that it is

part of the faith of the aboriginal tribes, with whom the connection of

the Ahîrs cannot be very close. Thus Mr. S. Hislop [150] writes:—“In

the south of the Bhandâra District the traveller frequently meets with

squared pieces of wood, each with a rude figure carved in front, set up

somewhat close to each other. These represent Bangarâma, Bangara Bai,

or Devi, who is said to have one sister and five brothers, the sister

being styled Danteswari (“she with the teeth”), a name of Kâli, and

four out of the five brothers being known by the names of Ghantarâma,

Champarâma, Nâikrâma and Potlinga. These are all deemed to possess the

power of sending disease and death upon men, and under these or

different names seem to be generally feared in the region east of the

city of Nâgpur. I find the name of Bangara to occur among the Kols of

Chaibasa, where he is regarded as the god of fever, and is associated

with Gohem, Chondu, Negra and Dechali, who are considered respectively

the gods of cholera, the itch, indigestion, and death. Bhîm Sen, again,

is generally adored under the form of two pieces of wood, standing from

three to four feet in length above the ground, like those set up in

connection with Bangarâma’s worship.” There can be little doubt that

from this form of worship the cultus of Bîrnâth has been developed. The

quintette of the brethren may be a reminiscence of the Pândava legend,

on which much of the Pânchonpîr cycle is possibly based.

[Festivals.] 27. The Ahîrs observe the usual Hindu festivals,

particularly the Holi, which is the occasion for much drinking and rude

horse play. They have a special observance, which takes place a few

days after the Diwâli, which is known as the Dâng or “club” Diwâli, or

the Gobardhana, when the representation of images of the cattle of

Krishna are worshipped, and the herdsmen go round singing, playing, and

dancing, and collect money from the owners of the cattle they tend.

Connected with this is the Sohrâi, which takes place on the fifteenth

of Kârttik, when a cow is made to run or dance. Sometimes a young pig

is made to squeak near her calf, and the mother, followed by the whole

herd, pursue it and gore it to death. Sometimes, according to Mr.

Christian, [151] this cruel sport is humanely varied by dragging a

large gourd or a black blanket, at which the cows run to butt. Hence

the proverb Bûrh gâê sohrâi ke sâdh—“An old cow, and longing to take

part in the Sohrâi.”

[Social position and occupation.] 28. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi

and pakki with all Brâhmans; pakki, with Râjputs and Banyas, and drink

and smoke with none but members of their own caste. In Mirzapur they

drink water from the hands of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and all Vaisyas,

except Kalwârs. They will eat Kachchi cooked by a Brâhman, but only if

they are well acquainted with him. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley,

they rank with Kurmis and similar castes, from whose hands a Brâhman

can drink water. Towards Delhi, Sir H. M. Elliot states, that they eat,

drink, and smoke in common, not only with Jâts and Gûjars, but also

under a few restrictions with Râjputs. In other places Râjputs would

indignantly repudiate all connection with Ahîrs. In rural belief the

Ahîr is a boor, faithless, greedy, and quarrelsome. Like Gadariyas and

Gûjars, they are naturally dwellers in the jungle—

Ahîr, Gadariya, Gûjar,

Ye tînon châhen ûjar.

The other local proverbs are not much more complimentary to them—Ahîr

se jab gun niklê, jab bâlu se ghi—“You can as soon get good out of an

Ahîr as butter from sand”; “Blood out of a stone.” Ahîr dekh Gadariya

mastâna—“If the Gadariya gets drunk he learns it from the Ahîr.” Ahîr

ka pet gahir, Brâhman ka pet madar—“The Ahîr’s belly is deep, but the

Brâhman’s a bottomless pit.” Ahîr ka kya jajmân, aur lapsi ka kya

pakwân—“As soon be an Ahîr’s client as hold gruel a dainty.” His

primary business is the tending of cattle and making of ghi, and

selling milk. He is not above the suspicion of adulterating his ghi

with substances which are an abomination to orthodox Hindus or

Musalmâns. As a cultivator he does not take a high place, as he depends

more on his cattle than on his field, and in some places he is not free

from the suspicion of cattle stealing.

DISTRIBUTION OF AHÎRS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

==============================================================================+==========+=========+========+=====+=====+========+=====+======+=====+========+=========

| Sub-Castes. | Total.

+===+======+===+========+=====+======+=====+========+=======+==========+=========+========+=====+=====+========+=====+======+=====+========+=========

|Benbansi. |Guâlbans.

| |Bhirgudi. | |Jâdubans.

| | |Dauwâ. | | |Kamariha.

District. | | | |Dhindhor. | | | |Khunkhuniya.

| | | | |Gaddi. | | | | |Kur.

| | | | | |Gamel. | | | | | |Nandbans.

| | | | | | |Ghorcharha. | | | | | | |Pâthak.

| | | | | | | |Ghosi. | | | | | | | |Rajauriya.

| | | | | | | | |Gûjar. | | | | | | | | |Râwat.

| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Others.

| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~+~ ~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~

Dehra Dûn |...| ... |...| ... | 3| 25| ... | 1| ... | 1,782| 103| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 371| 2,285

Sahâranpur |...| ... |...| 11| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,594| 3,241| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 151| 5,997

Muzaffarnagar |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 246| 307| ... | ... | ... | 38| 22| ... | ... | 382| 995

Meerut |463| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 139| ... | 3,180| 12,841| ... | ... | ... | 463| ... | ... | ... | 1,413| 18,499

Bulandshahr |...| ... |...| ... | 8| ... | ... | 289| ... | 165| 3,539| ... | ... | ... | 618| ... | ... | ... | 4,779| 9,398

Aligarh |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 753| ... | 327| 8,977| ... | ... | ... | 5,840| ... | ... | 4| 13,149| 29,050

Mathura |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 50| ... | 884| 1,557| 1| ... | ... | 2,716| 17| ... | ... | 946| 6,171

Agra |...| 8| 2| ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,474| 5 | 979| 627| 59| ... | ... | 29,778| 62| ... | 42| 1,640| 34,676

Farrukhâbâd |...|12,884|...| ... | ... | ... |1,133| 48,703| 32 | 4,460| 407| 4,202| 35| 30| 6,753| 801| 3,775| 168| 2,520| 85,903

Mainpuri |...| 1| 4| ... | ... | 28| ... | 69,554| ... | 99| 27| 48,392| 14| 1| 5,833|6,406| 7,984| 34| 2,532| 1,40,909

Etâwah |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 29,504| ... | 941| 4| 53,078| ... | ... | 5,571| ... | ... | ... | 1,691| 90,789

Etah |...| 2,875|...| 218| ... | ... | ... | 23,973| ... | 621| 470| 14,572| ... |2,153| 23,434| 160| ... |2,197| 8,234| 78,907

Bareilly |...| 1|...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 38| 816| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 5,316| 6,171

Bijnor |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | 7| ... | ... | 239| 5,182| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 248| 5,676

Budâun |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 159| ... | 210| 36| ... | ... | ... | 102| ... | ... | ... | 354| 861

Morâdâbâd |...| 6|...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 700| ... | 139| 14,293| 5| ... | ... | 3| ... | ... | ... | 3,530| 18,676

Shâhjahânpur | 9|10,487|168| 322| ... | 1,849|1,970| 8,514| 40 | 19,088| 6,683| 1,350| ... | 11| 193| 218| 4|1,039| 20,273| 72,218

Pilibhît |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 5| 34 | 48| 257| ... | ... | ... | 1| ... | ... | 8| 728| 1,081

Cawnpur |...| 1,027| 22| 26,634| ... | 4| 43| 64,709| 12 | 5,756| 199| ... | 14| ... | 447| ... | ... | 33| 20,483| 1,19,383

Fatehpur |...| ... |...| 14,239| ... | 121| 20| 2,535| 158 | 35,375| 262| ... | 24| ... | 34| ... | ... | ... | 7,275| 60,033

Bânda |...| 1| 74| 9,534| ... | ... | ... | 3,669| 133 | 49,022| 1| 58| 18| ... | 11| ... | ... | ... | 7,131| 69,652

Hamîrpur |...| ... | 50| 5,383| ... | ... | ... | 11,910| ... | 1,906| 118| 1,809| 9| ... | 4,219| ... | ... | ... | 4,307| 29,711

Allahâbâd |...| ... |...| 247| ... | 83| ... | 78| 2 | 1,38,413| 11,297| ... | 1| ... | 142| ... | ... | ... | 1,186| 1,51,449

Jhânsi |...| ... | 9| ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,442| 68 | 852| 381| 1,489| ... | 408| 17,831| 26| ... | ... | 10,579| 33,085

Jâlaun |...| ... | 69| 2,902| ... | ... | ... | 2,850| 8 | 541| 24| 760| ... | ... | 5,042| ... | ... | ... | 2,393| 14,589

Lalitpur |...| 48| 46| 1| ... | ... | ... | 618| 2 | 21| 75| 20| ... | ... | 25,275| ... | ... | ... | 1,408| 27,514

Benares |...| ... |...| 10,581| ... | ... | ... | 3| 5 | 72,539| 13| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,303| 85,449

Mirzapur |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 1,11,821| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,416| 1,13,238

Jaunpur |...| ... |...| 18,669| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,76,827| ... | ... | ... | ... | 201| ... | ... | ... | 1,031| 1,96,723

Ghâzipur |...| ... |...| 36,445| ... | ... | ... | 4| ... | 1,31,907| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1| 1,213| 1,69,570

Ballia |...| ... |...| 40,753| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 33,699| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 22,606| 97,058

Gorakhpur |...| ... |...| 66,251| ... | ... | ... | 2| ... | 2,76,185| 1| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 4,559| 3,46,993

Basti |...| ... |...| 14,557| ... | ... | ... | ... | 156 | 1,60,143| 1,180| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 8,898| 1,84,934

Azamgarh |...| ... |...| 7,257| ... | ... | ... | ... | 31 | 2,34,522| ... | 14,296 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 12,569| 2,68,675

Garhwâl |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 35| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2| 37

Tarâi |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 964| ... | 510| 460| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 11| 134| 2,079

Lucknow |...| ... |...| 20,974| ... | 7,438| 17| 2,757| 2 | 11,143| 25,620| ... | 39| ... | 3,260| ... | ... | ... | 2,552| 73,802

Unâo |...| ... |...| 19,818|3,040| 7,373| 137| 32,848| 13 | 23,025| 4,988| ... | 769| ... | 2,729| ... | ... | ... | 10,771| 1,05,511

Râê Bareli |...| 9,299|...| 43,664| ... |25,696| 62| 1,346| 254 | 46,610| 1,926| ... | 94| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 731| 1,29,682

Sîtapur |...| ... |...| 5,429| ... | 3,947| 104| 16,275| 17 | 48,784| 17,909| 65 | 46| ... | 93| 7| ... | 99| 4,118| 96,893

Hardoi |...| 1,099|...| ... | ... | ... |2,760| 42,644| 3 | 25,256| 3,070| 2,302 | ... | 61| ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,692| 78,887

Kheri |...| 84|...| 2,421| ... | 151| 96| 155| 242 | 65,425| 4,611| ... | 82| ... | ... | ... | ... | 94| 918| 74,279

Faizâbâd |...| ... |...| 3,859| ... | ... | ... | 36| 12 | 1,34,212| 213| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 332| 1,38,664

Gonda |...| ... | 29| 12,453| ... | 46| ... | ... | 30 | 1,33,891| 627| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 109| 1,47,185

Bahrâich |...| ... |...| 16,636| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 98,153| 484| ... | 19| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 366| 1,15,658

Sultânpur |...| ... |...| 6,566| ... | 871| ... | ... | ... | 1,18,936| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,196| 1,28,569

Partâbgarh |...| 139|...| 4,406| ... | 1,847| ... | ... |16,490 | 88,155| 21| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,510| 1,12,568

Bârabanki |...| ... |...| ... | ... | 909| ... | ... | ... | 92,981| 34,935| ... | 160| ... | ... | ... | 709| ... | 9,000| 1,38,694

+~~~+~~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~

Total |472|37,959|473|3,90,230|3,051|50,388|6,349|3,68,663|17,750 | 23,52,685| 1,67,782|1,42,458|1,324|2,664|1,40,627|7,719|12,472|3,730|2,12,050|3,918,826

==================+===+======+===+========+=====+======+=====+========+=======+==========+=========+========+=====+=====+========+=====+======+=====+========+=========

Ahiwâsi [152].—A land-owning, cultivating and labouring tribe found in

Mathura and Mewât. The name is derived from Ahi, “the dragon,” and

vâsa, “dwelling.” Their legend connects them with the Rishi Saubhari.

In his old age the sage was inspired with a desire for offspring, and

going to Râja Madhâtri demanded one of his fifty daughters. Afraid to

refuse, and yet unwilling to bestow a daughter upon such a suitor, the

king temporised and endeavoured to evade the request. At length it was

settled that if any one of the daughters should accept him as a

bridegroom the King would consent to the marriage. Saubhari was

conducted to the presence of the girls; but on his way he assumed a

fair and handsome form, so that all the girls were captivated and

contended with each other as to who should become his wife. It ended in

his marrying them all and taking them home. He caused Viswakarma to

build for each a separate palace, furnished in the most luxurious

manner, and surrounded with exquisite gardens, where they lived a most

happy life, each one of them having her husband always present with

her, and believing that he was devoted to her and her only. By his

wives he had one hundred and fifty sons; but as he found his hopes and

desires for them to daily increase and expand, he resolved to devote

himself wholly and solely to penance and the worship of Vishnu.

Accordingly, he abandoned his children and retired with his wives into

the forest. [153] The Mathura tradition runs that Saubhari, when he

retired to the forest, was wrath because birds used to drop offal and

dirt upon his hermitage; accordingly he cursed any bird with death who

should venture to approach the place. Just at that time Garuda was

engaged in one of his periodical attacks on the snakes, and they at

last had to make an agreement with him that they would provide him with

a victim daily if he agreed to spare the rest. To this Garuda

consented; but the great dragon, Ahi, or Kâliya, rescued the victims,

and Garuda, in his wrath, pursued him. Ahi sought everywhere for

protection, and at last he was advised to seek refuge with the Rishi

Saubhari, whose curse would ward off the attack of Garuda. Hence the

village of Sunrakh, in the Mathura District, where the hermitage of

Saubhari Rishi was situated, came to be known as Ahivâsa, or “the abode

of the dragon,” and from this the Ahiwâsis take their name. How far the

legend represents some early struggle between Vaishnavism and snake

worship it is impossible to say. The Ahiwâsis, then, make themselves

out to be the descendants of Saubhari Rishi, and consider Sunrakh to be

their headquarters. Sunrakh adjoins the Kâli-mardan ghât at Brindâban.

The Pandas of the great temple of Baladeva are all Ahiwâsis, and to use

Mr. Growse’s words,—“It is matter for regret that the revenues of so

wealthy a shrine should be at the absolute disposal of a community so

extremely unlikely ever to make a good use of them.” [154]

[Sub-divisions.] 2. Mr. Growse calls the Ahiwâsis “a Brâhmanical or

rather pseudo-Brâhmanical tribe,” and notes that they have as many as

seventy-two sub-divisions, two of the principal of which are called

Dighiya and Bajrâwat. [155] These gotras are exogamous, and a man

cannot marry in the gotra of his mother or grandmother; he may marry

two sisters. The only important gotra mentioned in the Census returns

is the Bhorak, of Bareilly.

[Tribal council.] 3. They have local tribal councils (panchâyat), with

hereditary chairmen (chaudhari), which deal with matters affecting the

caste, and punish offenders by fine or excommunication.

[Widow marriage, etc.] 4. Widow marriage, the levirate, concubinage,

and polyandry, are all prohibited.

[Marriage.] 5. The marriage customs are of the ordinary Hindu type.

[Religion.] 6. The tribal deities are Bhagwân and Dâûji. The temple of

Dâûji is at Baldeo, in the Mathura District. Mr. Growse notes that “The

temple garden was once a well planted grove. It is now a dirty,

unsightly waste, as the Pandas have gradually cut down all the trees

for fire-wood without a thought of replacing them. It is also asserted

to be a common practice for the younger members of the clan, when they

see any devotees prostrate in devotion before the god, to be very

forward in assisting them to rise and leading them away, and to take

the opportunity of despoiling them of any loose cash or valuable

ornaments that they can lay their hands upon. It is believed that

thefts of this kind are frequent; though the victim generally prefers

to accept the loss in silence, rather than incur the odium of bringing

a charge, that there might not be legal evidence to substantiate,

against a professedly religious community.” [156] Among the minor gods

Gangaji is worshipped on the Somwati Amâwas, or when the new moon

appears on a Monday. Hanumân is worshipped every Tuesday and Saturday.

They make pilgrimages to the shrine of Saubhari Rishi, already

mentioned. Their priests are Brâhmans of the Gaur, Sanâdhya and

Gujarâti tribes. Their chief festivals are the Diwâli, Dasahra, and

Holi. At the Diwâli the houses are cleaned, Lakshmi is worshipped, and

illuminations are made. On the Dasahra arms and horses are ornamented

and worshipped, and gifts are given to Brâhmans, who present blades of

barley. At the Salono, rice is cooked and alms given to Brâhmans, who

tie amulets round the wrists of their clients.

[Oaths.] 7. They swear by the Ganges, Jumna, and Baldeoji.

[Occupation.] 8. Mr. Whiteway, in his Mathura Settlement Report [157]

thus describes the Ahiwâsis:—“They are a race well marked by several

peculiarities. In appearance they are easily distinguished, the men by

their head-dress, and the women by their way of wearing their hair.

Their favourite occupation is the carrying trade. Trading in their own

carts, they carry salt from Râjputâna all over Northern India, bringing

back sugar and other commodities in return. The better off trade with

their own money, and, in fact, the heads of the community are very

fairly comfortable, and their villages are remarkable for the number of

good masonry houses. At the same time these distant journeys keep the

male population absent from the villages for months at a time, and the

tilling of the field is left entirely to the women. It is natural,

therefore, that easily as an Ahiwâsi may be recognised by his

appearance and his village by the number of carts, cattle, and masonry

houses, so his fields may be told by their slovenly and careless

cultivation. The Ahiwâsis complain bitterly of the havoc the net-work

of railways, now spreading over the country, is playing with their old

occupation.”

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHIWÂSIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Mathura 8,265

Bareilly 1,070

Budâun 105

Morâdâbâd 11

Bahrâich 51

~~~~~~

Total 9,502

======

Ajudhyabâsi.—(Residents of Ajudhya) A sub-caste of Banyas found chiefly

in the Agra and Allahâbâd Divisions and Oudh. (See the article on

Audhiya).

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AJUDHYABÂSI BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

=============+========

District. | Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Agra | 30

Farrukhâbâd | 2,390

Mainpuri | 1,583

Etâwah | 1,279

Etah | 540

Budâun | 86

Shâhjahânpur | 1,044

Pilibhît | 140

Cawnpur | 2,594

Fatehpur | 800

Bânda | 6,914

Hamîrpur | 1,614

Allahâbâd | 67

Jhânsi | 16

Jâlaun | 102

Benares | 1

Gorakhpur | 35

Basti | 35

Lucknow | 413

Unâo | 18

Râê Bareli | 996

Sîtapur | 1,284

Hardoi | 173

Kheri | 967

Faizâbâd | 1,324

Gonda | 382

Bahrâich | 1,510

Sultânpur | 1,498

Bârabanki | 2,460

+~~~~~~~~

Total | 30,295

=============+========

Akâli; Nihang.—A few of these Sikh devotees are sometimes seen at

Benares, Hardwâr, and Prayâg. The best account of them is that of Mr.

MacLagan: [158] “The fanatical order of Akâlis or Nihangs owes its

origin to the express patronage of Guru Govind Sinh. There are two

accounts of the founding of this order. According to one, the Guru,

seeing his son, Fateh Sinh, playing before him with his turban peaked

in the fashion now adopted by Akâlis, blessed him, and instituted a

sect which should follow the same custom. According to the other

account, the Akâli dress was started by the Guru as a disguise when he

was fleeing from Chamkaur, in Ambâla, to the house of some friendly

Pathâns, at Machiwâra, in Samrâla. The name means ‘immortal.’ Some

understand the term to apply that the Akâlis are followers of the

‘immortal man’ (Akâl Purukh), that is, of God; others that they are

invincible in fight. The former is probably the true derivation. It is

said by some that Ajît Sinh, the youngest son of Govind, was the first

convert. The Akâlis came into prominence very early by their stout

resistance to the invocations introduced by the Bairâgi Banda, after

the death of Guru Govind, but they do not appear to have had much

influence during the following century until the days of Mahârâja

Ranjît Sinh. During the Mahârâja’s reign the celebrated Phûla Sinh

entered the Panth, and, being a man of great force of character,

induced a number of Sikhs to join it. They constituted at once the most

unruly and the bravest portion of the very unruly and brave Sikh army.

Their head-quarters were at Amritsar, where they constituted themselves

the guardians of the faith, and assumed the right to convoke synods.

They levied offerings by force, and were the terror of the Sikh chiefs.

Their good qualities were, however, well appreciated by the Mahârâja,

and when there were specially fierce foes to meet, such as the Pathâns,

beyond the Indus, the Akâlis were always to the front.

2. The Akâli is distinguished very conspicuously by his dark, blue, and

checked dress, his peaked turban, often surmounted by steel quoits, and

by the fact of his strutting about like Ali Babâ’s prince, ‘with his

thorax and abdomen festooned with curious cutlery.’ He is most

particular in retaining the five kakkas (kes, or uncut hair; kachh, or

short drawers; the kara, or iron bangle; the khanda, or steel dagger,

and the kangha, or comb), and in preserving every outward form

prescribed by Guru Govind Sinh. Some of the Akâlis wear a yellow turban

underneath the blue one, leaving a yellow band across the forehead; the

story being that a Delhi Khatri, called Nand Lâl (the author of the

Zindagi nâma), having a desire to see the true Guru in yellow, was

gratified by Govind Sinh to this extent. The yellow turban is worn by

many Sikhs at the Basant Panchami, and the Akâlis are fond of wearing

it at all times. There is a couplet by Bhâi Gurdâs, which says:—

Siâh, sufed, surkh, zardâi,

Jo pahne, soi Gurbhâi.

‘Those that wear black (the Akâlis), white (the Nirmalas), red (the

Udasis), or yellow, are all members of the brotherhood of the Sikhs.’

The Akâlis do not, it is true, drink spirits or eat meat as other Sikhs

do, but they are immoderate in the consumption of bhang. They are in

other respects such purists that they will avoid Hindu rites even in

their marriage ceremonies.

3. The Akâli is full of memories of the glorious days of the Khâlsa;

and he is nothing if he is not a soldier—a soldier of the Guru. He

dreams of armies, and he thinks in lakhs. If he wishes to imply that

five Akâlis are present, he will say that ‘five lakhs are before you;’

or, if he would explain that he is alone, he will say that he is ‘with

1,25,000 Khâlsa.’ You ask him how he is, and he replies that ‘the army

is well;’ you enquire where he has come from and he says, ‘the troops

marched from Lahore.’

4. These sectaries are also known as Nihang, ‘the reckless,’ (others

derive the word from nanga ‘naked,’ or the Sanskrit niranga, ‘having no

resources’). They meet together at such places as the Akâlbhunga, at

Amritsar; the Pîr Sâhib, at Attock, and the shrines of Govind Sinh, at

Patna and Apchalnagar; but their chief home is at Kiratpur, in the

Hoshyârpur District, where the sacred place of Phûla Sinh stands, and

at Anandpur at the shrine par excellence of the Akâlis, the Gurudwâra

Anandpur Sâhib, which was Guru Govind’s own house. The presence of

these Akâlis at the annual Holi fair at Anandpur renders disturbances

likely, and in 1864, a Missionary of the Ludhiâna Mission was killed at

this fair by a Sikh fanatic. The influence of these sectaries has,

however, very considerably diminished since the downfall of the Sikh

power. They have not for some time past had any political

significance.”

Akâshmukhi.—A Saiva sect so called because they keep their face (mukha)

turned towards the sky (akâsha) until the neck muscles become rigid,

and the head remains fixed in that position. Some live a lonely,

mendicant life: others associate in monasteries, where their natural

wants are provided for by the piety of the faithful. They allow the

hair of their head and face to grow, cover their bodies with ashes, and

wear clothes dyed with ochre (geru).

Alakhgir, Alakhnâmi, Alakhiya.—A Saiva sect said to have been founded

by a Chamâr, named Lâlgir. They are so called because when they beg

they cry Alakh! Alakh! “the invisible God” (Sans. Alakshya). They wear

usually a blanket cloak hanging down to their heels, and a high conical

cap. They come to a man’s door and raise their characteristic cry. If

their request is granted, they will accept alms: otherwise they go away

at once. They are considered a quiet, harmless, begging class. They are

generally classed among Jogis. The rule of their founder was that

charity was to be practised, the taking of life and use of meat as food

forbidden, and asceticism encouraged. The sole rewards he held out to

his followers in this life were the attainment of purity, untroubled

contemplation, and serenity. There was no future state: heaven and hell

(that is, happiness and misery), were within. All perishes with the

body, which is finally dissolved into the elements, and man cannot gain

immortality.

Amethiya.—A sept of Râjputs who take their name from Amethi, a Pargana

in the Lucknow District. Sir H. M. Elliot calls them Chauhân Râjputs of

the Bandhalgoti sept, of whom a few have settled in Salempur Majhauli

of Gorakhpur. But Mr. W. C. Benett [159] gives a different account of

them. According to him, “This tribe of Chhatris are a branch of the

Chamar Gaur, and are said to be the descendants of a pregnant Gaur

widow, who, at the extirpation of the Chhatris by the Brâhmans, found

an asylum in a Chamâr’s hut. The memory of this humble refuge is kept

alive among them by the worship of the cobbler’s cutting tool (rânpi).

Great numbers of the Chamar Gaurs now hold villages in the Hardoi

District, and it is probable that the Amethiyas were an offshoot of the

same immigration. Tradition first discovers them at Siupuri and

afterwards at the celebrated fortress of Kalinjar. Somewhere about the

time of the invasion of India by Tamurlane, Râê Pâl Sinh left Kalinjar

and settled at Amethi, in the Lucknow District. His descendants say

that he was sent by the Delhi Emperor to suppress a rebellion in Oudh,

and that he defeated and slew Balbhadra Sena Bisen with sixteen

thousand of his host. The figures are slightly improbable, and my

enquiries have failed to bring to light a Bisen Râja of that name. Râê

Pâl was wounded in the shoulder by a musket shot, and recompensed by a

dress of honour and the title of Râja of Amethi. Three or four

generations after this, three brothers—Dingur Sâh, Râm Sinh, and

Lohang, led the clan from Amethi to Jagdîspur, and came in contact with

the Muhammadans: the engagement resulted in the defeat of the Shaikhs,

and the occupation of their villages by the invaders. There is every

reason to believe that this occurred towards the end of the fifteenth

century, and was part of the general re-assertion of Hindu supremacy in

Oudh, consequent on the fall of the Jaunpur dynasty, a re-action whose

central event was the establishment of the Bais kingdom.” The

subsequent fortunes of the sept are given in detail by Mr. Benett, and

need not be repeated here. There are, however, other accounts. The Râê

Bareli [160] tradition brings them from Lucknow, and another account is

that they came from Siupur, near Dwârika, to Narkanjhîl, in Cawnpur,

and thence to Oudh. The Cawnpur family still recognise the Oudh branch.

According to Mr. Carnegy they were originally Bhars. [161] It is still

less probable that they are the modern representatives of the Ambastha

of Manu, descended from a Brâhman father of a Vaisya mother, and

practising as physicians. The sept still preserve their connection with

Amethi, their original head-quarters, by their worship of Shaikh

Bandagi Miyân, the local saint of that town.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AMETHIYA RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

=============+========+============+========

District. |Hindus. |Muhammadans.| Total.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Aligarh | 6 | | 6

Mainpuri | 9 | | 9

Etâwah | 6 | | 6

Budâun | 32 | | 32

Pilibhît | 1 | | 1

Cawnpur | 18 | | 18

Fatehpur | 1 | | 1

Allahâbâd | 4 | | 4

Benares | 4 | ... | 4

Ghâzipur | 8 | | 8

Gorakhpur | 1,747 | ... | 1,747

Basti | 1 | ... | 1

Azamgarh | 172 | ... | 172

Lucknow | 287 | 35 | 322

Unâo | 269 | | 269

Râê Bareli | 2,125 | 6 | 2,131

Sîtapur | 107 | ... | 107

Faizâbâd | 22 | | 22

Gonda | 3 | ... | 3

Bahrâich | 161 | 9 | 170

Sultânpur | 327 | 15 | 342

Partâbgarh | 8 | ... | 8

Bârabanki | 3,555 | 8 | 3,563

~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Total | 8,873 | 73 | 8,946

=============+========+============+========

Anantpanthi.—One of the reformed Vaishnava sects found in the Râê

Bareli and Sîtapur Districts. They number only 170 persons. They are

monotheists, and, as the name implies, worship Vishnu in the form of

Ananta, “The Infinite.”

Apapanthi.—A Vaishnava sect founded about a century ago by Munna Dâs, a

goldsmith ascetic of Mundwa, in the Kheri District, to whose miraculous

powers an escape from drought, which threatened the country, was

believed to be due, and who has since had a not inconsiderable number

of followers in the District of his birth, and Sîtapur and Bahrâich. It

does not appear that the tenets taught by Munna Dâs to any considerable

extent differ from those of the usual Vaishnava sects. [162] At the

last enumeration the Apapanthis numbered 4,267, and the Munna Dâsis,

2,636.

Arakh [163].—A tribe of cultivators and labourers found in Oudh, some

of the eastern districts, and scattered about in smaller numbers

through some of the western districts.

[Traditions of origin.] 2. All the traditions connect them with the

Pâsis and Parasurâma, the sixth Avatâra of Vishnu. One story runs that

Parasurâma was bathing in the sea when a leech bit his foot and caused

it to bleed. He divided the blood into two parts: out of one part he

made the first Pâsi and out of the second the first Arakh. Another

story is that the Pâsis were made out of the sweat (pasîna) of

Parasurâma. While Parasurâma was away the Pâsi shot some animals with

his bow, and the deity was so enraged that he cursed the Pâsi, and

swore that his descendants should keep pigs. This accounts for the

degradation of the Pâsis. Subsequently Parasurâma sent for some Pâsis

to help him in one of his wars; but they ran away and hid in an arhar

field, and were hence called Arakhs. Another story goes that Parasurâma

was once meditating in the jungle. From the dirt of his body he made a

figure, and gave it life by cutting his little finger and sprinkling

blood upon it. In Lucknow they have an extraordinary story that Tilok

Chand founded a Bhar dynasty and was a worshipper of the sun (arka), so

he called his family Arkabansi. The Arkabans became the Arakhs, and the

Râjbansi the Râjpâsi. [164] The Arakhs appear at an early date to have

obtained considerable power in Oudh, especially in Hardoi. In the early

history of Pargana Sandîla Arakhs occupy the place which is filled in

other parts of the district by the Thatheras. [165] Two brothers of the

tribe, Salhiya and Malhiya, are said to have founded the one Salhiya

Purwa, now Sandîla, the chief town of the Pargana; and the other,

Malihâbâd, in the adjacent Pargana of that name in the Lucknow

District. The Arakhs held the tract till towards the end of the

fourteenth century. Sayyid Makhdûm Ala-ud-dîn, the fighting apostle of

Nasîr-ud-dîn, the “lamp of Delhi,” undertook to drive out the infidels,

and to carry the faith and arms of Islâm a stage further to the south.

The promise of a royal revenue-free grant made the prospect of success

as tempting to the soldier as was the expulsion of the infidel to the

saint. How long or how fiercely the Arakhs resisted we know not. Only

the issue of the contest has been remembered. To this day the Arakhs of

Atraula, on the Râpti, 120 miles away to the east in Gonda, recall

their lost domains in Sandîla.

[Tribal organisation.] 3. In most places they divide themselves into

seven, or what are supposed to be seven exogamous clans. Thus, in

Cawnpur, they have the Arakh, Khagâr, Khidmatiya, Chobdâr and Adhrij

(which is the highest of all, claiming descent from a Brâhman), Guâr

and Bâchhar. These names show that the caste is very much mixed.

Khidmatiya means an “attendant,” and was the title given by Akbar to

his palace guards. Chobdâr means “mace bearer.” Guâr connects them with

the Guâla Ahîrs, and Bâchhar with the Bâchhal Râjputs. In Hardoi they

are reported to have no known sub-divisions. The Census returns give

their chief clans in Shâhjahânpur, Ratanjat; in Cawnpur, Balahar and

Sûpa Bhagat, which connects them with the Doms; in Basti, Maghariya,

and Sarjupâri, or “residents of Maghar and the land beyond the river

Sarju,” respectively; the Jonkiya, in Lucknow, Unâo, Sîtapur, and

Hardoi, who seem to take their name from catching leeches (jonk); in

Hardoi, the Mothi; in Gonda, the Adhrij or Adhurj, Bâgri and Baiswâr.

In Hardoi too they are said to have no permanent tribal council; the

elders merely attend whenever any case comes up for consideration.

[Marriage rules.] 4. The tendency seems to be towards the establishment

of regular exogamous sub-divisions, but these are reported not to be

known in Hardoi, and there the rule of exogamy is that a boy is not

married into a family to which a girl has been given in marriage. A man

can marry the sister of his late wife, but he cannot have two sisters

to wife at the same time. There is a regular ceremony whereby the

newly-married bride is introduced into her husband’s family. His

relatives assemble, eat food cooked by her, and then make her a

present. As a rule they practise monogamy. Polyandry is prohibited;

concubinage with a woman of the tribe in the Dharauna form is

recognised. Marriage is both infant and adult. A wife can be divorced

for infidelity, and after divorce she can live with a man by the

Dharauna form. A widow can marry by Dharauna: the only difference

between this and the regular marriage is that there is no walking round

(bhanwar) the sacred fire. The levirate prevails; but the widow is free

to marry an outsider if she pleases. If her children by the first

marriage are grown up, and she marries a person other than the younger

brother of her late husband, she leaves them with his relations; if the

children are very young she usually takes them to the house of her new

husband, and there they are brought up and supported. When she marries

a stranger she loses all claim on her husband’s estate, which falls to

his children if there are any; if there are no children, to his

associated brethren.

[Birth ceremonies.] 5. At a woman’s first pregnancy, in the seventh

month, sweets (gul-gula) are placed in her lap, and then distributed to

the caste people. Her parents at this time send her a present of

sweetmeats and money.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the usual

type; rich people use the ordinary charhauwa ritual; poor people take

the bride to her husband’s house and marry her there by the dola form.

[Death ceremonies.] 7. These are carried out in the usual way. They get

a Brâhman to perform the Srâddha ceremony. As in some of the menial

tribes, if a Brâhman’s services cannot be secured the sister’s son of

the deceased can take his place.

[Ceremonial impurity.] 8. The woman is impure for seven days after

child-birth, and four days after menstruation. The chief mourner is

impure for nine days, and is then purified by bathing and shaving.

[Religion.] 9. They are Hindus, not belonging to any particular sect,

visiting no particular shrine, and worshipping no special saint. Their

goddess is Devi, whom they propitiate with an offering of goats. Their

priests are Brâhmans of low social position. Their festivals are the

Holi, the Janamashtami, on the eighth of the dark half of Bhâdon. They

fast all day and eat at midnight. They observe the Diwâli, or feast of

lamps, and the Shivrâtri, on the thirteenth of the dark half of

Phâlgun, when they fast all day and night, and worship the idol of

Siva. At the Karwa Chauth, in the early part of Kârttik, women worship

the moon by pouring water on the ground from a pot (karwa).

[Demonology and superstition.] 10. Their demonology and superstitions

do not differ materially from the beliefs of the allied tribes.

[Social rules.] 11. They will eat anything except beef, pork, the flesh

of monkeys, fowls, crocodiles, snakes, lizards, jackals, rats, vermin

and the leavings of other people. During the fifteen days in the month

of Kuâr, sacred to the worship of the dead, they do not eat meat.

[Occupation.] 12. Arakhs say that their original occupation was

service. They hold no zamîndâri, but cultivate and work as ordinary

labourers. In some places they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation for

petty thieving.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE ARAKHS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

================+=============================================

| Sub-castes.

+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

District. | | | | | Total.

|Chobdâr.| Mal. |Pârasrâmi.| Others. |

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Meerut | 82| ... | ... | ... | 82

Bulandshahr | 6| ... | ... | ... | 6

Mathura | 170| ... | ... | ... | 170

Agra | ... | ... | ... | 83| 83

Farrukhâbâd | 1| ... | 164| 132| 297

Mainpuri | 80| ... | ... | ... | 80

Etâwah | 31| ... | ... | ... | 31

Etah | 10| ... | ... | ... | 10

Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | 19| 1,913| 1,932

Pilibhît | ... | ... | 1| 287| 288

Cawnpur | ... | 799| 154| 696| 1,649

Fatehpur | ... | 1,867| ... | 2,061| 3,928

Bânda | ... |25,132| ... | 638| 25,770

Hamîrpur | ... | 2,334| ... | 149 | 2,483

Allahâbâd | ... | 2,071| ... | 432 | 2,503

Jhânsi | ... | ... | ... | 8 | 8

Mirzapur | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 1

Gorakhpur | ... | ... | ... | 250 | 250

Basti | ... | ... | ... | 3,539 | 3,539

Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | 24 | 24

Tarâi | ... | ... | ... | 12 | 12

Lucknow | ... | ... | 481 | 595 | 1,076

Unâo | ... | ... | 1,733 | 624 | 2,357

Sîtapur | ... | ... | 5,181 | 1,251 | 6,432

Hardoi | ... | ... | 19,027 | 6,599 | 25,626

Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 9 | 9

Gonda | ... | ... | ... | 1,927 | 1,927

Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 1

+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Total | 380 |32,203| 26,760 | 21,231 | 80,574

================+========+======+==========+=========+=======

Âshiqân.—(Literally “lovers”). A branch of the Madâri (q.v.) Muhammadan

Faqîrs.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE ÂSHIQÂN ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

==============+=======

District. |Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Muzaffarnagar | 18

Bulandshahr | 59

Mathura | 5

Agra | 4

Farrukhâbâd | 163

Mainpuri | 15

Etâwah | 12

Etah | 36

Bareilly | 735

Budâun | 108

Morâdâbâd | 7

Shâhjahânpur | 381

Pilibhît | 196

Cawnpur | 35

Allahâbâd | 2

Ghâzipur | 121

Gorakhpur | 197

Azamgarh | 111

Sîtapur | 5

Hardoi | 354

Kheri | 138

Gonda | 1

Bahrâich | 19

+~~~~~~~

Total | 2,722

==============+=======

Âtishbâz.—(Âtish, “fire,” bâz, bâkhtan or bazîdan “to play”.) Also

known as Hawaigar or rocket-maker—the maker of fire-works. The variety

of fire-works made is very great: the chief are the grenade (anâr), the

rocket (mahtâbi, hawai), and the squib (chachhundar). The trade is a

fluctuating one, as fire-works are chiefly in demand about the time of

Hindu marriages in May, June, and hardly any are used between the

Muharram and Chehlam, when Muhammadans do not marry. The caste is

purely occupational, and all are Muhammadans.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE ÂTISHBÂZ ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

================+=======

District. |Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Sahâranpur | 1

Muzaffarnagar | 12

Aligarh | 9

Farrukhâbâd | 8

Etah | 1

Bareilly | 1

Morâdâbâd | 43

Cawnpur | 1

Fatehpur | 28

Allahâbâd | 111

Benares | 33

Jaunpur | 134

Gorakhpur | 4

Azamgarh | 2

Râê Bareli | 17

Sultânpur | 37

Partâbgarh | 92

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~

Total | 534

================+=====

Atît [166].—(Sanskrit, Atîta—“past, gone by”.) A term of rather vague

significance, but usually regarded as synonymous with Sannyâsi. Some

who are known as Sannyâsi Atîts are regular ascetics. The Gharbâri or

house-holders have abandoned the celibate life and marry. They marry

usually at the age of seven or eight. Widow marriage is not allowed,

but it is understood that the widows of the caste very often leave the

family and form irregular connections. Concubinage is allowed.

2. Atîts are Saiva Hindus, and worship Mahâbîr, Mahâdeva and Bhairon

Nâth. Their priests are Brâhmans. At Mirzapur they put some fire into

the mouth of the corpse and throw it into the Ganges. The death

impurity lasts ten days, as in the case of high caste Hindus. They do

not feed Mahâpâtras after a death, but Dasnâmis. Many of them are

cultivators and some hold patches of rent-free land which have been

granted to them by land-holders. They wear clothes dyed in ochre

(geru), and carry a rosary of rudrâksha beads. Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and

Vaisyas will not eat either kachchi or pakki from their hands; Kahârs

and Nâis will do so. Brâhmans will, however, take water from them. They

do not use spirits or flesh. Other people salute them by Namo Nârâyan;

and they use the same form of salutation among themselves.

Audhiya. [167]—A tribe found in the Fatehpur District. They are known

as Audhiya or Audhya, Ajudhyabâsi or Avadhapuri, and take their name

from the city of Ajudhya, in Oudh. They prefer the title of

Ajudhyabâsi, or residents of Ajudhya; by outsiders they are usually

called Audhiya, or “Oudh men.” They claim to be really Banyas, and say

that they emigrated from Ajudhya; but they have no means of fixing the

time of their arrival in Fatehpur. One tradition is that their movement

was connected with the expedition of Râma Chandra against Lanka or

Ceylon.

[Divisions.] 2. They are divided into two classes—Ûnch or “high,” and

Nîch, or “low.” The former are those of pure blood; the latter, the

descendants of a woman of another caste, taken as a concubine. These

two classes are practically exogamous. Besides these they have no other

exogamous sub-divisions, the only other restriction on marriage being

that they do not receive brides from a family to which they have

already given a daughter in marriage, at any rate until all

recollection of the relationship has been lost.

[Council.] 3. A tribal council sits for the transaction of business

connected with the caste. A chairman (sarpanch) is appointed for each

meeting.

[Marriage rules.] 4. The marriage rules agree with those in force among

high caste Hindus. The number of wives a man may have is restricted to

two. If a girl is detected in immorality before marriage, she is

permanently excommunicated, and her parents are also put out of caste

until they give a tribal feast. Some money is paid by the relations of

the bride to those of the bridegroom; but there is no fixed price. A

married woman can be turned out by her husband on proof of adultery.

Only the children of the regularly married wives inherit their fathers’

estate.

[Birth ceremonies.] 5. In the fifth month of pregnancy the ceremony of

Panchmâsa is celebrated on a day selected by a Brâhman. Friends are

invited, and the relatives of the woman bring her presents of clothes

and sweetmeats. The woman is seated inside a holy square marked out on

the ground with flour by a Brâhman. The barber’s wife pares the nails

of all the women present, and after colouring the soles of the woman’s

feet with lac-dye (mahâwar) puts some red lead (sendur) in the parting

(mâng) of her hair. Her mother, if she be alive, or if not, some senior

woman of the family, fills her lap with rice and sweetmeats. She is

then dressed in a new suit of clothes in the presence of the women and

officiating Brâhman. On the next day the clothes are taken off and put

away carefully for use when the sixth month (chhahmâsa) and seven

months’ ceremony (satmâsa) are performed. At these ceremonies rice-milk

is cooked, and the woman is fed with it. The caste men are feasted,

Brâhmans fed and paid, and the whole day is spent in merry-making. The

sweeper or Chamâr midwife attends the woman for three days after

delivery; then her relatives and the wife of the barber nurse her for a

month. On the third day after delivery the mother is bathed at a time

fixed by the advice of a Brâhman. On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when

the mother, dressed in the clothes she wore at the Panchmâsa ceremony

already described, is seated in a sacred square made of flour by the

Brâhman, and she, with her husband’s younger brother (dewar), is fed on

choice food placed inside the square, at the four corners of which

lighted lamps are placed. After this the relatives are feasted and the

night is spent in merriment. During this ceremony some rude marks

supposed to represent Chhathi or Shashti, the protectress of children,

are made on the wall of the room (sobar) in which the woman was

delivered; and near the figures is placed an earthen vessel full of

water, covered with a saucer, on which a lamp is lighted. The mother

and child are taken in there for the night and left there alone, these

arrangements being supposed to be a protection against all kinds of

demoniacal influence. The only special rule about twins appears to be

that it is unlucky to take any thing from their hands.

[Adoption.] 6. The ceremony of adoption of a boy who has not been

initiated by the ear piercing ceremony (kanchhedan), is as follows:—The

pair who are about to adopt a son sit on a wooden seat (patta) inside a

sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman on a lucky day selected by him.

The parents of the boy about to be adopted, or, in their absence, his

nearest relatives, place him in the lap of the person adopting him. The

Brâhman then worships an earthen water vessel (kalsa), drums are

beaten, and alms distributed to the poor. The ceremony ends with a

tribal feast.

[Betrothal.] 7. In the betrothal ceremony the father or other near

relative of the girl visits the bridegroom and secretly presents him

with some money. After this, on a day fixed by a Brâhman, the father of

the girl sends by a Brâhman or barber some sweetmeats, clothes, rice,

betel and money, and these are laid before the boy in the presence of

his kinsfolk. The barber is then given a present and dismissed. The

acceptance of these presents ratifies the engagement.

[Marriage.] 8. The actual marriage ceremony is of the normal type. It

begins with the reception (agwâni) of the party of the bridegroom as

they approach the house of the bride. At the door two women stand, each

with a water pot (kalas) on her head. Sharbat mixed with bhang, known

as mirchwân, is distributed, and the boy being seated on a stool

(patta), the “door worship” (duâr-pûja), and the worship of Ganesa are

performed. The boy is seated in a sacred square (chauk) made of flour

by a Brâhman, and near him is placed a water vessel surmounted by a

lighted lamp, while the Brâhman recites sacred verses. After this the

father or other near relative of the bride makes a present of money,

cattle, clothes, ornaments, etc., to the bridegroom. Then follows the

bhanwar, or perambulation round the sacred fire, which is done in the

usual way. Poor people, however, do not go through all this elaborate

ritual. The father of the bride and his friends take her to the house

of the bridegroom, where he goes through the ceremony of pânw-pûja or

“the worshipping of the feet” of the bridegroom, and this is the

binding observance.

[Death.] 9. The dead are cremated in the ordinary way. If a person has

died of drowning or other accident, cholera, poison, small-pox, or

leprosy, the regular death ceremony (kriya karma) is not performed. In

such cases the observance is known as Nârâyana bala. The corpse is at

once consigned to the Ganges, and within a year a Mahâbrâhman is paid

to make a representation of the deceased in gram flour, upon which the

regular rites are performed. One Brâhman is fed at the end of each

month, and six at the close of the sixth month. When the anniversary of

the death comes round, twelve Brâhmans are feasted. The spirits of

ancestors who have died childless are propitiated in the same way, and

in some cases the relatives employ a Brâhman to go to Gaya and perform

the regular srâddha.

[Religion.] 10. Their tribal deity is Devi. Once their children began

to die, and they prayed to the goddess to save them; she heard their

prayer, and since then she has been held in honour. If possible they

make a pilgrimage to her shrine at Calcutta. Their family priests are

Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who suffer no degradation by serving them.

[Social rules.] 11. They will eat with no one but a member of the

caste, and object to touch none but a sweeper or Chamâr.

[Occupation.] 12. The Audhiyas are well known as a dangerous criminal

tribe. They deal largely in counterfeit coin and false jewelry: they

never commit crimes of violence. They wander over Northern India as

Faqîrs, their journeys commencing generally in June and ending in

April; but they are sometimes two or three years away. It is said that

if a member of the caste is imprisoned he is excommunicated. They bring

home cash only, and dispose of the plunder to agents at different large

cities. In the districts where they reside they are perfectly well

behaved. They are well-to-do, and to all appearance respectable in

their habits. Their women are well-dressed, with plenty of ornaments on

their persons. They have no apparent means of support. They neither

cultivate land nor trade; and all that appears on the surface is that

most of the men and boys go off after the rains and return at the end

of the cold weather. If asked how they support themselves, they reply,

by begging. Convictions have been obtained against them at Jabalpur,

Benares, Patna, Mongir, Calcutta, Gwâlior, Sâgar, Murshidâbâd and

Nadiya. They are not under the Criminal Tribes Act, but special Police

have been quartered on them in Fatehpur. These have recently been

removed. In 1890 there were ascertained to be 375 Audhiyas resident in

Cawnpur, and 159 in Fatehpur. The majority of the adult males continue

to absent themselves from time to time for the purpose of thieving and

uttering false coin in distant places. The Audhiyas are not shown

separately in the last Census returns, in which they have probably been

included with the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas.

Awadhût.—(Sans. Avadhûta “discarded, rejected.”)—A Saiva sect who

practise celibacy and make their living by begging. They wear as little

clothes as they can, and let their hair (jata) grow long. They crouch

over a fire in cold weather. Their life is one of the hardest led by

mendicants of this class.

Âzâd.—A Persian word signifying “free, uncontrolled,” connected with

the Sanskrit jâta, a class of Muhammadan Faqîrs, so recorded at the

last Census. There are two classes of Muhammadan ascetics, the regular

or Ba-shara, who follow the rules of Islâm as regards praying, fasting,

alms-giving and pilgrimage; and the irregular or Be-shara, who, though

nominally Musalmâns, do not accommodate their lives to the principles

of any religious creed. The former are known as Sâlik, or “travellers,”

and the latter as Âzâd, “free,” or Majzûb, “abstracted.” Dr. Herklots

says that the regular Âzâd class “shave their beards, moustaches,

eye-brows and eyelashes; in short, the hair in every part of the body,

and lead lives of celibacy. They have no inclination for reading

prayers daily. If they get anything to eat, be it good or bad, they

partake of it. They have no fixed place of abode; the generality of

them travel and subsist on alms.” [168]

DISTRIBUTION OF THE ÂZÂD FAQÎRS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

=============+=======

District. |Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Agra | 5

Farrukhâbâd | 27

Mainpuri | 62

Etâwah | 8

Etah | 293

Shâhjahânpur | 201

Cawnpur | 2

Fatehpur | 10

Allahâbâd | 223

Jâlaun | 1,188

Benares | 29

Gorakhpur | 19

Azamgarh | 174

Lucknow | 255

Unâo | 113

Râê Bareli | 56

Sîtapur | 454

Kheri | 49

Bahrâich | 93

Sultânpur | 201

Partâbgarh | 78

Bârabanki | 890

+~~~~~~~

Total | 4,430

=============+=======

B

Bachgoti.—A sept of Râjputs. Their story is thus told:—“After the

defeat of Prithivi Râj by Shahâbuddîn Ghori, some Chauhâns, under

Baryâr Sinh and Kâns Râê, descendants of Chahir Deo, brother of

Prithivi Râj, fled from Sambhalgarh, and wandering eastward, about 1248

A.D., settled at Jamwâwan, in the Sultânpur District. Even here,

however, they felt themselves unsafe while they continued to bear the

name of their proscribed race, so they deemed it prudent to adopt

another, to which they were equally entitled, and which they might own

with equal pride. If they belonged to the stock of their four-handed

predecessor, they also belonged to the gotra of their creative saint.

They accordingly adopted the device of concealing their lineal beneath

their spiritual descent.” There has been some dispute as to whether

they took their new name from Vatsa, who was the author of one of the

hymns of the Rig Veda, and who was perhaps the same as the sage Vatsa,

who, according to Manu, [169] “when attacked, as the son of a servile

mother, by the fire which pervades the world, burned not a hair by

reason of his perfect veracity,” or from the more celebrated Vasistha,

who is the centre of a large cycle of Vedic and post-Vedic legend. The

first theory is, however, the more probable of the two. A second

version of this story is that Râna Sangat Deo, great-grandson of Chahir

Deo, had twenty-one sons. Of these the youngest succeeded his father,

when he married a bride of the Tomar sept, and of the house of Jila

Patan. The other sons sought their fortunes in other parts. Baryâr Sinh

and Kâns Râê went to Mainpuri, and there joined the army of Ala-ud-dîn

Ghori then starting from that place on an expedition against the Bhars,

and thus found their way into Oudh. Both these accounts concur in

attributing the advent of the Bachgotis into Oudh to Muhammadan

influence; but the one declares that they were driven before the

invaders, and the other that they were led by them. It is in favour of

the first that it leaves a space of fifty-five years between Prithivi

Râja and Baryâr Sinh, and thus accords with the common belief that the

latter was a descendant of a brother of the former; it also affords a

possible explanation of the assumption of the name Bachgoti.

2. On the other hand there are grounds for casting doubt on the tale of

Baryâr Sinh’s flight from Musalmân persecution. In the first place,

there is a suspicious silence about the doings of Baryâr Sinh’s

ancestors during the fifty-five years interval. Again, the independent

legend of the Palwârs asserts that they settled in the Faizâbâd

District in 1248 A.D., the very year that Baryâr Sinh is said to have

come to Oudh, and yet there is no pretence that they rendered

themselves particularly obnoxious to the Musalmâns. Nor were the

Palwârs the only settlers contemporary with the Bachgoti; the twelfth

century, if clan traditions be believed, witnessed numerous Kshatriya

emigrations into Oudh, and it is impossible to conceive that they

sought refuge from Muhammadan tyranny, for governors of that creed had

been established in the Province since very soon after Prithivi Râja’s

overthrow. Least of all, moreover, was the spot selected by Baryâr Sinh

calculated to secure that end, for Jamwâwan lay within a mile or two of

Kathot, which is said to have been made the head-quarters of a Musalmân

officer simultaneously with the reduction of Sultânpur. On the whole it

seems more probable that Baryâr Sinh was the friend of the Musalmâns

rather than their foe. Shortly after his arrival at Jamwâwan he chanced

one day to be leaving the village accompanied by his servant, a Kahâr,

when the latter perceived a serpent on the ground with a wag-tail

(Khanjarît) perched upon its hood, and, unfortunately for himself, drew

his master’s attention to the fact. For the learned in such matters

have pronounced this to be an infallible omen that the beholder will

sooner or later wear a crown. And Baryâr Sinh, indignant that a menial

should be thus exalted, killed the Kahâr, and informed his brother,

Kâns Râê, who left him in disgust, and then Baryâr Sinh entered the

service of Râm Deo, chief of the Bilkhariya Dikhits of Kot Bilkhâr,

near Partâbgarh, and marrying his daughter, and killing his son, Dalpat

Sâh, gained his dominions. [170]

3. According to Sir C. Elliott, [171] the Bachgotis were, up to the

time of Tilok Chand, the premier Râjas of Oudh, and had been vested

with the right of affirming the title of each new Râja by affixing the

sacred mark (tilak) to his brow. The two most conspicuous chiefs of the

tribe are the Râja of Kûrwar and the Dîwân of Hasanpur Bandhua. “The

latter, notwithstanding his being a Musalmân, and hence called

Khân-Zada, invests all the Râjas of Banaudha with the tilak. The

Somabansi chief of Araur, the Bisen of Râmpur, the Kânhpuriya of Tiloi,

and Bandhalgoti of Amethi, would not be considered entitled to the

privileges exercised by their ancestors without receiving it from his

hands.” [172]