FORMS OF HINDU MARRIAGE.
[Communal marriage.] Reference has already been made to the question of
communal marriage in connection with the origin of exogamy. It has been
observed that the evidence is insufficient to justify the belief that
among any of the tribes or castes of this part of India the women are
at the common service of all the men of the group. On the authority of
a compilation entitled, “The People of India,” [52] it has been
regarded as established that “the Teehurs of Oudh live together almost
indiscriminately in large communities, and even when two people are
regarded as married the tie is but nominal.” This has been since quoted
as one of the stock examples of communal marriage in India. [53] Now of
the Tiyars we have fairly complete accounts. The Oudh people of that
name are a sept of Râjputs in the Sultânpur District, who do not appear
in the enumeration of the last census. There is another body of Tiyars
who are a sub-caste of the Mallâh, or boatman class, found to the
number of 1,865 souls in the Ghâzipur District. They are numerous in
Behâr and Bengal, and Mr. Risley has given a full account of them. [54]
There is no evidence whatever that anything like communal marriage
prevails among them. The fact seems to be that by the necessities of
their occupation the husbands leave their wives for long periods at a
time and go on voyages as far as Calcutta. That a high standard of
female morality is maintained during their absence it would be rash to
assert: but this is very different from communal marriage. A rather
better example comes from the Beriyas, one of the nomadic and criminal
gypsy tribes. The girls of the tribe are reserved, in the Central
Ganges-Jumna-Duâb, for prostitution, and if any member of the tribe
marries a girl devoted to this occupation, he has to pay a fine to the
tribal council. This is what Sir John Lubbock would term “expiation for
marriage,” the annexation of the woman by one individual man of the
group being regarded as improper. [55] Dr. Westermarck, it may be
remarked, disputes the connection of this custom with communal
marriage. [56]
[Laxity of female morality.] 2. It is true that among many of the
Dravidian tribes and those of the lower Himâlayas, like the Thârus, the
standard of female morality is very low. Intrigues of unmarried girls,
or even of married women, are very lightly regarded, provided the
paramour is a clansman. Numerous instances of customs of this kind will
be found in the following pages. The penalty on the relatives of the
offenders is usually a fine in the shape of a compulsory feast to the
tribesmen. On the other hand, the penalty is much more severe if the
woman’s lover belongs to a strange tribe. If he belongs to one of the
higher tribes, the punishment is much less than if he belongs to one of
the degraded menial races, such as the Dom, Dharkâr, or Bhangi. In such
cases the woman is almost invariably permanently excommunicated. The
tolerance of intertribal immorality, while significant is, however, far
from actually legalised community of women.
[The jus primæ noctis.] 3. The custom of the jus primæ noctis has been
also adduced as a proof of the existence of communal marriage. Of this
the examples collected in the present survey are slight and
inconclusive. The Ahîrs and many similar tribes have a custom of paying
a fee to the village landlord at a marriage. This is known as mandwâna
from mândo, the hut or pavilion in which the marriage is performed.
This is hardly more than one of the common village manorial dues, and
it is pressing the custom to an illegitimate extent to regard it as a
commutation for the jus primæ noctis. There is reason to believe that
in comparatively modern times some of the Râjas of Rîwa, a native state
bordering on these Provinces, in their annual progresses, insisted on a
supply of girls from the lower tribes, and there are still villages
which are said to have been presented to the ancestors of women
honoured in this way. But this is far from sufficient evidence for
anything like the general prevalence of the custom, which is regarded
with abhorrence by the public opinion of the country side.
[Polyandry.] 4. The same feeling prevails as regards polyandry which,
according to Mr. McLennan, formed one of the regular stages in the
evolution of marriage. There is certainly no ground for believing that
at any time polyandry flourished as a permanent domestic institution.
At the same time it seems quite certain that it has prevailed and does
still prevail in Northern India, but usually among isolated communities
and under exceptional circumstances.
5. To begin with the evidence from history or myth. The legend of the
five Pândavas who took Draupadî as a joint wife, has been generally
accepted as a proof that it existed among the people whom, for the sake
of convenience, we call the early Aryans. It is true that the compilers
of the Mahâbhârata clearly wish to refer to it as an exceptional case,
and to whittle away its significance by representing it as a result of
their misconception of their mother’s order. But there is reason to
believe that it was not so exceptional as they endeavour to make out.
In the discussion which followed, one of the princes quoted as a
precedent the case of Jatilâ, “that most excellent of moral women who
dwelt with seven saints, and Varkshî, the daughter of a Muni, who
cohabited with ten brothers, all of them Prachetas, whose souls had
been purified by penance.” We have next the case of the Aswins who had
between them one woman, Sûryâ, the daughter of the sun. Even in the
Râmâyana the giant Viradha imputes that Râma and Lakshmana jointly
share the favours of Sîtâ. [57] Professor Lassen’s theory that the
whole story of Draupadî and her five lovers is only the symbolical
indication of an alliance between the king of Panchâla and the five
tribes represented by the five Pândavas has met with little support.
For the fraternal form of polyandry practised by some of the Himalayan
races, there is ample evidence. According to Mr. Drew, a very careful
observer, it originated in the smallness of the amount of land which
could be tilled and the general inelasticity of the country’s
resources: while the isolation from the rest of the world, isolation of
manners, language and religions, as well as geographical isolation,
hindered emigration. [58] According to Dr. Wilson, polyandry in Tibet
is not due to the scarcity of women, as a number of surplus women are
provided for in the Lama nunneries. [59]
6. As regards the plains, we know that the prevalence of polyandry was
noticed by the Greeks in the Panjâb. [60] Of the Gakkars Farishta [61]
tells us that “it was the custom as soon as a female child was born to
carry her to the door of the house and there proclaim aloud, holding
the child with one hand, that any person who wanted a wife might now
take her, otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this means
they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of several
husbands to one wife. When the wife was visited by one of her husbands
she left a mark at the door, which, being observed by any of the other
husbands, he withdrew till the signal was taken away.” Similar customs
prevailed among the Khokars of the Panjâb, [62] and the Panjâb Jâts.
[63]
7. In all these cases it would seem that polyandry is associated with,
and in fact dependent on, female infanticide. In the course of the
present survey, it has been ascertained that the custom prevails among
some of the pastoral tribes, such as Ahîrs, Gûjars and Jâts, chiefly in
the upper valleys of the Ganges and Jumna. It has even been embodied in
the current proverb:—Do khasam kî joru, Chausar ka khel,—“The wife with
two lords is like a game of backgammon.” The arrangement suits these
pastoral people, who graze their herds in the river valleys. The
brothers take it in turn to attend the cattle, and one remains at home
in charge of the house-wife.
[Niyoga and the levirate.] 8. Whether the customs known as niyoga and
the levirate are or are not connected with polyandry has been the
subject of much controversy. Mr. McLennan [64] asserted that the
levirate, that is the practice of marrying the widow of a deceased
brother, was derived from polyandry. The niyoga, or the custom of a
widow cohabiting with the brother of her deceased husband, seems to be
referred to in the Veda. [65] Manu [66] allows such unions of a widow
with a brother-in-law or other relative of the deceased husband to
continue only till one or at the most two sons have been begotten, and
declares that they must then cease. In the verses which follow he
restricts such temporary unions to classes below the twice-born, or (in
contradistinction to what proceeds) condemns them altogether. By the
law, as stated by Gautama, [67] a woman whose husband is dead, and who
desires offspring, may bear a son to her brother-in-law. “Let her
obtain the permission of her gurus (husband’s relatives under whose
protection she lives), and let her have intercourse during the proper
season only. On failure of a brother-in-law she may obtain offspring by
cohabiting with a sapinda, or sagotra, or samân-pravara, or one who
belongs to the same caste. Some declare that she shall cohabit with
none but her brother-in-law. She shall not bear more than two sons. The
child belongs to him who begot it, except if an agreement to the
contrary have been made, and the child begotten at a living husband’s
request on his wife belongs to the husband, but if it was begotten by a
stranger, it belongs to the latter, or to both the natural father and
the husband of the mother, but being reared by the husband belongs to
him.”
9. The best recent opinion is in opposition to the theory that the
levirate or niyoga is a survival of polyandry. “The levir,” says Mr.
Mayne, “did not take his brother’s widow as his wife. He simply did for
his brother or other near relation, when deceased, what the latter
might have authorised him, or any other person to do during his
lifetime. And this, of course, explains why the issue so raised
belonged to the deceased and not to the begetter. If it were a relic of
polyandry, the issue would belong to the surviving polyandrous husband,
and the wife would pass over to him as his wife.” [68]
10. In modern times, in this part of India, practically all the tribes
which permit widow marriage allow the levirate in the restricted form
that it is only the younger son of the late husband who is allowed or
expected to take the widow to wife. Whatever may have been the idea
connected with this practice in early times, the fiction that the son
was supposed “to raise up seed unto his brother” seems to have
altogether disappeared, and no survival of this rule of affiliation has
been discovered. In fact, according to common custom, the widow is
regarded as a kind of property which has been purchased into the family
by the payment of the bride-price; and among some of the Dravidian
tribes there is a rule of tribal law that if the widow goes to live
with a stranger to the family, he is bound to repay the bride-price,
and in some cases the costs incurred in her first marriage, to her
younger brother-in-law or his father. It is noticeable that in this
form of the levirate alliance with the elder brother of her late
husband is rigidly prohibited: in fact all through the Hindu caste
system any intercourse, even to the extent of speaking to, touching, or
appearing unveiled in the presence of, her husband’s Jeth, or elder
brother, is strictly guarded by a special taboo. There is a Behâr
proverb—Latul bhainsur dewar barâbar—“a weak elder brother-in-law is
like a younger brother-in-law, with whom you may take liberties.”
[Prevalence of widow marriage.] 11. The statistics of the last Census
fully illustrate the prevalence of widow marriage. To use Mr. Baillie’s
summary of the figures [69] “of 10,000 of the total Hindu population,
331 males and 817 females are widowed, 306 males and 747 females among
Muhammadans, and no less than 639 males and 1,054 females among Jains.
[70] It is clear, therefore, that both males and females, but
particularly the latter, re-marry more extensively amongst Muhammadans
than Hindus, and very much more frequently among Hindus than amongst
Jains. As regards females this is exactly what might have been expected
from what is known of the social circumstances of the three religions.
Muhammadans permit re-marriage alike amongst males and females, and the
excess of female widowed is due to the same reasons as the excess in
England. The higher proportion of widowed of both sexes as compared
with England is, of course, mainly due to the higher proportion of
marriages. The somewhat higher proportion of excess among Muhammadan
widows over Muhammadan widowers, as compared with English figures, is
probably due to the greater facilities an English widow enjoys for
re-marriage. Amongst Hindus, as is well known, re-marriage is in the
higher castes permitted only for males. The castes which do not permit
widow marriage are roughly one-fourth of the whole, [71] so that Hindus
as regards female re-marriage occupy a position between Muhammadans and
Jains, but nearer the former than the latter. The latter are
practically, as regards such matters, Hindus of high caste, and permit
no widow re-marriage: hence the high proportion of widows.”
12. This marriage of widows, known to the east of the Province as sagâi
and to the west as karâo and dharewa, is a perfectly legal form of
marriage, and when recognised by the tribal council the children are
regarded as legitimate and succeed to their father’s estate. In
subsequent pages will be found numerous details of the ritual in widow
marriages. Among many of the lower castes the general rule appears to
be that the widow is married to a widower: but this rule is subject to
exceptions. The prohibited degrees for the widow are the same as for
the virgin bride, with the additional limitation, as already explained,
that she cannot marry her elder brother-in-law or her senior cousin.
Though the marriage is quite legitimate, there is a certain amount of
secrecy connected with it. It is performed at night. The bridegroom
after eating with the woman’s friends invests her with a new robe and
some jewelry, and withdraws with her to a private room. Next day he
brings her home and procures the recognition of the union by feasting
his clansmen. The rules as regards the custody of children by the first
marriage are not very clearly defined. The usual course seems to be
that if she has an infant she takes it with her to her new home, where
it is practically adopted by its step-father. Children who have passed
the stage of helplessness fall under the guardianship of their uncles,
who manage their estate until they attain years of discretion, or, in
the case of girls, arrange their marriages.
[Age for marriage.] 13. As regards the age for marriage the following
table taken from the last Census Report [72] deserves re-production.
================+==========================+=====================
| Absolute number of | Proportion to 10,000
| males and females | of same sex and
| married. | age periods.
Age periods. +~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
| Males. | Females. | Males. | Females.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
0 Year | 857 | 1,114 | 10 | 13
1 " | 857 | 1,172 | 24 | 31
2 " | 1,883 | 2,713 | 31 | 43
3 " | 3,382 | 5,504 | 47 | 73
4 " | 6,097 | 10,014 | 90 | 149
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
0 4 " | 13,076 | 20,517 | 41 | 63
5 9 " | 139,773 | 291,373 | 433 | 999
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
Total 0 9 " | 152,849 | 311,890 | 238 | 506
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
10 14 " | 684,952 | 1,221,070 | 2,417 | 5,744
15 19 " | 1,020,582 | 1,507,733 | 5,014 | 9,119
20 24 " | 1,443,669 | 1,911,373 | 6,923 | 9,404
25 29 " | 1,654,290 | 1,856,524 | 7,849 | 9,155
30 34 " | 1,778,861 | 1,747,479 | 8,206 | 8,501
35 39 " | 1,135,619 | 988,812 | 8,526 | 8,040
40 44 " | 1,393,582 | 1,050,977 | 8,157 | 6,438
45 49 " | 661,188 | 434,907 | 7,970 | 6,002
50 54 " | 885,634 | 454,625 | 7,541 | 3,891
55 59 " | 263,152 | 142,643 | 7,134 | 4,216
60 and over | 746,220 | 245,005 | 6,142 | 1,688
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 11,820,598 | 11,873,838 | 4,863 | 5,253
================+==========================+=====================
Thus 1,971 persons are shown as married in the first year of life. What
is known as the petmanganiya or “womb betrothal,” that is the
engagement of unborn children should they turn out to be of different
sexes, is noted in the case of Kanjars. It is remarkable that the
returns show that the proportion of children married below the age of 4
is as high among Muhammadans as Hindus. Mr. Baillie believes that the
custom prevails mainly among Muhammadan sweepers; but this is not quite
certain. Assuming 9 to be about the age of puberty, about 2½ per cent.
of boys and 5 per cent. of girls enter the state of matrimony below
that age. But it must be noted that this does not imply premature
consummation: these infant marriages are probably nearly all in the
families of persons of some wealth and social importance, and in such
cases cohabitation is practically always postponed till puberty, when
the gauna or bringing home of the bride takes place. Mr. Baillie goes
on to remark:—“Between 10 and 14 nearly nine-tenths of the female
population pass into the married state; but considerably more than
one-half of the males remain unmarried. Between 15 and 19 there are 15
married females for each one unmarried, whilst at the end of the period
only 60 per cent. of the males have been married. By 24 practically the
whole of the female population have been married, almost the whole of
those unmarried at this and later ages being women whose avocations
preclude marriage, or whose physical or mental health forbids it. Of
men considerably more than a fourth are unmarried up to 24, whilst an
appreciable but diminishing number remains unmarried through all
subsequent age periods.” [73]
[Bachelors and old maids.] 14. The census figures show, as might have
been expected, that “the largest proportion of males who remain
permanently unmarried is among Jâts, Râjputs, Brâhmans, Kâyasths,
Khatris, and to a less extent among Banyas. It shows that marriage is
latest for men in these castes also, while it is earliest for the
low-caste cultivators, forest and hill tribes, Julâhas, Kumhârs, Telis,
Dhobis, fishing castes, Chamârs, Pâsis and vagrant castes, the highest
figure of all being for Kumhârs. The figures for women are in certain
respects both more pronounced and more important than for men. For
women, the largest numbers permanently unmarried among respectable
Hindus are amongst Râjputs and Khatris. The high proportion among the
former may have to do with the claim made by many of the dancing castes
to be Râjputs. Why it should be so high among Khatris I have been
unable to understand or imagine. [74] Banjâras and vagrant Hindu castes
show proportionately much higher numbers. Amongst the Muhammadans, the
higher the caste, the higher the proportion of women not married at
all. Female infant marriage is most extensive amongst cultivating
castes, grazing castes, forest and hill tribes, Koris, Julâhas,
Kumhârs, Telis, Dhobis, Chamârs, Pâsis, sweepers, and vagrant castes.
Of the whole Pâsis are easily first, Kumhârs following a close second.
Widows are most numerous among Brâhmans, Râjputs, Kâyasths, Banyas,
Khatris and Sayyids easily, the highest proportion being among Khatris
and Brâhmans. The lowest proportion of widows is among the forest and
hill tribes, and after them amongst sweepers, Pâsis, Julâhas and
Chamârs, in all of which castes woman is peculiarly a helpmate to man.”
[75] The prenubial laxity of Dravidian girls enables the men to avoid
marriage till they are well advanced in life, and desire to found homes
for their old age.
[Polygamy.] 15. Polygamy is permitted both among Hindus and
Muhammadans. As Mr. Mayne remarks [76]:—“One text of Manu seems to
indicate that there was a time when a second marriage was only allowed
to a man after the death of his former wife (V., 168; IX., 101, 102).
Another set of texts lays down special grounds, which justify a husband
in taking a second wife, and except for such causes it appears she
could not be superseded without her consent (Manu, IX., 72–82). Other
passages provide for a plurality of wives, even of different classes,
without any restriction (Manu, III., 12; VIII., 204; IX., 85–87). A
peculiar sanctity, however, seems to have been attributed to the first
marriage.... It is now quite settled that a Hindu is absolutely without
restriction as to the number of his wives, and may marry again without
his wife’s consent, or any justification except his own wish.” There
seems no doubt that a Muhammadan may marry as many as four wives: but
the question is debated by the authorities. [77] In spite of this
polygamy is most infrequent. The last Census shows 11,820,598 married
males to 11,873,838 married females. Similarly in the Panjâb there are
101·2 wives to 100 husbands. The proportion of husbands who have more
than one wife is probably under 1 per cent.
[Marriage by capture.] 16. Something has already been said on the
subject of marriage by capture. It may be well to consider if there are
any facts which indicate that the people of Upper India in early times
procured brides by force. Mr. McLennan, as we have seen, in his theory
of marriage, starts with the stage of communal marriage next to
polyandry, merging in the levirate. This stage attained, some tribes
branched off into endogamy, some to exogamy. Exogamy was based on
infanticide, and led to marriage by capture. [78] We have already seen
the weakness of the evidence for the existence of a general stage of
polyandry or communal marriage.
17. In describing the various forms of marriage Manu speaks of that
known as Râkshasa:—“The seizure of a maiden by force from her house,
while she weeps and calls for assistance, after her kinsmen and friends
have been slain in the battle, or wounded, and their houses broken
open, is the marriage called Râkshasa”. [79]
18. The difficulty in examining the apparent survivals of marriage by
capture lies in determining which are indications of the usual maiden
modesty of the bride, her grief at leaving home and her dread at
entering a new family, and which are signs of violence on the part of
the bridegroom and his friends.
19. From the early literature, beyond the reference in Manu, to which
reference has already been made, the traces of the custom in myth are
not very numerous or clear. The myth of Urvasî probably indicates the
existence of some ancient rule or taboo which prevented ordinary
unrestrained intercourse between husband and wife, with the inference
that possibly from capture their relations were strained. [80] In the
Mahâbhârata the followers of Kîchika attempted to burn Draupadî with
his corpse, apparently because from the fact of her capture she was
assumed to have been his wife. In the same epic Bhîshma declares that
the Swayamvara is the best of all modes of marriage for a Kshatriya,
except one, that of carrying away the bride by force. He acquired in
this way the beautiful daughters of the Râja of Kâshi as wives for his
brother Vichitra Vîrya. In the Sûtras it was provided that at a certain
vital stage in the marriage ceremony a strong man and the bridegroom
should forcibly draw the bride and make her sit down on a red ox skin.
[81]
20. There are numerous examples of feigned resistance to the
bridegroom. Thus among the Korwas the bridegroom and his party “halt at
a short distance from the bride’s house, and there await her party.
Presently emerges a troop of girls all singing, headed by the mother of
the bride, bearing on her head a vessel of water surmounted by a
lighted lamp. When they get near enough to the cavaliers they pelt them
with balls of boiled rice, then coyly retreat, followed, of course, by
the young men, but the girls make a stand at the door of the bride’s
house and suffer none to enter until they have paid toll in presents to
the bridesmaid.” [82] In a Gond marriage “all may be agreed between the
parties beforehand, nevertheless the bride must be abducted for the fun
of the thing: but the bridegroom has only to overcome the opposition of
the young lady’s female friends—it is not etiquette for the men of her
village to take any notice of the affair.” [83]
21. Numerous instances of similar practices have been recorded at the
present survey. Thus, among the Ghasiyas, the bride hides in a corner
of the house, and the youth goes in and drags her out into the presence
of the assembled clansmen. It is etiquette that she makes some
resistance. Much the same custom prevails among the Bhuiyas and
Bhuiyârs. The Kanjar bridegroom comes armed to the bride’s house after
the negotiations have been settled, and demands delivery of the girl in
threatening tones. Similarly the bridegroom is armed with a bow and
arrow.
22. There are numerous other customs which seem to be based on the same
form of symbolism. Thus, the members of the bridegroom’s party are
mounted on horses and armed: they, on arriving at the bride’s village,
do not enter her house, but halt outside; the bridegroom on reaching
her door makes a feint of cutting at the arch (toran) with a sword:
there is the invariable fiction, no matter how near the houses of the
bride and bridegroom are, that she must be carried in some sort of
equipage. This the Mânjhis and some other Dravidian tribes call “a
boat,” or jahâz; possibly a survival of the time when the bride was
taken away by water.
23. We have then the etiquette by which the bride screams and wails as
she is being carried away. When she reaches her new home she is lifted
across the threshold by her husband, or carried inside in a basket.
This was an old custom on the Scotch border, [84] and may be as much a
survival of the respect paid to the threshold as a reminiscence of
marriage by capture. As she enters the door is barred by her husband’s
sister, who will not allow her to enter until she is propitiated with a
gift.
24. We have just noticed the fiction by which a bride is supposed to be
brought from a distance. This is a standing rule among the Orâons and
Kurmis of Bengal, [85] and more than one example of it may be found in
the present survey, as among the Nâis and Pankas. This repugnance to
marriage among people residing in close communities has been taken by
Dr. Westermarck to be one of the causes which have led to exogamy. [86]
In this connection, the system of gang exogamy, prevalent among the
gypsy Kanjars and Sânsiyas, with whom it is a rule that the bride must
be selected from an encampment different from that of the bridegroom,
is most significant. It is possible that here we are very close to
exogamy in its most primitive form. [87]
25. In the same category are the numerous taboos of intercourse between
a man and his wife and her relations. We have already noticed the
legend of Urvasî. The wife must not mention her husband by name, and if
he addresses her, it is in the indirect form of mother of his children.
Mr. Frazer has directed attention to the rule by which silence is
imposed on women for some time after marriage as a relic of the custom
of marrying women of a different tongue. Hence the familiar incident of
the Silent Bride which runs through the whole range of folklore. [88]
On the same lines is the taboo of intercourse between a man and his
mother-in-law, of which Dr. Tylor, though he gives numerous instances,
is unable to suggest an explanation. [89] This, also, perhaps accounts
for the use of the terms “brother-in-law” (sâla), “father-in-law”
(sasur), as abusive epithets.
[Runaway marriages.] 26. The next form of marriage is the runaway
marriage, which was dignified by the early Hindu lawgivers with the
name of Gandharva, “the reciprocal connection of a youth and a damsel,
with mutual desire, contracted for the purpose of amorous embraces, and
proceeding from sensual inclination.” [90] This prevails largely among
the Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau. At the periodical
autumn feast the Ghasiya damsel has only to kick the youth, of whom she
approves, on the ankle, and this is a signal to her relatives that the
sooner the connection is legalised the better. We have the same custom
in another form in the well known institution of the Bachelors’ Hall
among the Orâons and Bhuiyas. [91] This merges into the Mut'ah
marriage, which is legalised among Muhammadans.
[Marriage by exchange.] 27. Next comes marriage by exchange, known
commonly as adala badala, where two fathers exchange daughters in
marriage between their sons. This is the simplest form of marriage by
purchase. [92] The present survey has disclosed instances of this among
Barhais, Bhuiyas, Dharkârs, Ghasiyas, Kanaujiyas, Meos, Musahars and
Tarkihârs. It thus is in a great measure confined to the lower castes,
and Mr. Ibbetson remarks [93] that in the East of the Panjâb “exchange
of betrothal is thought disgraceful, and, if desired, is effected by a
triangular exchange,—A betrothing with B, B with C, and C with A: in
the West, on the contrary, among all classes, in the Hills and
Submontane Districts, apparently among all but the highest classes, and
among the Jâts, almost everywhere, except in the Jumna District, the
betrothal by exchange is the commonest form.”
[Beena marriage.] 28. The next stage is what has been called by
ethnologists Beena marriage, [94] in which the bridegroom goes to the
house of the bride and wins her after a period of probation as Jacob
wins Rachel. In these Provinces the custom seems to be confined to the
Dravidian tribes of the Vindhyan plateau, Bhuiyârs, Cheros, Ghasiyas,
Gonds, Kharwârs, Majhwârs, and Parahiyas. Among them it bears the name
of gharjanwai, which means “the son-in-law residing in the house of the
bride.”
[Bride purchase.] 29. Immediately arising out of this is the more
common form of bride purchase which prevails among most of the inferior
tribes. In many cases, as will be seen by the examples which have been
collected, the bride-price is fixed by tribal custom, and it marks a
progressive stage in the evolution of marriage, where the purchase of
the bride is veiled under the fiction of a contribution given by the
relatives of the youth to cover the expenses of the marriage feast,
which is, except in the dola or inferior form of marriage, provided by
the relatives of the bride. “Let no father,” says Manu, [95] “who knows
the law, receive a gratuity, however small, for giving his daughter in
marriage: since the man who, through avarice, takes a gratuity for that
purpose, is a seller of his offspring.”
[Marriage with dowry.] 30. The last stage is when the relatives of the
bride provide a dowry for the bride, which is the subject of careful
negotiation, and is paid over in the presence of the tribesmen when the
wife lives with her husband.
[Confarreatio.] 31. In all these forms of marriage the ceremony of
Confarreatio, or the feeding of the married pair by the relatives on
both sides, takes an important place. We have seen that it is the main
rite in widow marriage. It is regulated by rigid rules of etiquette,
one of the chief of which is that both bride and bridegroom must at
first refuse the proffered food, and accept it only after much pressure
and conciliation by gifts.
[The Matriarchate.] 32. According to Baudhayana “there is a dispute
regarding five practices both in the South and in the North. Those
peculiar to the South are to eat in the company of an uninitiated
person, to eat in the company of one’s wife, to eat stale food, to
marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or paternal aunt. He who follows
these in any other country than the one where they prevail commits
sin.” [96] There is some want of moral perspective in the
classification of these prohibitions: but they chiefly concern us in
connection with the matriarchal theory. The prohibition of marriage
with a cousin on the mother’s side has been accepted as an indication
of the uncertainty of male parentage. There can be no doubt that in
Northern India there is some special connection between a boy and his
maternal uncle, as is shown by many instances drawn from the usages of
the inferior tribes, such as the Agariya, Majhwâr and other Dravidian
races. We also find among the Doms and Dharkârs that it is the sister’s
son who performs the duties of priest at the cremation and worship of
the sainted dead, which follows it. He is not, however, regarded as an
heir to the deceased to the exclusion of his sons. Similarly though a
foster-child has no rights to succeed, [97] the relationship is
universally recognised as a bar to intermarriage. There is thus some
evidence for some of the tests of female kinship as laid down by
Professor Robertson Smith. [98]
GENERAL DISTRICT STATISTICS.
==================+==============+============+=============+============================================================================================================
| | | | Religions of the people.
District. | Area in |Population. |Density per +~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~
|square miles. | |square mile. | Hindu. |Musalman. | Jain. |Christian.| Arya. | Sikh. |Buddhist.|Parsi.|Jew.|Brahmo.|Deist.|Unspecified.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 1192·9 | 168,135 | 140·9 | 143,718 | 19,896 | 234 | 2,743 | 784 | 755 | 2 | 3 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Sahâranpur | 2242·0 | 1,001,280 | 446·5 | 667,494 | 324,432 | 6,084 | 1,974 | 496 | 792 | ... | 8 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Muzaffarnagar | 1658·2 | 772,874 | 466·1 | 542,563 | 218,990 | 9,396 | 127 | 1,032 | 766 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Meerut | 2369·7 | 1,391,458 | 587·2 | 1,047,650 | 316,971 | 16,380 | 5,435 | 2,784 | 2,237 | ... | 1 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Bulandshahr | 1911·1 | 949,914 | 497·0 | 764,937 | 179,019 | 1,284 | 210 | 4,430 | 34 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Aligarh | 1952·4 | 1,043,172 | 534·3 | 918,730 | 120,338 | 2,507 | 465 | 992 | 126 | ... | 14 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Mathura | 1440·6 | 713,421 | 495·2 | 646,385 | 62,657 | 2,403 | 846 | 209 | 919 | ... | 2 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Agra | 1845·5 | 103,796 | 543·9 | 879,319 | 104,443 | 13,462 | 4,758 | 989 | 540 | 254 | 41 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Farrukhâbâd | 1720·3 | 858,687 | 499·1 | 756,194 | 99,476 | 1,048 | 828 | 877 | 24 | 232 | 8 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Mainpuri | 1700·9 | 762,163 | 448·0 | 714,294 | 41,529 | 5,760 | 132 | 326 | 122 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Etâwah | 1691·2 | 727,629 | 430·3 | 682,863 | 42,325 | 2,117 | 134 | 169 | 19 | ... | 2 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Etah | 1740·7 | 702,063 | 403·3 | 622,833 | 72,953 | 4,945 | 520 | 764 | 43 | ... | 4 | ...| ... | ... | 1
Bareilly | 1594·6 | 1,040,691 | 652·6 | 789,603 | 245,039 | 4 | 5,271 | 351 | 300 | 111 | 12 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Bijnor | 1898·4 | 794,070 | 418·2 | 521,891 | 267,162 | 998 | 908 | 2,046 | 1,065 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Budaun | 2016·5 | 925,598 | 459·0 | 733,179 | 148,289 | 229 | 2,581 | 1,215 | 105 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Morâdâbâd | 2282·5 | 1,179,398 | 516·7 | 773,001 | 400,705 | 1,002 | 3,307 | 1,305 | 75 | ... | 3 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Shâhjahânpur | 1744·1 | 918,551 | 526·6 | 787,136 | 129,266 | 36 | 1,328 | 640 | 144 | ... | 1 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Pilibhît | 1371·7 | 485,366 | 353·8 | 402,120 | 82,486 | 11 | 365 | 383 | 1 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Cawnpur | 2363·2 | 1,209,695 | 511·9 | 1,103,990 | 101,541 | 415 | 3,036 | 620 | 52 | ... | 32 | 3| 6 | ... | ...
Fatehpur | 1633·1 | 699,157 | 428·1 | 621,923 | 77,061 | 83 | 71 | 15 | 4 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Banda | 3060·1 | 705,832 | 230·6 | 664,679 | 40,662 | 284 | 74 | 76 | 49 | 2 | ... | ...| ... | ... | 6
Hamîrpur | 2288·7 | 513,720 | 224·4 | 480,215 | 33,281 | 107 | 50 | 37 | 11 | ... | 19 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Allahâbâd | 2852·3 | 1,548,737 | 542·6 | 1,341,934 | 199,853 | 568 | 5,933 | ... | 155 | 268 | 25 | 1| ... | ... | ...
Jhânsi | 1640·0 | 409,419 | 249·6 | 380,804 | 23,067 | 2,521 | 1,877 | 131 | 946 | ... | 66 | 4| 2 | ... | 1
Jâlaun | 1479·6 | 396,361 | 267·9 | 370,604 | 25,501 | 168 | 67 | 12 | 5 | ... | 4 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Lalitpur | 1947·4 | 274,200 | 140·8 | 258,595 | 5,946 | 9,546 | 63 | ... | 49 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | 1
Benares | 1009·5 | 921,943 | 913·7 | 831,730 | 88,401 | 138 | 1,364 | ... | 52 | 255 | 1 | 2| ... | ... | ...
Mirzapur | 5223·0 | 1,161,508 | 222·4 | 4,085,232 | 75,240 | 281 | 465 | 102 | 188 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Jaunpur | 1549·8 | 1,264,949 | 816·0 | 1,148,505 | 116,344 | 6 | 93 | ... | 1 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Ghâzipur | 1462·0 | 1,077,909 | 737·3 | 974,340 | 102,726 | 27 | 576 | 86 | 150 | ... | ... | 4| ... | ... | ...
Ballia | 1169·7 | 942,465 | 805·7 | 876,095 | 66,353 | ... | 15 | ... | ... | ... | 2| ...| ...| ...| ...
Gorakhpur | 4676·1 | 2,994,057 | 654·3 | 2,691,164 | 301,630 | 44 | 1,176 | ... | 2 | ... | 19| 21| ...| ...| 1
Basti | 2767·0 | 1,785,844 | 645·1 | 1,509,989 | 275,729 | ... | 66 | 60 | ... | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Kumâun | 2148·3 | 1,728,625 | 804·6 | 1,502,911 | 225,639 | ... | 74 | ... | ... | ... | 1| ...| ...| ...| ...
Azamgarh | 7151·0 | 563,181 | 78·8 | 549,572 | 11,969 | 5 | 1,601 | ... | ... | 34 | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Garhwâl | 5629·0 | 407,818 | 72·4 | 403,603 | 3,605 | 2 | 573 | 2 | ... | 33 | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Tarâi | 962·7 | 210,568 | 218·7 | 135,160 | 75,207 | 39 | 23 | 130 | 9 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Lucknow | 967·0 | 774,163 | 800·6 | 605,625 | 161,369 | 797 | 5,769 | 553 | 379 | 193 | 66| ...| ...| ...| 12
Unâo | 1778·0 | 953,636 | 536·4 | 877,451 | 73,920 | 8 | 106 | 123 | 28 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Râê Bareli | 1751·2 | 1,036,521 | 591·7 | 950,290 | 85,965 | 23 | 145 | 2 | 96 | ... | ...| ...| 6| ...| ...
Sîtapur | 2254·9 | 1,075,413 | 476·9 | 916,680 | 157,639 | 234 | 717 | 88 | 44 | 1 | 4| ...| ...| ...| ...
Hardoi | 2324·5 | 1,113,211 | 478·9 | 998,339 | 114,674 | 13 | 167 | ... | 16 | 2 | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Kheri | 2964·8 | 903,615 | 304·7 | 784,855 | 113,057 | 10 | 505 | 132 | 56 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Faizâbâd | 1728·1 | 1,216,959 | 703·7 | 1,076,831 | 138,461 | 161 | 1,254 | 55 | 171 | ... | 4 | 22| ...| ...| ...
Gonda | 2879·9 | 1,459,229 | 506·6 | 1,253,514 | 205,425 | ... | 248 | ... | 42 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Bahrâich | 2680·3 | 1,000,432 | 373·2 | 829,701 | 169,798 | 48 | 124 | 37 | 721 | ... | ...| 3| ...| ...| ...
Sultânpur | 1709·9 | 1,075,851 | 629·2 | 958,952 | 116,846 | ... | 53 | ... | ... | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Partâbgarh | 1438·2 | 910,895 | 633·4 | 819,835 | 90,838 | 130 | 77 | ... | 15 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Bârabanki | 1740·2 | 1,130,906 | 649·9 | 943,740 | 185,938 | 1,043 | 147 | ... | 35 | ... | ...| ...| ...| 3| ...
+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 107,502·8 | 46,905,085 | 436·4 |40,380,168 |6,346,651 | 84,601 | 58,441 |22,053 |11,343 | 1,387 | 342| 60| 14| 3| 22
=============+===================+============+=============+===========+==========+========+==========+=======+=======+=========+======+====+=======+======+============
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND ANTHROPOMETRICAL DATA.
=======+============+==================+======================+==============================+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+======================
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22
~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Number.| Caste. | Name. | Residence. | Occupation. |Height of Vertex.
| | | | | |Height of Trunk.
| | | | | | |Span.
| | | | | | | |Left Foot.
| | | | | | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Nasal Width.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Nasal Height.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Facial Angle (Cuvier).
~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
1 |Agariya |Musai |Billi Bari, Mirzapur |Iron smelting |1610| 800|1690| 244| 107| 57| 540| 340| 340| 212| 187| 135| 109| 130| 41| 50| 65
2 |Baheliya |Thakuri |Mirzapur |Shikari |1700| 840|1760| 250| 113| 63| 550| 330| 330| 193| 185| 136| 108| 134| 38| 56| 73
" | " |Prayâg | Ditto | Ditto |1710| 860|1800| 252| 110| 57| 540| 340| 340| 216| 187| 135| 105| 132| 36| 57| 70
3 |Bairâgi |Baldeo Dâs |Niraon, Mirzapur |Begging |1630| 810|1669| 250| 110| 62| 560| 360| 360| 196| 190| 145| 107| 134| 32| 56| 64
4 |Baiswar |Bagesari Lâl |Chatarwar, Mirzapur |Agriculture |1670| 860|1710| 263| 114| 64| 540| 330| 330| 215| 192| 135| 109| 133| 40| 59| 67
" | " |Deo Nârâyan | Ditto | Ditto |1650| 870|1670| 259| 117| 61| 550| 350| 350| 209| 192| 137| 104| 130| 35| 60| 71
" | " |Mohan | Ditto | Ditto |1600| 810|1640| 260| 110| 62| 540| 340| 340| 205| 180| 137| 103| 132| 33| 54| 75
" | " |Mithai Lâl | Ditto | Ditto |1590| 820|1590| 244| 111| 57| 560| 350| 340| 218| 194| 136| 107| 124| 37| 57| 70
5 |Banya |Girdhâri |Robertsganj, Mirzapur |Grain-dealer |1690| 850|1770| 249| 115| 62| 550| 350| 350| 214| 195| 139| 108| 135| 35| 61| 68
36 |Bhotiya | ... | ... | ... | Not measured.
7 |Bhuiyâr |Raghunandan |Arjhat, Mirzapur |Wood-cutter and ploughman |1610| 800|1660| 249| 109| 56| 530| 330| 340| 199| 179| 132| 113| 128| 38| 50| 70
8 |Bind |Ramphal |Robertsganj, Mirzapur |Ploughman |1690| 840|1760| 268| 117| 54| 560| 350| 360| 213| 190| 144| 110| 142| 37| 56| 70
9 |Biyâr |Bhuar |Sajaur, Mirzapur | Ditto |1620| 820|1700| 239| 106| 57| 560| 350| 340| 187| 192| 140| 115| 135| 35| 52| 60
" | " |Raghu |Ghuas, Mirzapur | Ditto |1520| 780|1580| 231| 103| 56| 530| 330| 320| 190| 184| 132| 107| 123| 32| 54| 58
10 |Chamâr |Mekhuri |Gothani, Mirzapur |Shoemaker and ploughman |1630| 810|1660| 229| 108| 67| 540| 330| 330| 202| 185| 133| 107| 137| 30| 53| 60
" | " |Nathua (child) | Ditto | Ditto | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
11 |Chero |Chhandu |Birar, Mirzapur |Wood-cutter and ploughman |1590| 800|1630| 246| 108| 59| 540| 340| 350| 200| 186| 139| 114| 140| 37| 54| 60
" | " |Faujdâr |Katauli, Mirzapur | Ditto |1650| 830|1770| 245| 114| 62| 550| 350| 350| 217| 188| 136| 105| 132| 36| 55| 63
" | " |Muniya (female) |Salkhan, Mirzapur |Wood-cutter and field-labour |1490| 720|1460| 237| 108| 58| 560| 360| 350| 214| 191| 135| 107| 127| 36| 49| 69
" | " |Katwâru (female) | Ditto | Ditto |1560| 770|1560| 229| 105| 66| 540| 340| 330| 200| 187| 132| 108| 123| 35| 53| 62
" | " |Mangaru | Ditto | Ditto |1600| 830|1600| 233| 104| 63| 550| 340| 340| 209| 183| 131| 108| 128| 35| 55| 66
12 |Dhângar |Beni |Bardiha, Mirzapur |Field-labour and basket-making|1710| 850|1800| 245| 115| 59| 560| 360| 350| 206| 195| 138| 114| 140| 35| 53| 66
" | " |Dukhi | Ditto | Ditto |1560| 800|1540| 239| 102| 65| 530| 330| 340| 214| 182| 135| 107| 132| 40| 54| 67
" | " |Har Lâl | Ditto | Ditto |1700| 820|1760| 245| 110| 63| 550| 350| 340| 206| 189| 134| 110| 135| 36| 55| 68
" | " |Râj Kali (female) | Ditto | Ditto |1530| 760|1580| 230| 106| 66| 530| 340| 350| 206| 175| 129| 102| 125| 35| 54| 70
" | " |Sugiya (female) | Ditto | Ditto |1400| 650|1400| 210| 96| 59| 520| 320| 320| 186| 181| 131| 100| 122| 31| 52| 69
" | " |Child | Ditto | Ditto | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
13 |Dharkâr |Dipu |Robertsganj, Mirzapur |Basket-making |1560| 790|1610| 229| 103| 54| 540| 350| 340| 199| 181| 143| 112| 129| 36| 53| 65
" | " |Ekadasiya (female)| Ditto | Ditto |1500| 770|1520| 224| 104| 53| 530| 330| 340| 190| 178| 128| 100| 123| 35| 52| 63
14 |Dom |Dwârika | Ditto |Working in bamboo |1710| 850|1730| 260| 115| 60| 550| 340| 340| 209| 139| 134| 110| 137| 38| 55| 68
" | " |Bhagwanti (female)| Ditto | Ditto |1600| 810|1620| 236| 112| 58| 560| 360| 360| 206| 186| 139| 110| 132| 37| 53| 61
15 |Ghasiya |Baghola |Katauli, Mirzapur |Ploughman and wood-cutter |1670| 850|1620| 256| 114| 65| 540| 340| 350| 215| 189| 131| 105| 130| 42| 58| 61
16 |Gond |Buddhu |Sanjaur, Mirzapur | Ditto |1620| 810|1730| 249| 111| 53| 530| 330| 330| 205| 177| 142| 111| 133| 31| 58| 68
17 |Jalâli |Amîr Ali Shâh |Mirzapur |Beggar |1670| 860|1680| 250| 112| 60| 570| 360| 360| 201| 195| 134| 112| 132| 35| 49| 72
18 |Kol |Machhal |Chirahuli, Mirzapur |Ploughman |1640| 810|1760| 251| 112| 59| 540| 330| 330| 213| 182| 130| 105| 129| 33| 49| 65
18 |Kol |Bhondu |Sahijan, Mirzapur |Ploughman |1720| 850|1790| 264| 116| 64| 560| 360| 350| 221| 195| 140| 103| 133| 38| 51| 71
" | " |Biranjiya (female)| Ditto | Ditto |1540| 790|1490| 232| 100| 54| 550| 340| 340| 190| 187| 129| 106| 124| 38| 57| 76
19 |Korwa |Karîman |Bisrâmpur, Mirzapur | Ditto |1530| 820|1560| 245| 110| 60| 540| 330| 340| 209| 186| 134| 110| 135| 42| 51| 69
20 | " |Bodhu | Ditto | Ditto |1640| 820|1720| 259| 118| 67| 550| 350| 350| 218| 190| 134| 102| 132| 41| 52| 64
" | " |Chhotu | Ditto | Ditto |1580| 790|1630| 252| 117| 60| 540| 340| 330| 213| 185| 133| 109| 130| 35| 51| 62
21 |Kumhâr |Sarnâm |Robertsganj, Mirzapur.|Potter |1570| 820|1580| 242| 105| 61| 530| 340| 340| 202| 183| 127| 99| 128| 37| 54| 62
22 |Mahâbrâhman.|Murlidhar |Kusumha, Mirzapur |Funeral priest |1620| 820|1630| 243| 107| 66| 570| 360| 360| 200| 194| 140| 115| 136| 32| 56| 68
" | " |Baban | Ditto | Ditto |1540| 790|1540| 225| 100| 56| 550| 350| 350| 201| 189| 134| 112| 125| 31| 50| 65
23 |Mallâh |Makholi |Kota, Mirzapur |Boatman and fisherman. |1570| 810|1680| 252| 114| 59| 520| 330| 340| 204| 175| 132| 114| 130| 35| 50| 67
" | " |Mangaru | Ditto | Ditto |1640| 860|1680| 251| 114| 60| 560| 360| 350| 219| 193| 133| 107| 131| 35| 56| 64
=======+============+==================+======================+==============================+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+======================
THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE
NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.
VOLUME I.
A
Abhyâgat.—(Sans. “Abhyâgata,” “a guest,” “a visitor”) is hardly a
special sect. It is referred generally to mendicants and Brâhmans who
live by begging. It is practically synonymous with Atît (q.v.). Some
live a solitary life, others associate in monasteries (math) under an
abbot (mahant).
Agariya. [99]—A Dravidian tribe found in scanty numbers only in the
hilly parts of Mirzâpur south of the Son, where, according to the last
Census, they number 481 males and 457 females, in all 938 souls. The
Mirzâpur Agariyas confined themselves almost entirely to mining and
smelting iron. They are certainly quite a different people from those
described by Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley in Chota Nâgpur, [100] who
claim to be Kshatriya immigrants from the neighbourhood of Agra and
live by cultivation. The Mirzâpur Agariyas seem to be almost certainly
of non-Aryan origin. A tribe of the same name and occupation in the
Mandla District of the Central Provinces is described as a sub-division
of the Gonds and among the laziest and most drunken of that race. [101]
Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley again describe a people of the same name
as a sub-division of the Korwas, who are undoubtedly Dravidians. [102]
It is with these people that the Mirzâpur tribe are almost certainly
connected.
[Appearance.] 2. In appearance the Agariyas approximate very closely to
allied Dravidian tribes, such as the Korwas, Parahiyas, etc., but they
have a particularly gaunt appearance and worn expression of
countenance, which is undoubtedly the result of the severe occupation
which they follow.
[Tribal organization.] 3. Those in Mirzâpur have seven exogamous septs
all of totemistic origin. The Markâm is also a sept of the Mânjhis
(q.v., paragraph 3). The word means “a tortoise,” which the members of
this sept will neither kill nor eat. The Goirâr take their name from a
tree so called, which the members of this sept will not cut. The
Paraswân take their name from the palása tree (Butea frondosa), and
members of this sept will not cut the tree or eat out of platters
(dauna) made of its leaves. The Sanwân say that they take their name
from san or hemp, which they will not sow or use. The Baragwâr are
named from the bar tree (Ficus Indica), from the leaves of which they
will not eat, and which they will not cut or climb. [103] Banjhakwâr,
the name of the fifth sub-division, is said to be a corruption of
Bengachwâr from beng, “a frog,” which the members of this sept will not
kill or eat. The Gidhlê, which is also the name of a sept of the Bengal
Orâons, [104] will not kill or even throw a stone at a vulture (Gidh).
The Census returns give the chief sept as Bâjutheb, which was not
recorded by the members of the tribe examined on the spot.
[Tribal council.] 4. They have a tribal council (panchâyat) at which
all adult males attend. The meetings, in default of any specially
urgent business, assemble when the members meet on the occasion of
marriages or deaths. The members are summoned by the President of the
council (mahto), who circulates a root of turmeric among them. The
council deals with caste matters, such as adultery, fornication, and
the like. The orders are enforced in the usual way (see Mânjhi,
paragraph 9). The office of President is permanent and hereditary. If
the incumbent happens to be a minor he can select another clansman to
act for him until he becomes competent to fill the post.
[Rules of exogamy.] 5. The only rule of exogamy is that no one may
marry within his sept (kuri). This obviously admits of very close
marriage connections, but it is not supplemented by the usual formula
which prohibits marriage in the family of both the paternal and
maternal uncles and paternal and maternal aunts. It is, in fact,
admitted on all sides that a man may marry the daughter of his paternal
uncle. It is essential that the bridegroom must not be engaged in any
degrading labour, such as shoe-making or groom’s work. There is no
restriction as to place of origin or family worship, but he must
nominally conform to the tribal religion.
[Traditions of origin.] 6. The Mirzâpur Agariyas say that some five or
six generations ago they emigrated from Rîwa, hearing that they could
carry on their business in peace in British territory. Their first
settlement was in the village of Khairahi in Pargana Dudhi. Their
head-quarters in Rîwa are at the village of Rijaura; they do not make
any pilgrimages to their original settlements or draw their priests or
tribal officials from there.
[Marriage.] 7. The bride is purchased and her price by tribal custom is
fixed at ten rupees. Polygamy is permitted, and an Agariya may have as
many wives as he can afford to purchase and maintain. The senior wife
(Jethi Mehrâru) is head of the household; she joins her husband in the
family worship and she receives a degree of respect among the clansmen
at marriages, etc., which is denied to the junior wives. If there are
more wives than one they live in the same house, but in separate huts.
Concubinage with women who are not members of the tribe and polyandry
are prohibited. The women enjoy a considerable amount of liberty both
before and after marriage. If an unmarried girl is detected in an
intrigue with a clansman, her father can get her married to her lover
on paying a tribal fine of ten rupees and providing a feast for the
clansmen to the amount of one goat and the necessary quantity of rice.
If she offends with a stranger she is permanently expelled.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 8. The age for marrying girls is between five
and ten, and the parents are disgraced if they do not marry their
daughters at an early age. The boy’s maternal uncle (mâmu) arranges the
marriage. [105] There are no professional marriage brokers. The consent
of the parents on both sides is essential, and the parties have no
freedom of choice. When the preliminaries are arranged, the boy’s
father sends to the girl’s father ten rupees and two loin cloths
(dhoti). This is the invariable rate whatever the means of the parties
may be. None of this becomes the property of the bride and bridegroom,
except one of the loin cloths which is given to the bride; but her
father is expected to spend the cash received on the marriage feast. No
physical defects are a bar to marriage, and if after marriage the
bridegroom discovers any defect in the bride he must take her home. But
this very seldom happens because the relatives on both sides take care
to inspect the bride and bridegroom before the preliminaries are
arranged. The betrothal consists in the approval of the bride by the
boy’s maternal uncle and his acceptance of a dinner from the father of
the girl. After this the wedding day is fixed. Their marriages usually
take place in the light half of the month of Mâgh (January–February).
Five days before the wedding day, the matmângar ceremony is performed
in the usual way. On the marriage day the bridegroom comes with his
procession to the house of the bride. They are put up in a place
(Janwânsa) arranged for their reception. On that day it is not the
custom for the father of the bride to entertain the party. Next morning
the bridegroom comes with his friends to the bride’s house, and going
into the inner chamber, where she is hiding, drags her out into the
courtyard. This, and the rule of not entertaining the friends of the
bridegroom before the marriage, are obvious survivals of marriage by
capture. In the courtyard is fixed up a sort of pavilion (mânro), in
the centre of which is planted a branch of the sâl tree (Shorea
robusta). The sâl is the sacred tree of many of the Dravidian races,
and its use at marriages seems to imply that tree marriage was the
original custom. Round this the pair walk five times, and then the
bride’s father makes a mark with turmeric on the foreheads of both, and
warns them to live in unity. After this the clansmen are fed, and the
bride is sent home with her husband. When she arrives at the door of
her husband’s house his sister (nanad) bars the entrance, and will not
admit the bride until the bridegroom gives her a couple of pice. After
this the bridegroom’s father feeds his clansmen, who return home next
day. Before they enter their new home there is a sort of confarreatio
ceremony when the pair have to sit down outside and eat together. The
essential part of this marriage ceremony, which is known as charhauwa,
because the bride is offered (charhâna) to the bridegroom, is the
payment of the bride price and the marking of the foreheads of the pair
by the father of the bride.
[Divorce.] 9. There is no real divorce: merely expulsion of the
faithless wife from hearth and home. The only ground for expulsion is
proof of the wife’s adultery to the satisfaction of the clansmen. In
fact, it is understood that no proof short of her being caught in the
act of adultery will be sufficient. If a woman is put away for
adultery, she cannot be remarried in the tribe. Concubinage with
strange women is forbidden. All the sons of all the wives rank and
share equally. If a woman has a child by a man of another tribe, he is
not received into the caste, cannot be married in the tribe, and the
clansmen will not eat with him.
[Widow Marriage.] 10. Widow marriage in the Sagâi form is allowed. When
a man proposes to marry a widow, he can do so with the consent of the
head of the family. Both parties give a tribal dinner, and the man rubs
some oil on the woman’s head and some red lead on the parting of her
hair, and brings her home. When he brings her home he has to entertain
the clansmen. The levirate is permitted, with the usual restriction
that it is only the younger brother of her late husband who is entitled
to claim her. It is only on his renouncing his right to her that she
can marry an outsider. If she have children by her first husband, they
do not accompany her to her new home, but remain with their father’s
brother. The widow, on re-marriage, has no rights to her first
husband’s property. If the children are very young, the uncle, who
maintains them, gets half their property as his remuneration. In the
same way if their uncle does not care to look after them, and they go
to their step-father, he receives half their inheritance, and in this
case the children are considered to be his own.
[Adoption.] 11. Adoption is permitted to a sonless man or one whose son
is permanently expelled from caste; but there is no idea of religious
merit in adoption. The son adopted must be of the sept (kuri) of the
adopter, and is in most cases a brother’s son. Having once adopted he
cannot adopt again as long as the adopted son is alive. A bachelor, an
ascetic, or a blind man cannot adopt, nor can a married woman without
the leave of her husband, and under no circumstances has the widow this
power. A man may give his eldest, but not his only son, in adoption to
another. There is no condition of age in the boy to be adopted. Girls
cannot be adopted. The adopted son is not excluded from succeeding to
his natural father, and will do so if he have no other son. If a
natural son be born after adoption, both share equally in the estate.
These are the rules as stated in a meeting of the caste, but they
obviously represent the influence of their Hindu neighbours. It is very
doubtful if the real Agariyas have any idea of adoption.
[Succession.] 12. The rules of succession are very similar to those of
the Mânjhis (q.v.). When a man dies leaving a widow or widows, a son or
sons, a daughter or daughters, brothers or other relatives, the sons
alone inherit, and primogeniture is so far observed that the eldest son
gets one animal or article, an ox, a brass pot, etc., in excess of the
others. The sons take their shares per capita. When a man leaves only a
sonless widow, his brothers inherit with the obligation of maintaining
the widow for her lifetime or until she marries again. She can be
expelled for unchastity. Stepsons inherit only the amount of their
father’s property which their step-father may have received, but he is
bound to support and marry them. Many of the elaborate rules which the
tribe pretend to observe are derived from Hindu practice; and it is
obvious that it is seldom difficult for an Agariya to dispose of his
simple property.
[Relationship.] 13. The relations of the husband are regarded as
relations of the wife, and vice versâ. The scheme of relationship
agrees with that of the Kols (q.v.).
[Birth ceremonies.] 14. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy.
Contrary to ordinary Hindu custom the woman lies on a bed facing east
during delivery. She is attended during seclusion by the Chamâin
midwife, who cuts the cord and buries it outside under the eaves of the
house. The mother is dosed with a decoction of dill (ajwâin), and gets
in the evening a mess of boiled sâwân, millet and konhrauri or balls
made of urad pulse, and cucumber (konhra). On the sixth day the clothes
of the mother and all the household are washed by one of them. They do
not employ a Dhobi which, as the birth pollution is much dreaded, marks
a very low stage of ceremonial purity. On the same day mother and child
are bathed by the midwife, who gets a loin cloth (dhoti) as her fee.
The mother then cooks for the family and a few of the neighbouring
clansmen. On the same day the delivery room (saur) is cleaned and
replastered by the sister of the husband (nanad), who receives a fee of
four annas for her trouble. On the twelfth day the clansmen and their
wives who live in the neighbourhood are fed.
[Couvade.] 15. The husband is allowed to do no work on the day his wife
is delivered, and has to take the first sip of the cleansing draught
which is given her after delivery. He does not cohabit with his wife
for a month after her confinement.
[Puberty ceremonies.] 16. There is no regular ceremony on arrival at
puberty. The only rite in the nature of initiation is the ear-boring,
which is done both for boys and girls in the fifth year. Up to this
they may eat from the hands of a person of any caste. After this
ceremony they must conform to tribal usage.
[Death ceremonies.] 17. The dead, except young children and those dying
of small-pox, are cremated in the jungle. This is done very carelessly,
and in times of epidemic disease the corpses are merely exposed in the
jungle to be eaten by wild animals. The corpse is laid face upwards on
the pyre with the feet to the south. The nearest kinsman moves five
times round the pyre and touches the face of the corpse five times with
a straw torch. As soon as the pyre blazes all go and bathe. Then they
fill their vessels (lota) with water and return to the house of the
deceased, where each pours the water he has brought in the court-yard.
No fire is lit and no cooking done in the house that day. The food is
cooked at the house of the brother-in-law (bahnoi) of the dead man. On
the tenth day the clansmen assemble at some running water, and then go
and eat at the house of the deceased. The bones which remain after
cremation are thrown into the nearest running stream. They are not
buried, and subsequently, when convenient, conveyed to the Ganges, as
is the custom with the similarly named tribe in Chota Nâgpur. [106]
[Ancestor worship.] 18. On the day of the Phagua (Holi) they feed a
fowl with gram and kill it in the name of the sainted dead. But they
recognise no deceased ancestor beyond their father and mother, in whose
name after the sacrifice they pour a little water on the ground. Only
the members of the family eat the flesh of the victim. They do not
employ Brâhmans at funerals; they have no Srâddha, and the sister’s son
has no special functions on this occasion.
[Religion.] 19. They call themselves Hindus, but worship none of the
regular Hindu deities. In the month of Aghan they get the Baiga to
worship the village gods (dih). The offering consists of five fowls and
a goat. The Baiga chops off the heads of the victims with his axe and
takes the heads as his perquisite, while the worshipper and his family
cook and eat the rest of the meat at the shrine. In the month of Pûs
they worship the tribal deity—the goddess of iron—Lohâsur Devi. To her
is offered a female goat which has never borne a kid and some cakes
made of flour and molasses fried in butter. These cakes are broken into
pieces before dedication. A fire offering (hom) is lit and some of the
scraps of cake are thrown into it. The remainder are eaten by the
worshippers. There is no temple or image of this deity. Brâhmans are
never employed by them, and they do all their religious business
themselves, except the worship of the village gods, which is entrusted
to the Baiga. Among them the Baiga is always one of the Parahiya (q.v.)
caste. The village gods are worshipped at their special shrine;
offerings to Lohâsur Devi and the sainted dead are made in the
court-yard of the house. It is only in the case of the sacrifice to the
local gods that the Baiga receives the head of the victim; in other
cases the whole of the meat is consumed by the worshippers themselves.
No substitutes are used in sacrifice, and they do not offer parts of
their own bodies, such as locks of hair, drops of blood, etc.
[Festivals.] 20. Their festivals are the Phagua or Holi and the
Baisâkhi called after the months in which they occur. At both they
sacrifice to deceased ancestors and drink liquor. Both these are
regular fixed feasts. They have no other Hindu holidays, nor at the
Phagua do they light the holy fire as Hindus do. Before they offer the
black goat to Lohâsur Devi they worship it, and before sacrificing it
pour water on its head. Ancestors are worshipped to ward off evil from
the household. They do not sacrifice animals at funerals, nor do they
make any funeral offerings.
[Ghosts.] 21. They dread the ghosts of the dead who appear in dreams,
not because their obsequies have not been duly performed, but because
they have not received their customary periodical worship. They are
then appeased by the sacrifice of goats and fowls.
[Tattooing.] 22. All the Dravidian tribes of Mirzapur, the Kharwâr,
Majhwâr, Patâri, Panka, Ghasiya, Bhuiya, Parahiya, Bhuiyâr, Korwa,
Agariya, etc., have their bodies tattooed. This is done both to married
and unmarried girls as soon as they attain to puberty. A widow cannot
get herself tattooed, unless she marries again by the sagâi form. If a
widow gets tattooed it is believed to bring trouble on the village.
There are twenty-four forms of tattoo, any of which may be used by any
woman of any of the castes. In general opinion tattooing is a sacred
rite by which the body is sanctified. They say that the road to the
heaven of Parameswar is full of difficulties, and at the end is a great
gate guarded by terrible demons. The keepers will let no woman pass who
is not tattooed. Accordingly every woman has to be tattooed, and in
particular it is advisable to have the mark of some god marked on the
body. They also believe that women who are not tattooed during life are
tortured by the keepers of the gate of heaven. They burn them in the
fire and brand them with a hot iron. They also roll them among thorns
and afflict them in sundry ways. Some are taken to the top of the gate
and flung down from thence. The only ornament which accompanies the
soul to the other world is the godna or tattoo. [107] Besides being a
religious obligation the tattoo is used as a decoration, and it hence
takes the form of various kinds of jewelry. The tattooing is done by
the women of the Bâdi or Malâr tribes of Nats. The remuneration varies
according to the wealth of the patient and the character of the
ornament. It ranges from half an anna to four annas. Women get
themselves tattooed on the wrists, arms, shoulders, neck, breast,
thighs, knees and below the knees. It is done with lamp-black mixed
with the milk of the patient. If a woman be unmarried or barren, the
milk of another woman of the family is used. If the milk of a woman of
another caste be used it is considered most injurious to health. While
the operation is going on, the patient is kept amused by the recitation
of verses usually obscene. Tattooing is also used as a remedy for pains
in various parts of the body. The black substance is made by burning
the roots of certain jungle plants known as the gaihora and Chainshora.
Opium is also mixed with the black pigment to reduce the pain. A
favorite remedy for barrenness is to tattoo the part of the stomach
below the navel. In the same way a woman whose children are unhealthy
and die gets a tattoo mark made on her armpit or stomach.
The chief forms of tattoo used by these jungle tribes are as
follows:—The elephant; this is the sign of Ganesa, and women have it
done on both arms; the sacred book (pothi),—this is done on the
shoulders and arms; Mahâdeva,—this represents the name of Siva and is
done on the breast; sankha or the conch shell,—this is done on the
wrist, but is prohibited to women of the Majhwâr and Patâri tribes. It
is the sign of coverture, and the woman who wears it does not become a
widow in this world or in the life to come; pahunchi and chûra—these
represent bangles or bracelets; the pahunchi is done on the arms, and
the chûra below the knee; Jata Mahâdeva—this represents the matted
locks of Siva and is done on the breast and other parts of the body;
the hansuli or necklace—this is made on the neck in the place where the
necklace is worn. While this mark is being tattooed, the mother of the
girl seats her daughter on her knee because it is believed that the
existence of this mark ensures that they both shall meet in the next
world; the person who makes this mark receives extra remuneration. Pân
pattar or betel leaf, châwal or rice mark, and the kharwariya are done
on the arms in the place where the ornaments known as the bâju or
jaushan are worn. Women of the Bhuiya and Parahiya tribes call this
mark rijhwâr or “pleasing.” The bhanwara or large bumble bee is done on
the knees and thighs. The murli-manohar is the representation of
Krishna as the flute-player. It is done on the wrists and arms. The
phulwâri or flower garden is done on the breasts and arms. The dharm
gagariya is a mark which is supposed to make the wearer holy in the
world to come. The râwana is the sign of Rawana, the enemy of Râma
Chandra. It is done on the breast and hands. Garur is the sign of the
bird Garuda, the vehicle of Vishnu. It is done on the arms chiefly by
women of the Majhwâr, Patâri and Panka tribes. Chandrama is the sign of
the moon, and is delineated on the breast and arms. Râdha Krishna is
the sign of Krishna and his consort, done on the breast, wrist, and
arms. The dhandha or “work” is the mark made below the navel by barren
women in the hope of obtaining offspring. Muraila is the mark of the
peacock made on the breast. Many of these marks are probably totemistic
in origin, but the real meaning has now been forgotten, and they are at
present little more than charms to resist disease and other
misfortunes, and for the purpose of mere ornament.
[Tree worship.] 23. The only tree they respect is the sâkhu or sâl
which is used at these marriages.
[Clothes and jewelry.] 24. There is nothing peculiar about their
clothes, except their extreme scantiness. The men wear rings of brass
or gold in the ear-lobes. The women wear ear ornaments made of
palm-leaf (tarki), glass bangles (chûri), heavy pewter anklets (pairi),
and on the arm brass rings (ragari), with bead necklaces on the throat.
[Oaths.] 25. They swear on the head of their son and believe that they
die if they forswear themselves. They have no form of ordeal.
[Witchcraft.] 26. There appears to be no idea that their women, like
those of the Bengal Agariyas, are notorious witches. [108] They have
Ojhas in the tribe, who announce, by counting the grains of rice put
before them in a state of ecstacy, what particular Bhût has attacked
the patient. The usual result is that he decides that some particular
godling (deota) is clamouring for an offering. They believe in dreams
which are interpreted by the oldest man in the family. They are usually
due to inattention to the wants of the sainted dead. They do not
profess to believe in the Evil Eye. But this is more than doubtful.
[Food.] 27. They eat all kinds of meat, including beef. They will not
touch a Dom; they will touch a Chamâr, Dharkâr, Ghasiya, or Dhobi, but
will not eat from their hands. They have a special detestation for
Doms.
[Taboos.] 28. They will not touch a menstrual woman or their younger
brother’s wife, or mother-in-law, or a connection through the marriage
of children (Samdhin). They will not name their wives or elders in the
family or the dead. In the morning they will not speak of death or
quarrels or unlucky villages or persons of notorious character. They
will not eat the flesh of monkeys, horses, crocodiles, lizards or
snakes.
[Social usages.] 29. Children eat first, then the men and women eat
together, but in separate vessels. They have no ceremony at eating.
They use liquor and chewing tobacco freely; they do not use the huqqa,
but smoke out of pipes made of the leaf of the sâl tree. When they
cannot get liquor to offer to deceased ancestors they mix flowers of
the Mahua (Bassia latifolia) in water. They believe that the use of
liquor keeps off sickness, but consider drunkenness disreputable. They
salute in the same form as the Mânjhis (q.v.). They will eat food
cooked in butter (pakka) from the hands of Kahârs, and boiled rice from
Chhatris. There is no caste which will drink water touched by them.
[Occupation.] 30. They practically do no agriculture. Their business is
smelting and forging iron. The following account of the manufacture is
given by Dr. Ball [109]:—“The furnaces of the Agariyas are generally
erected under some old tamarind or other shady tree on the outskirts of
a village, or under sheds in a hamlet where Agariyas alone dwell, and
which is situated in convenient proximity to the ore or to the jungle
of sâl (Shorea robusta), or bijay sâl (Pterocarpus marsupium), where
the charcoal is prepared. The furnaces are built of mud and are about
three feet high, tapering from below upwards from a diameter of rather
more than two feet at base to eighteen inches at top, with an internal
diameter of about six inches, the hearth being somewhat wider.
Supposing the Agariya and his family to have collected the charcoal and
ore, the latter has to be prepared before being placed in the furnace.
The magnetic ores are first broken into small fragments by pounding,
and are then reduced to a fine powder between a pair of mill-stones.
The hematite ores are not usually subjected to any other preliminary
treatment besides pounding. A bed of charcoal having been placed on the
hearth, the furnace is filled with charcoal and then fired. The blast
is produced by a pair of kettle-drum-like bellows, which consist of
basins loosely covered with leather in the centre of which is a valve.
Strings attached to these leather covers are connected with a rude form
of springs which are simply made by planting bamboos or young trees
into the ground in a sloping direction. The weight of the operator, or
pair of operators, is alternately thrown from one drum to the other,
the heels acting at each depression as stoppers to the valves. The
blast is conveyed to the furnace by a pair of hollow bamboos, and has
to be kept up steadily without intermission for from six to eight
hours. From time to time ore and fuel are sprinkled on the top of the
fire, and as fusion proceeds the slag is tapped off by a hole pierced a
few inches from the top of the hearth. For ten minutes before the
conclusion of the process, the bellows are worked with extra vigour,
and the supply of ore and fuel from above is stopped. The clay luting
of the hearth is then broken down, and the ball (giri) consisting of
semi-molten iron slag and charcoal is taken out and immediately
hammered, by which a considerable portion of the included slag which is
still in a state of fusion is squeezed out. In some cases the Agariyas
continue the further process, until after various reheatings in open
furnaces and hammerings, they produce clean iron fit for the market, or
even at times they work it up themselves into agricultural tools, etc.
Not unfrequently, however, the Agariya’s work ceases with the
production of the giri which passes into the hands of the Lohârs. Four
annas or six-pence is the price paid for an ordinary giri, and as but
two of these can be made in a very hard day’s work of fifteen hours’
duration, and a considerable time has also to be expended on the
preparation of charcoal and ore, the profits are very small. The fact
is that although the actual price which the iron fetches in the market
is high, the profits made by the native merchants (Mahâjan) and the
immense disproportion between the time and labour expended and the
outturn, both combine to leave the unfortunate Agariya in a miserable
state of poverty.” Some further enquiries recently made in Mirzapur
prove the hopelessness of competition between native and imported iron.
The native iron is specially valued for tools, etc., but with the
diminution of jungle its manufacture will probably soon disappear.
Agariya: Agari.—There is another set of people known under this name
who are found in the Central Ganges-Jumna Duâb who have no connection
with the Agariyas of Mirzâpur. They claim to be Chauhân Râjputs, and
say that they emigrated to Bulandshahr about two centuries ago from
Sambhal in the Morâdâbâd district. They are, as a rule, settled, but in
the hot weather they migrate to Rohtak, in the Panjab, where they
settle in rude huts near villages and pursue their trade of making salt
(khâri nimak) and saltpetre. They follow the customs of Râjputs in
their marriage ceremonies, except that they levy a bride price from the
relations of the bridegroom. They profess not to permit widow marriage,
but they recognise the levirate. A wife may be put away for adultery or
other misconduct with the sanction of the tribal council, and then she
can re-marry by the karâo form. Some of them now live by agriculture.
Gûjars, they say, will eat and smoke with them.
2. A caste known as Agari are miners and smelters in the hills: there
they are regarded as a branch of the Doms.
3. Of the Agaris of the Panjab Mr. Ibbetson writes:—“The Agari is the
salt-maker of Râjputâna and the east and south-east of the Panjab, and
takes his name from the Agar or shallow pan in which he evaporates the
saline water of the lakes or wells at which he works. The city of Agra
derives its name from the same word. The Agaris would appear to be a
true caste, and in Gurgâon are said to claim descent from the Râjputs
of Chithor. There is a proverb,—“The Ak, the Jawása, the Agari and the
cartman: when the lightning flashes these four give up the ghost:”
because, I suppose, the rain which is likely to follow would dissolve
their salt. The Agaris are all Hindus and are found in the Sultânpur
tract on the common borders of the Delhi, Gurgâon and Rohtak districts,
where the well water is exceedingly brackish, and where they
manufacture salt by evaporation. Their social position is fairly good,
being above that of the Lohârs, but, of course, below that of Jâts.”
[110]
4. Another name for them in these provinces is Gola Thâkur, or
illegitimate Râjput. At the last Census they were included in the
Luniyas.
Agarwâla. [111]—Usually treated as a sub-caste of the great Banya
caste, a wealthy trading class in Upper India. There are various
explanations of the name. According to one account they take their
title from dealing in the aromatic wood of the agar (Sans. aguru), the
eagle wood tree (Aquilaria agallocha). There is, however, no evidence
that the sale of this article is, or ever was, a speciality of the
Agarwâlas. Another story is that there were a thousand families of
Agnihotri Brâhmans settled in Kashmîr, and that they were supplied with
agar wood for their sacrifices by a special tribe of Vaisyas. When
Alexander the Great invaded India he broke their sacred fire pits (Agni
kunda), and these Vaisyas were dispersed and settled in the
neighbourhood of Agra, whence they derived their name. A third legend
again refers the name to Agroha, an ancient town in the Hissâr district
of the Panjab, where a lâkh of families of Vaisyas were settled by King
Agra Sena. Round this Râja Agra Sena there is a whole cycle of legend.
His ancestor was Dhana Pâla, Râja of Pratâpnagar, which some identify
with the present State in Râjputâna, and some place vaguely in the
Dakkhin or Southern India. He had eight sons—Shiu, Nala, Anala, Nanda,
Kunda, Kumuda, Vallabha, Suka, and a daughter, Mukuta. At that time
there was a Râja Visâla, who had eight daughters—Padmâvati, Mâlati,
Kanti, Subhadra, Sra, Srua, Basundhara and Râja. They were married to
the eight sons of Dhana Pâla. Each of these, except Nala, who became an
ascetic, had a kingdom of his own. In the family of Shiu there reigned
in succession Vishnu Râja, Sudarsana, Dhurandhara, Samadi, Mohan Dâs
and Nema Nâtha, who populated Nepâl and called it after his own name.
His son Vrinda performed a great sacrifice at Brindâban, and named the
place after himself. His son was Râja Gurjara, who occupied Gujarât.
Râja Harihar succeeded him, and he had one hundred sons. One of these,
Rangji, became Râja, and the others, for their impiety, were degraded
into Sûdras. To him, in the fifth generation, succeeded Râja Agra Sena.
At that time, Râja Kumuda of Nâga Loka, or “Dragon land,” had a very
beautiful daughter named Mâdhavi, who was wooed by the God Indra; but
her father preferred to marry her to Râja Agra Sena. After his marriage
he performed notable sacrifices at Benares and Hardwâr, and then went
to Kolhâpur where he won the daughter of the Râja Mahidhara in the
swayamvara. Finally he settled in the neighbourhood of Delhi and made
Agra and Agroha his capitals. His dominions reached from the Himâlaya
to the Ganges and the Jumna, and as far as Mârwâr on the west. He had
eighteen queens, who bore him fifty-four sons and eighteen daughters.
In his latter days he determined to perform a great sacrifice with each
of his queens. Each of these sacrifices was in charge of a separate
Achârya or officiant priest, and the gotras which sprang from him are
named after these Achâryas. When he was performing the last sacrifice,
he was interrupted, and so there are seventeen full gotras and one half
gotra. There are considerable differences in the enumeration of these
gotras. One list, which seems authoritative, gives them as follows with
the Veda, Sâkha and Sutra, to which they conform:—
Gotra. Veda. Sâkha. Sutra.
1. Garga Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
2. Gobhila ,, ,, ,,
3. Gautama ,, ,, ,,
4. Maitreya ,, ,, ,,
5. Jaimini ,, ,, ,,
6. Saingala Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
7. Vâsala ,, ,, ,,
8. Aurana Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
9. Kausika ,, ,, ,,
10. Kasyapa Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
11. Tandeya Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
12. Mândavya Rigveda. Sakila. Aswilâin.
13. Vasishtha Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
14. Mudgala Rigveda. Sakila. Aswilâin.
15. Dhânyâsha Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
16. Dhelana } ,, ,, ,,
Dhauma }
17. Taitariya ,, ,, ,,
17½. Nagendra Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
The lists given by both Mr. Risley and Mr. Sherring differ considerably
from this. Mr. Risley gives—
(1) Garg; (2) Goil; (3) Gâwâl; (4) Batsil; (5) Kâsil; (6) Singhal; (7)
Mangal; (8) Bhaddal; (9) Tingal; (10) Airan; (11) Tairan; (12) Thingal;
(13) Tittal; (14) Mittal; (15) Tundal; (16) Tâyal; (17) Gobhil; (17½)
Goin.
Mr. Sherring gives the Gotras as follows:—
(1) Garga; (2) Gobhila; (3) Garwâla; (4) Batsila; (5) Kasila; (6)
Sinhal; (7) Mangala; (8) Bhadala; (9) Tingala; (10) Erana; (11) Tâyal;
(12) Terana; (13) Thingala; (14) Tittila; (15) Nîtal; (16) Tundala;
(17) Goila and Goina; (17½) Bindal.
Agarwâlas again have the divisions Dasa and Bîsa, the “tens” and the
“twenties” like the Oswâls (q.v.). One account of their origin is that
when the daughters of Râja Vâsuki, the king of the snakes, married the
sons of Râja Agra Sena, they each brought a handmaid with them, and
their descendants are the Dasas. The Bîsa or pure Agarwâlas do not eat,
drink or intermarry with the Dasas.
[Connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas.] 2. Regarding the legend of the
connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas Mr. Risley [112] writes:—“With
the Agarwâlas, as with all castes at the present day, the section names
go by the male side.
In other words a son belongs to the same gotra as his father, not to
the same gotra as his mother, and kinship is no longer reckoned through
females alone. Traces of an earlier matriarchal system may perhaps be
discerned in the legend already referred to, which represented Râja
Agar Nâth as successfully contending with Indra for the hand of the
daughters of two Nâga Râjas, and obtaining from Lakshmi the special
favor that his children by one of them should bear their father’s name.
The memory of this Nâga princess is still held in honor. “Our mother’s
house is of the race of the snake” (jât kâ nânihâl nâgbansi hai) say
the Agarwâlas of Behâr; and for this reason no Agarwâla, whether Hindu
or Jain, will kill or molest a snake. In Delhi Vaishnava Agarwâlas
paint pictures of snakes on either side of the outside doors of their
houses, and make offerings of fruit and flowers before them. Jaina
Agarwâlas do not practise any form of snake-worship. Read in the light
of Bachofen’s researches into archaic forms of kinship, the legend and
the prohibition arising from it seem to take us back to the prehistoric
time when the Nâga race still maintained a separate national existence,
and had not been absorbed by the conquering Aryans; when Nâga women
were eagerly sought in marriage by Aryan chiefs; and when the offspring
of such unions belonged by Nâga custom to their mother’s family. In
this view the boon granted by Lakshmi to Râja Agar Nâth that his
children should be called after his name, marks a transition from the
system of female kinship, characteristic of the Nâgas, to the new order
of male parentage introduced by the Brâhmans, while the Behâr saying
about the Nânihâl is merely a survival of those matriarchal ideas
according to which the snake totem of the race would necessarily
descend in the female line. In the last of the six letters entitled
“Orestes—Astika, Eine Griechisch—Indische Parallele” Bachofen has the
following remarks on the importance of the part played by the Nâga race
in the development of the Brâhmanical polity. The connection of
Brâhmans with Nâga women is a significant historical fact.
Wherever a conquering race allies itself with the women of the land,
indigenous manners and customs come to be respected, and their
maintenance is deemed the function of the female sex. A long series of
traditions corroborate it in connection with the autochthonous Nâga
race. The respect paid to Nâga women, the influence which they
exercised, not merely on their own people, but also in no less degree
on the rulers of the country, the fame of their beauty, the praise of
their wisdom—all this finds manifold expression in the tales of the
Kashmîr chronicle, and in many other legends based upon the facts of
real life.”
[Snake-worship among Agarwâlas.] 3. In connection with these
speculations it may be noted that Agarwâlas have a special form of
worship in honor of the Saint Astika Muni. He was the son of Jaratkâru
by the sister of the great serpent Vâsuki and saved the life of the
serpent Takshaka, when Janmejaya made his great sacrifice of serpents.
This worship appears to be peculiar to the Agarwâlas, and is said to be
performed only by Tiwâri Brâhmans. On the fourth day of the light half
of Sâwan they bathe in the Ganges and make twenty-one marks on the wall
of the house with red lead and butter; and an offering is presented
consisting of cocoa-nuts, clothes, five kinds of dry fruits, and
twenty-one pairs of cakes (pâpar), some yellow sesamum (sarson) flowers
and a lamp lighted with butter. Some camphor is then burnt, and the
usual ârti ceremony performed.
These things are all provided by the Agarwâla who does the worship.
Astika Muni they believe to have been the preceptor (Guru) of the Nâga,
and Agarwâlas call themselves Nâga Upâsaki or snake-worshippers. After
this the women of the family come to the house of the officiating
Brâhman. The ârti ceremony is again done by burning camphor, and the
Brâhman marking their foreheads with red (rori) gives them part of the
cakes as a portion of the sacred offering (prasâda). Each woman
presents two pice to the Brâhman in return. This sesamum they sprinkle
in their houses as a preservative against snake-bite.
They are taught a special mantra or spell for this purpose which is
said to run:—“I say that at whosoever’s birth the ceremony of Astika is
performed the most poisonous snake runs away when he calls out Snake!
Snake!”
This ceremony is performed once a year, and the day after it each
person who joins in it gives the officiating Brâhman a present of
uncooked grain.
[Exogamy.] 4. Agarwâlas follow the strict rules of the Shâstras in
regulating the prohibited degrees. “All the sections are strictly
exogamous, but the rule of unilateral exogamy is supplemented by
provisions forbidding marriage with certain classes of relations. Thus
a man may not marry a woman, (a) belonging to his own gotra; (b)
descended from his own paternal or maternal grandfather,
great-grandfather or great-great-grandfather; (c) descended from his
own paternal or maternal aunt; (d) belonging to the grand maternal
family (nânihâl) of his own father or mother. He may marry the younger
sister of his deceased wife, but not the elder sister, nor may he marry
two sisters at the same time. As is usual in such cases, the classes of
relations barred are not mutually exclusive. All the agnatic
descendants of a man’s three nearest male ascendants are necessarily
members of his own gotra, and, therefore, come under class (a) as well
as class (b). Again, the paternal and maternal aunt and their
descendants are included among the descendants of the paternal and
maternal grandfathers, while some of the members of the nânihâl must
also come under class (b). The gotra rule is undoubtedly the oldest,
and it seems probable that the other prohibited classes may have been
added from time to time as experience and the growing sense of the true
nature of kinship demonstrated the incompleteness of the primitive rule
of exogamy.” [113]
[Birth ceremonies.] 5. In these Provinces when the moment of delivery
comes, it is the etiquette for the husband to go himself and call the
Chamârin midwife. This is always so in case of the birth of a son; but
if it is a girl he can either go himself or send a servant to fetch
her. She comes and cuts the cord, which is not, as is the case with
many other castes, buried in the delivery room. A fire (pasanghi) is
kept burning near the mother to keep off evil spirits, and guns are
fired to scare the dreaded demon Jamhua. After the child is born the
mother is given a dose of assafœtida and water, the bitterness and
smell of which she is not under the circumstances supposed to be able
to feel. The Chamârin remains three days in attendance, and during that
time the mother is fed on fruits and not allowed to eat grain in any
form. On the third day she is bathed and the Chamârin dismissed. After
this she is fed on grain. On the sixth day is the Chamar Chhathiya when
the women keep awake all night and have lamps burning. All the women
take lamp-black from one of these lamps and mark their eyes with it to
bring good luck, and a little is also put on the eyes of the baby.
Within fifteen days of delivery when the Pandit fixes an auspicious
time the mother is bathed. There is no twelfth day (barahi) ceremony.
The astrological (râs) name is fixed by the Pandit; the ordinary name
by the head of the family. The mother is again bathed on the fortieth
day, and is then pure and can rejoin her family. If the family can
afford it, after this the Pandit is sent for and there is a formal
naming ceremony (nâma karma), but this is not absolutely necessary.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 6. There is no fixed age for marriage. The
wealthier members of the tribe marry their daughters in infancy; poorer
people keep them till they are grown up in default of a suitable match
being arranged. The marriage follows the usual high caste form. When
the horoscopes agree (râs barag) and the friends are satisfied, a
Pandit is asked to fix a lucky day. No bride price is given or
received. Then the boy’s father sends to the bride’s house a maund of
curds, some sweets and two rupees in cash to clench the proposal. The
curds are sent in an earthen pot smeared with yellow; some red cloth is
put over the mouth and on this the money is placed. This constitutes
the betrothal. When the marriage day approaches the boy’s father sends
the bride some ornaments made of alloy (phûl), a silken tassel, some
henna and pomegranates, some sweetmeats, toys and a sheet (sâri). The
number of trays of presents should be at least eleven and not more than
one hundred and twenty-five. The girl’s father keeps for the bride only
the shawl, some sweets and flowers, and sends back the rest. Next day
these flowers are tied in the bride’s hair. If the marriage takes place
in a town she goes to a temple and worships, and there she meets her
future mother-in-law for the first time. After this follows the
anointing of the bride and bridegroom, known as Tel-hardi. When the
bridegroom reaches the house of the bride, he is seated on a wooden
stool, and the women of the family take up the bride in their arms and
revolve her in the air round the bridegroom. During this the bride
sprinkles rice (achhat) over him.
This ceremony is known as Barhi phirâna. Then comes the Sakhran
ceremony. Some curds are put in a bag and hung up. When all the whey
has escaped, the remainder is mixed with the same quantity of milk and
sugar, some cardamoms, pepper and perfume; this is first offered to the
family god (kula-deva), the other godlings (deota), and to a Brâhman,
and is then distributed in the form of a dinner (jeonâr). This is
always given on the day the tilak ceremony is performed. The girl is
brought into the marriage pavilion by a near relation (mân), generally
her father’s son-in-law, and seated in her father’s lap. He puts her
hand in his with some wheat dough and a gold ring. Then he does the
Kanyâdân or solemn giving away of the bride to the bridegroom, while
the priest reads the formula of surrender (sankalpa). Then a cloth is
hung up, and behind it in secret the bridegroom puts five pinches of
red-lead on the parting of the bride’s hair, and they march round the
pavilion five times. The girls of the family tie the clothes of the
pair in a knot. When this is over they are taken to the retiring room
(kohabar) where they are escorted by the next-of-kin (mân) of the
bride, who sprinkles a line of water on the ground as they proceed.
There the bridegroom’s head-dress (sehra) is removed. It is not the
custom for the bride to return at once with her husband; there is a
separate gauna. This gauna must take place on one of the odd years
first, third or fifth after the regular marriage.
[Adoption.] 7. In a recent [114] case it was held that according to the
usage prevailing in Delhi and other towns in the North-Western
Provinces among the sect of Agarwâlas who are Sarâogis, a sonless widow
takes an absolute interest in the self-acquired property of her
husband, has a right to adopt without permission from her husband or
consent of his kinsmen, and may adopt a daughter’s son who on the
adoption takes the place of a son begotten. It was questioned whether
on such an adoption a widow is entitled to retain possession of the
estate either as proprietor or as manager of her adopted son.
[Agarwâlas and Chamârs.] 8. Between the Agarwâla, who is perhaps, in
appearance, the best bred of the tribes grouped under the name of
Banya, and the dark non-Aryan Chamâr, it is difficult to imagine any
possible connection, but it is curious that there are legends which
indicate this. Thus it is said that an Agarwâla once unwittingly
married his daughter to a Chamâr. When after some time the parents of
the bridegroom disclosed the fact, the Agarwâla murdered his
son-in-law. He became a Bhût and began to trouble the clansmen, so they
agreed that he should be worshipped at marriages. Hence, at their
weddings they are said to fill a leather bag with dry fruits, to tie it
up in the marriage shed, to light a lamp beneath it, and to worship it
in the form of a deity called Ohur, which is supposed to save women
from widowhood. A similar story is told at Partâbgarh:—“I have heard it
alleged (and the story is current, I believe, in parts of the Panjab)
that once upon a time a certain Râja had two daughters, named Chamu and
Bamu. These married and each gave birth to a son, who in time grew up
to be prodigies of strength (pahalwân). An elephant happened to die on
the Râja’s premises, and being unwilling that the carcase should be cut
up and disposed of piecemeal within the precincts of his abode, he
sought for a man of sufficient strength to carry it forth whole and
bury it. Chamu’s son undertook and successfully performed this
marvellous feat. The son of Bamu, stirred no doubt by jealousy,
professed to regard this act with horror and broke off all relations
with his cousin and pronounced him an outcaste. Chamârs are asserted to
be descendants of the latter and Banyas of the former, and hence the
former in some parts, though admitting their moral degradation, have
been known to assert that they are in reality possessed of a higher
rank in the social scale than the latter.” [115] The story is worth
repeating as an instance of some of the common legends regarding the
original connection of castes. Why the Chamârs should have selected in
the Agarwâla Banyas the most unlikely people with whom to assert
relationship, it is very difficult to say. Agarwâlas are also said at
marriages to mount the bridegroom secretly on an ass which is
worshipped. If this be true, it is probably intended as a means of
propitiating Sîtalâ mâi, the dreaded goddess of small-pox, whose
vehicle is the ass.
[Religion.] 9. Most of the Agarwâlas are Vaishnavas; some are Jainas or
Sarâogis. At the last Census 269,000 declared themselves as Hindus, and
38,000 as Jainas. A small minority are Saivas or Sâktas, but in
deference to tribal feeling they abstain from sacrificing animals and
using meat or liquor. As Mr. Risley says [116]:—“Owing, perhaps, to
this uniformity of practice in matters of diet, these differences of
religious belief do not operate as a bar to intermarriage; and when a
marriage takes place between persons of different religions, the
standard Hindu ritual is used. When husband and wife belong to
different sects, the wife is formally admitted into her husband’s sect
and must in future have her own food cooked separately when staying at
her father’s house.” Their tribal deity is Lakshmi. They venerate
ancestors at the usual Srâddha. They worship snakes at the Nâgpanchami
in addition to the special tribal worship described in para. 3. Among
trees they venerate the pîpal, kadam, sami and babûl. Their priests are
generally Gaur Brâhmans. Some of them profess to abstain from wearing
certain kinds of dress and ornaments, as they say, under the orders of
their family Sati.
[Social rules.] 10. As regards food, the use of the onion, garlic,
carrot and turnip is forbidden. At the commencement of meals a small
portion is thrown into the fire, and a little known as Gogrâs is given
to the family cow. “All Pachhainiya and most Purabiya Agarwâlas wear
the sacred thread. In Behâr they rank immediately below Brâhmans and
Kâyasths, and the former can take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats
from their hands. According to their own account they can take cooked
food only from Brâhmans of the Gaur, Tailanga, Gujarâti and Sanâdh
sub-castes; water and sweetmeats they can take from any Brâhmans,
except the degraded classes of Ojha and Mahâbrâhman, from Râjputs, Bais
Banyas, and Khatris (usually reckoned as Vaisyas), and from the
superior members of the so-called mixed castes, from whose hands
Brâhmans will take water. Some Agarwâlas, however, affect a still
higher standard of ceremonial purity in the matter of cooked food, and
carry their prejudices to such lengths that a mother-in-law will not
eat food prepared by her daughter-in-law. All kinds of animal food are
strictly prohibited, and the members of the caste also abstain from
jovanda rice which has been parboiled before husking. Jaina Agarwâlas
will not eat after dark for fear of swallowing minute insects. Smoking
is governed by the rules in force for water and sweetmeats. It is
noticed that the Purohits of the caste will smoke out of the same huqqa
as their clients.” [117]
[Occupation.] 11. The Agarwâlas are one of the most respectable and
enterprising of the mercantile tribes in the Province. They are
bankers, money-lenders and land-holders. These rights in land have
generally been acquired through their mercantile business. It is a joke
against them that the finery of the Agarwâla never wears out because it
is taken so much care of. They are notorious for their dislike to
horsemanship, and for the skill of their women in making vermicelli
pastry and sweetmeats. The greatness of Agroha, their original
settlement, is commemorated in the legend told by Dr. Buchanan [118]
that when any firm failed in the city, each of the others contributed a
brick and five rupees which formed a stock sufficient for the merchant
to recommence trade with advantage.
DISTRIBUTION OF AGARWÂLAS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=========+=========+========
District. | Hindus. | Jainas. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 2,109 | 234 | 2,343
Sahâranpur | 26,448 | 5,988 | 32,436
Muzaffarnagar | 28,237 | 9,029 | 37,266
Meerut | 37,792 | 16,307 | 54,099
Bulandshahr | 26,272 | 1,053 | 27,325
Aligarh | 16,083 | 9 | 16,092
Mathura | 27,323 | 1,196 | 28,519
Agra | 22,439 | 1,447 | 23,886
Farrukhâbâd | 2,281 | 122 | 2,403
Mainpuri | 2,350 | 157 | 2,507
Etâwah | 2,048 | 137 | 2,185
Etah | 2,518 | 69 | 2,587
Bareilly | 7,401 | 4 | 7,405
Bijnor | 12,222 | 779 | 13,001
Budâun | 1,968 | 3 | 1,971
Murâdâbâd | 10,968 | 255 | 11,223
Shâhjahânpur | 1,065 | 33 | 1,098
Pilibhît | 2,255 | 11 | 2,266
Cawnpur | 6,004 | 70 | 6,074
Fatehpur | 543 | | 543
Bânda | 860 | ... | 860
Hamîrpur | 1,542 | ... | 1,542
Allahâbâd | 3,340 | ... | 3,340
Jhânsi | 3,482 | 14 | 3,496
Jâlaun | 1,907 | | 1,907
Lalitpur | 119 | | 119
Benares | 2,833 | 3 | 2,836
Mirzâpur | 1,920 | ... | 1,920
Jaunpur | 263 | ... | 263
Ghâzipur | 1,067 | 26 | 1,093
Ballia | 510 | ... | 510
Gorakhpur | 1,539 | 40 | 1,579
Basti | 277 | | 277
Azamgarh | 1,049 | | 1,049
Kumâun | 260 | | 260
Garhwâl | 1,755 | | 1,755
Tarâi | 1,348 | 36 | 1,384
Lucknow | 2,831 | 422 | 3,253
Unâo | 149 | 8 | 157
Râê Bareli | 140 | 23 | 163
Sîtapur | 266 | 124 | 390
Hardoi | 106 | ... | 106
Kheri | 276 | ... | 276
Faizâbâd | 1,022 | ... | 1,022
Gonda | 802 | ... | 802
Bahrâich | 292 | 30 | 322
Sultânpur | 205 | ... | 205
Partâbgarh | 295 | ... | 295
Bâra Banki | 500 | 887 | 1,387
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 269,761 | 38,516 | 308,277
==============+=========+=========+=========
Agastwâr.—A sect of Râjputs found principally in Pargana Haveli of
Benares. They claim to take their name from the Rishi Agastya, who
appears to have been one of the early Brâhman missionaries to the
country south of the Vindhya range, which he is said to have ordered to
prostrate themselves before him.
Aghori, Aghorpanthi, Aughar. [119]—(Sanskrit aghora “not terrific,” a
euphemistic title of Siva), the most disreputable class of Saiva
mendicants. The head-quarters of the sect are at Râmgarh, Benares. The
founder of it was Kinna Râm, a Râjput by caste, who was born at
Râmgarh, and was a contemporary of Balwant Sinh, Râja of Benares. When
he was quite a boy he retired to a garden near Benares and meditated on
the problems of life and death. He became possessed of the spirit and
his parents shut him up as a mad-man. When they tried to wean him from
the life of an ascetic and marry him, he made his escape and retired to
Jagannâth. Some time after he was initiated by a Vaishnava Pandit from
Ghâzipur. Then he went to Ballua Ghât at Benares and began to practise
austerities. Some time after one Kâlu Râm came from Girnâr Hill, and
Kinna Râm attended on him for some years. One day he announced his
intention of making a second pilgrimage to Jagannâth, when Kâlu
said,—“If I bring Jagannâth before your eyes here will you give up your
intention?” Kinna Râm agreed, and then by his supernatural power Kâlu
Râm did as he had promised to do. This shook the faith of Kinna Râm and
he abandoned the Vaishnava sect and was initiated as a Saiva. From that
time he became an Aughar or Aghori. Kâlu Râm gave him a piece of
burning wood which he had brought from the Smasâna Ghât or cremation
ground at Benares, and ordered him with this to maintain the perpetual
fire. After this Kâlu Râm returned to Girnâr and Kinna Râm went to the
garden where he had stayed at the opening of his life and erected a
monastery there. He performed miracles and attracted a number of
disciples out of his own tribe.
2. Some time after his own Guru who had initiated him into the
Vaishnava sect came to see him. Kinna Râm directed him to go to Delhi,
where a number of Sâdhus were then suffering imprisonment at the hands
of the Muhammadan Emperor for their faith, and to procure their release
by working miracles. The Guru went there and shared their fate. Long
after when the Guru did not return Kinna Râm went himself to Delhi in
order to effect his release. Kinna Râm, on his arrival, was arrested
and sentenced to work on the flour-mills. He asked the Emperor if he
would release him and the other Sâdhus, if he was able, by his
miraculous power to make the mills move of themselves. The Emperor
agreed and he worked the miracle. The Emperor was so impressed by his
power that he released the Sâdhus and conferred estates on Kinna Râm.
The Sâdhus whom he had released became his disciples, and he returned
to Benares, where at Râmgarh he established the Aghori sect and became
the first leader. He lived to a good old age, and was succeeded by one
of the members elected by general vote of the society.
[Form of initiation.] 3. The form of initiation into the sect is as
follows:—The candidate for initiation places a cup of liquor and a cup
of bhang on the stone which covers the tomb of Kinna Râm. It is said
that those who wish to become Aughars without losing caste drink only
the bhang, while those who desire to be fully initiated drink both the
bhang and spirits. Some say that when the candidate has perfect faith,
the cups come to his lips of themselves. Then a sacrifice is performed
in which various kinds of fruits are thrown into the fire which has
been kept alight since it was first lighted by Kinna Râm, and an
animal, usually a goat, is sacrificed. It is believed that the animal
thus sacrificed often comes to life again when the function is over.
After this the hair of the candidate is moistened in urine, by
preference that of the head of the sect, and shaved. Subsequently the
candidate has to meditate on the precepts and teaching of Kinna Râm,
which are recorded in a book known as the Bîjaka. Those who are
illiterate have these read over to them by other Aughars. The
initiation ceremony ends with a feast to all the disciples present, at
which spirits and meat are distributed. This is followed by a probation
term of twelve years, during which the initiated eats any kind of
filthy food, the flesh of corpses being included. Their life is spent
in drinking and smoking intoxicating drugs, and they are most abusive
to those who will not give them alms. When they go to beg they carry a
bottle either empty or full of spirits. They demand alms in the words
Jây Kinna Râm ki (Glory to Kinna Râm). It is said that after leading
this life for twelve years they abandon the use of spirits and only eat
filthy food.
4. A great resort of this class of ascetics is the Asthbhuja hill near
Bindhâchal in the Mirzapur District. According to Lassen, quoted by Mr.
Risley, [120] the Aghoris of the present day are closely related to the
Kapâlika or Kapâladhârin sect of the middle ages who wore crowns and
necklaces of skulls and offered human sacrifices to Châmunda, a
horrible form of Devi or Pârvati. In support of this view it is
observed that in Bhavabhuti’s Drama of Mâlati Mâdhava, written in the
eighth century, the Kapâlika sorcerer, from whom Mâlati is rescued, as
she is about to be sacrificed to Châmunda, is euphemistically described
as an Aghorakantha, from aghora, “not terrible.” The Aghoris of the
present day represent their filthy habits as merely giving practical
expression to the abstract doctrine of the Paramahansa sect of the
Saivites that the whole universe is full of Brahma, and consequently
that one thing is as pure as another. The mantra or mystic formula by
which Aghoris are initiated is believed by other ascetics to be very
powerful and to be capable of restoring to life the human victims
offered to Devi and eaten by the officiating priest. Not long since a
member of the sect was punished in Budaun for eating human flesh in
public. Of the Panjab Mr. MacLagan [121] writes:—“The only real
sub-division of the Jogis which are at all commonly recognised are the
well-known sects of Oghar and Kanphattas. The Kanphattas, as their name
denotes, pierce their ears and wear in them large rings (mundra)
generally of wood, stone or glass; the ears of the novice are pierced
by the Guru, who gets a fee of Re. 1–4–0. Among themselves the word
Kanphatta is not used; but they call themselves Darshani or ‘one who
wears an ear-ring.’ The Oghar, on the contrary, do not split their
ears, but wear a whistle (nâdha) of wood, which they blow at morning
and evening and before meals. Kanphattas are called by names ending in
Nâth, and the names of the Oghar end in Dâs. The Kanphattas are the
more distinctive sect of the two, and the Oghars were apparently either
their predecessors or seceders from their body. One account says that
the Kanphattas are the followers of Gorakhnâth, the pupil of
Jalandharanâth, who sometimes appears in the legends as an opponent of
Gorakhnâth. Another account would go further back and connect the two
sects with a sub-division of the philosophy of Patanjali.” The
difference between the Aughar and Aghori does not seem to be very
distinct; the Aghori adds to the disgusting license of the Aughar in
matters of food the occasional eating of human flesh and filth.
DISTRIBUTION OF AGHORPANTHIS AND AUGHARS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891. [122]
===============+=======+====================+=======
| | Aghori including |
District. |Aughar.| Kinnarâmi. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Dehrà Dûn | 86 | ... | 86
Muzaffarnagar | 1,235 | ... | 1,235
Meerut | 1,646 | ... | 1,646
Bulandshahr | 49 | ... | 49
Agra | 32 | 13 | 45
Etah | 8 | ... | 8
Bijnor | 821 | ... | 821
Budâun | 15 | ... | 15
Morâdâbâd | 52 | ... | 52
Pilibhît | 16 | 9 | 25
Cawnpur | ... | 8 | 8
Bânda | ... | 6 | 6
Hamîrpur | 14 | 9 | 23
Allahâbâd | 1 | 17 | 18
Jhânsi | 2 | ... | 2
Benares | 186 | ... | 186
Ghâzipur | 9 | 100 | 109
Ballia | ... | 67 | 67
Gorakhpur | ... | 260 | 260
Basti | ... | 96 | 96
Azamgarh | 7 | ... | 7
Kumâon | 5 | ... | 5
Tarâi | 54 | ... | 54
Lucknow | 6 | 29 | 35
Râî Bareli | ... | 3 | 3
Unâo | 1 | ... | 1
Sîtapur | 12 | ... | 12
Faizâbâd | ... | 13 | 13
Gonda | 45 | ... | 45
Sultânpur | 15 | ... | 15
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 4,317 | 630 | 4,947
===============+=======+====================+=======
Agnihotri. [123]—A class of Brâhmans who are specially devoted to the
maintenance of the sacred fire. The number of such Brâhmans now-a-days
is very limited, as the ceremonies involve heavy expenditure and the
rules which regulate them are very elaborate and difficult. They are
seldom found among the Pancha Gaur Brâhmans, who are not devoted to the
deep study of the Vedas; they are most numerous among the Pancha
Drâvira or Dakshini Brâhmans. In one sense, of course, the offering of
part of the food to fire at the time of eating is one of the five daily
duties of a Brâhman; but the regular fire sacrifice is the special duty
of the Agnihotri. In order to secure the requisite purity he is bound
by certain obligations not to travel or remain away from home for any
lengthened period; to sell nothing which is produced by himself or his
family; not to give much attention to worldly affairs; to speak the
truth; to bathe and worship the deities in the afternoon as well as in
the morning; to offer pindas to his deceased ancestors on the 15th of
every month before he takes food; not to eat food at night; not to eat
alkaline salt (khâri nimak), honey, meat, and inferior grain, such as
urad pulse or the kodo millet; not to sleep on a bed, but on the
ground; to keep awake most of the night and study the Shâstras; to have
no connection with, or unholy thoughts regarding, any woman except his
wife; or to commit any other act involving personal impurity.
2. In the plains there are three kinds of Agnihotris: first, hereditary
Agnihotris; second, those who commence maintaining the sacred fire from
the time they are invested with the Brâhmanical cord; and third, those
who commence to do so later on in life. The proper time to begin is the
time of investiture. If any one commence it at a later age, he has to
undergo certain purificatory rites, and if subsequently the maintenance
of the fire is interrupted, the ceremony of purification has to be
undergone again. The ceremony of purification is of the kind known as
Prajâpatya vrata, which is equal to three times the krichchhra, which
latter lasts for four days, and consists in eating the most simple food
once in the 24 hours; to eat once at night on the second day; not to
ask for food, but to take what is placed before him; to eat nothing on
the fourth day. This course, carried out for twelve days, constitutes
the Prajâpatya vrata. In default of this the worshipper has to give as
many cows to Brâhmans as years have passed since his investiture. In
default of this he must tell the gâyatri mantra ten thousand times for
every year that has passed since he was invested. Or finally, if he can
do none of these, he may place in the sacrificial pit (kunda) as many
thousand offerings (âhuti) of sesamum (tila) as years have passed.
3. Agnihotri Brâhmans keep in their houses a separate room, in which is
the pit at which the fire sacrifice is performed, and a second pit out
of which is taken fire to burn the Agnihotri himself or any of his
family when they die; besides these, a third pit is maintained from
which fire is taken when it is required for ordinary household work.
The first is known as the havaniya kunda, the second dagdha kunda, and
the third, grâhya patya. The pit is one cubit in cubic measurement. All
three are of the same dimensions. Around it is a platform (vedi),
twelve finger breadths in width, and made of masonry or clay. One-third
of it is coloured black, and is known as tama, “darkness” or “passion”;
one-third, coloured red, is rajas, or “impurity,” and one-third, white,
signifying sat, or “virtue.” Sometimes the pit is made in the form of
the leaf of a pîpal tree and has the mouth in the shape of the yoni. In
the morning the Agnihotri should place in the pit an oblation (âhuti)
of ghi: this should be the product of the cow; if this be not
procurable, it may be replaced with buffalo ghi, or that of the goat,
sesamum oil, curds, milk, or, in the last resort, pottage (lapsi). On
certain occasions an offering of rice-milk (khîr) is allowed. Some also
offer incense.
4. The sacrifice is made in this way: First of all the pit should be
swept with a bundle of kusa grass, and the ashes and refuse thrown into
a pure place in the house facing the north-east; next the pit is
plastered with cow-dung; then three lines are drawn in the middle with
a stalk of kusa grass; from these lines three pinches of dust are
collected and thrown towards the north-east. The pit and altar are then
sprinkled with water from a branch of kusa grass. Fire is then kindled
with the arani, or sacred drill, and lighted with wood of the sandal
tree, or palâsa, which are also used for replenishing the fire. After
this is performed the nândi srâddha, or commemorative offering to the
manes preliminary to any joyous occasion, such as initiation, marriage,
etc., when nine balls (pinda) are offered in threes—three to the
deceased father, his father, and grandfather; three to the maternal
grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great-grandfather; three to
the mother, paternal grandmother, and great-grandmother. Water is then
filled into the sacrificial vessel (pranîta), and twenty blades of kusa
grass are arranged round the altar, so that the heads of all be facing
the east. All the sacrificial vessels (pâtra) are arranged north of the
pit and the altar. First of all the pranîta is so placed; then three
blades of kusa grass; then another sacrificial vessel called the
prokshani pâtra; then the âjya or ajyasthalipâtra, which holds the
offering of ghi; after these the samârjana, or brush, the sruva, or
sacrificial ladle, and the pûrna pâtra, another vessel. The vessels are
purified with aspersion from a bunch of kusa grass dipped in water,
after which the ghi is poured on the fire out of a bell-metal cup, and,
with a prayer to Prajâpati, the fire is replenished with pieces of wood
soaked in ghi.
5. Certain ceremonies (sanskâra) are incumbent on Agnihotris. On the
fifteenth of every Hindu month they must perform the srâddha for their
deceased ancestors: on the last day of every month they must do the
srâddha and fire sacrifice (homa) every day during the four months of
the rainy season. They must do the homa on a large scale: they must do
the srâddha on the eighth day of both the fortnights in Sâwan and
Chait: they must do a great fire sacrifice in Aghan and feed Brâhmans.
Whenever a man begins to perform the fire sacrifice he always starts on
the Amâvas, or fifteenth day of the month. There is a special elaborate
ritual when an offering of rice-milk is made, in which sacred mortars
and pestles and sacred winnowing fans are used with special mantras in
extracting the rice from the husk.
[The Agnihotris of the Hills.] 6. Of these, Pandit Janardan Datta Joshi
writes:—“They originally came from Gujarât, and are worshippers of the
Sâma Veda. An Agnihotri commences fire worship from the date of his
marriage. The sacred fire of the marriage altar is carried in a copper
vessel to his fire-pit. This fire is preserved by a continual supply of
fuel, and when the Agnihotri dies this fire alone must be used for his
funeral pyre. He takes food once a day only and bathes three times. He
must not eat meat, masûr pulse, the baingan, or egg-plant, or other
impure articles of food. He never wears shoes: he performs the fire
sacrifice (homa) daily with ghi, rice, etc., and recites the mantra of
the Sâma Veda. The fire-pit which I have seen was forty feet long and
fifteen broad, and is known as Agni Kunda. He has to feed one Brâhman
daily before he can take his food, and he eats always in the afternoon.
Generally, the eldest son alone is eligible for this office, but other
sons may practise it if they choose.
7. “The method of producing fire by the arani is as follows:—The base
is formed of sami wood one cubit long, one span broad and eight finger
breadths deep. In the block a small hole is made four finger breadths
deep, emblematical of the female principle (sakti yoni). The middle
arani is a shaft eighteen inches long and four finger breadths in
diameter. An iron nail, one finger breadth long, is fixed to its end as
an axis or pivot. The top arani, which is a flat piece of wood, is
pressed on this nail, and two priests continue to press the bottom
arani and maintain them in position. The point in the drill where the
rope is applied to cause it to revolve, is called deva yoni. Before
working the rope the gâyatri must be repeated, and a hymn from the Sâma
Veda in honour of the fire god Agni. After repeating this hymn the fire
produced by the friction is placed in a copper vessel, and powdered
cowdung is sprinkled over it. When it is well alight it is covered with
another copper vessel, and drops of water are sprinkled over it while
the gâyatri is recited three times. The sprinkling is done with kusa
grass. Again a Sâma Veda hymn in honour of Agni is recited. It is then
formally consigned to the fire-pit. If the Agnihotri chance to let his
fire go out he must get it from the pit of another Agnihotri, or
produce it by means of the arani.”
Agrahari: Agrehri.—A sub-caste of Banyas found in considerable numbers
in the Allahâbâd, Benares, Gorakhpur, Lucknow, and Faizâbâd divisions.
They claim partly a Vaisya and partly a Brâhmanical descent, and wear
the sacred cord. Their name has been connected with the cities of Agra
and Agroha. Mr. Nesfield derives it from the agara or aloe wood, which
is one of the many things which they sell. There is no doubt that they
are closely connected with the Agarwâlas, and Mr. Nesfield suggests
that the two groups must have been “sections of one and the same caste
which quarrelled on some trifling question connected with cooking or
eating, and have remained separate ever since.” Mr. Sherring remarks
that they, unlike the Agarwâlas, allow polygamy, and Mr. Risley [124]
suggests that if this be true it may supply an explanation of the
divergence of the Agraharis from the Agarwâlas. In Mirzapur they do
allow polygamy, but with this restriction, that a man cannot marry a
second wife in the lifetime of the first without her consent.
[Internal organisation.] 2. They have a large number of exogamous
groups (gotra), the names of which are known only to a few of their
more learned Bhâts. In Mirzapur they name seven—Sonwân; Payagwâr or
Prayâgwâl; Lakhmi; Chauhatt; Gangwâni; Sethrâê; and Ajudhyabâsi. There
are also the Purbiya or Purabiya, “those of the East;” Pachhiwâha,
“those of the West,” and Nariyarha. To these Mr. Sherring adds, from
Benares, Uttarâha, “Northern;” Tanchara; Dâlamau from the town of
Dalmau, in the Râê Bareli District; Mâhuli from the Pargana of Mâhul,
in Azamgarh; Ajudhyabâsi, from Ajudhya, and Chhiânawê, from a Pargana
of the name in Mirzapur. In Mirzapur they regard the town of Kantit,
near Bindhâchal, as their head-quarters. The levirate is recognised,
but is not compulsory on the widow.
[Religion.] 3. Some of them are initiated in the Sri Vaishnava sect and
some are Nânakpanthis. To the east of the Province their clan deities
are the Pânchonpîr and Mahâbîr, and, as a rule, the difference of
worship is a bar to intermarriage. Their family priests are Sarwariya
Brâhmans. The use of meat and spirits is prohibited; but a few are not
abstainers, and these do not intermarry with the more orthodox
families.
[Occupation.] 4. They are principally dealers in provisions
(khichari-farosh) and they have acquired some discredit as compared
with their kinsfolk the Agarwâlas by not isolating their women and
allowing them to attend the shop. They also specially deal in various
sweet-smelling woods which are used in religious ceremonies, such as
agara or aloe-wood and sandal-wood (chandana), besides various
medicines and simples. The richer members of the caste are bankers,
dealers in grain, etc., or pawnbrokers. All Banyas, but not Brâhmans,
or Kshatriyas, will eat pakki from their hands; only low castes, like
Kahârs or Nâis, will eat kachchi cooked by them, and they will
themselves eat kachchi only if cooked by one of their own caste or by
their Brâhman Guru.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AGRAHARI BANYAS ACCORDING TO CENSUS, 1891.
============+==========
District. | Numbers.
============+==========
Dehra Dûn | 4
Meerut | 26
Farrukhâbâd | 1
Cawnpur | 856
Fatehpur | 5,708
Bânda | 3,605
Allahâbâd | 5,871
Benares | 2,984
Mirzapur | 6,354
Jaunpur | 9,600
Ghâzipur | 744
Ballia | 11
Gorakhpur | 6,106
Basti | 17,256
Azamgarh | 3,564
Lucknow | 898
Unâo | 42
Râê Bareli | 7,439
Faizâbâd | 9,713
Gonda | 796
Bahrâich | 88
Sultânpur | 14,944
Partâbgarh | 4,597
Bârabanki | 21
+~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 1,01,228
============+==========
Ahar.—A pastoral and cultivating tribe found principally in Rohilkhand
along the banks of the Râmganga and west of that river. These tracts
are familiarly known as Aharât. Sir H. M. Elliot [125] says that they
smoke and drink in common with Jâts and Gûjars, but disclaim all
connection with Ahîrs, whom they consider an inferior stock, and the
Ahîrs repay the compliment. Ahars say that they are descended from
Jâdonbansi Râjputs; but Ahîrs say that they are the real Jâdonbansi,
being descended in a direct line from Krishna, and that Ahars are
descended from the cowherds in Krishna’s service, and that the
inferiority of Ahars is fully proved by their eating fish and milking
cows. It seems probable that the name and origin of both tribes is the
same. The Collector of Mathura reports that the names Ahîr and Ahar
appear to be used indiscriminately, and in particular in most cases the
Ahîr clans of Bhatti, Deswâr and Nugâwat appear to have been recorded
as Ahars. To the east of the Province Ahar appears to be occasionally
used as a synonym for Aheriya, and to designate the class of
bird-catchers known as Chiryâmâr.
2. At the last census the Ahars were recorded under the main sub-castes
of Bâchar, or Bâchhar, Bhirgudi, Deswâr, Guâlbans, and Jâdubans. In the
returns they were recorded under no less than 976 sub-castes, of which
the most numerous in Bulandshahr are the Nagauri and Rajauliya; in
Bareilly the Alaudiya, Baheriya, Banjâra, Bharthariya, Bhusangar,
Bhijauriya, Dirhwâr, Mundiya, Ora, Rajauriya, and Siyârmâr, or “Jackal
killers;” in Budâun the Alaudiya, Baisgari, Bareriya, Bhagrê, Chhakrê,
Doman, Gochhar, Ghosiya, Kara, Kathiya, Mahâpachar, Mahar, Murarkha,
Ora, Rahmaniyân, Rajauriya, Sakariya, Sansariya and Warag; in Morâdâbâd
the Alaudiya, Bagarha, Baksiya, Bhadariya, Bhosiya, Chaudhari,
Janghârê, Mahar, Nagarha, Ora, Rajauriya, Râwat, Saila and Sakoriya; in
Pilibhît the Bharthariya and Dhindhor. The analogy of many of these
with the Ahîrs is obvious, and many of the names are taken from Râjput
and other sources.
3. In manners and customs they appear to be identical with the Ahîrs.
They have traditions of sovereignty in Rohilkhand, and possibly enjoyed
considerable power during the reign of the Tomars (700 to 1150 A. D).
[126]
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHARS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=======+========
District. | Sub-Castes. | Total.
|Bâchar. |
| |Bhirgudi. |
| | |Deswâr. |
| | | |Guâlbans. |
| | | | |Jâdubans. |
| | | | | |Others.|
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Meerut | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,632| 2,632
Bulandshahr| ... |1,953| 2| 78|1,420| 1,765| 5,218
Etah | ... |1,414| ... | ... | 298| 102| 1,814
Bareilly |5,291| 335|2,040| 360| 649| 36,083| 44,758
Bijnaur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 3| 3
Budâun | ... | ... |1,514| 97| 7|137,846|139,464
Morâdâbâd | ... | 60|2,163| 203| 712| 31,913| 35,051
Pilibhît |2,419| 221| 74|3,789| 767| 5,447| 12,717
Kumâon | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 36| 36
Tarâi | 8| ... | 145| 243| 856| 1,221| 2,473
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total |7,718|3,983|5,938|4,770|4,097|217,048|244,166
===========+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=======+=======