During the movement of the Expeditionary_The Bombay City Police: A Historical Sketch, 1672-1916

quarters of the bazar, which were heavily patronized by soldiers and

sailors, both European and Indian, beggared description. The Japanese

quarter appeared to offer special attractions to fighting-men of

Mongolian type, and the divisional police had a hard task to settle

disputes and maintain order in these areas. In the mill-district there

was unrest for some little time; but this was at length discounted by the

labours of three Hindu gentlemen, Messrs. H. A. Talcherkar, S. K. Bole,

and K. R. Koregaonkar, who volunteered their services as intermediaries

between the Police Commissioner and the industrial population, and by

means of lectures on the war, social gatherings and so forth, helped to

keep the police in touch with popular feeling and to minimise panic. Very

arduous work fell upon the Harbour police in connexion with the patrol of

the various bandars and wharves, the boarding of all vessels entering the

harbour, and the many miscellaneous and emergent requisitions entailed by

war conditions. The old police launch which at its best was never very

seaworthy, broke down under the strain and had to be docked for repairs

to her machinery; but the Harbour police continued to carry on their

duties by borrowing launches from other departments. The desertion of

lascar crews at the beginning of the submarine scare caused much trouble

to the Shipping Master and to the steamship-companies, and on several

occasions _serangs_ and other Indian seamen were brought to the Head

Police Office to have their apprehensions allayed. When Turkey entered

the war, the Divisional police took a census and compiled a register of

all Turkish subjects in the City, excluding certain wealthy Arabs of the

upper class, who were visited by Muhammadan police officers specially

deputed for this duty by the Commissioner.

The bulk of the confidential war work fell naturally upon the Criminal

Investigation Department. Before the organization of the Postal Censor’s

office, and in some cases also afterwards, the department scrutinized

letters addressed to enemy subjects; it studied closely the daily and

weekly newspapers in all languages, and prepared a daily report for the

military authorities on the publication of war-news; it carried out

requests for information and assistance from the Brigade Office, the

Customs Department, and the Controller of Hostile Trading Concerns. It

prepared lists for Government of hostile, allied and neutral foreigners

resident in Bombay; it mustered all German and Austrian males, numbering

respectively 189 and 37, at the Head Police Office, confiscated their

fire-arms, and eventually dispatched them under arrest to the Ahmadnagar

Detention Camp, whither were also sent many enemy foreigners subsequently

removed from enemy ships in the harbour. It also kept under surveillance

a certain number of persons who were permitted to remain on parole

in Bombay; it kept under observation and deported a large number of

transfrontier Pathans and tribesmen, under special powers granted for

this purpose to the Commissioner; it arrested the officers and crew of

a captured Turkish vessel and placed them in detention, and deported

many Turkish subjects to Jeddah. The department also housed and fed for

two months two hundred and sixty Chinese, who were removed from German

prize vessels. One of the more amusing features of their arrival was the

disgust shown by the Muhammadan police-officer, told off to arrange for

their supply of food, when they begged him in a body to buy up all the

pork he could find in the bazaar. Military prisoners from Mesopotamia

were taken over and placed in charge of the proper authorities; constant

inquiries were made about firms suspected of trading with the enemy; and

from the end of 1915 the department had to organize a system of passes

for all persons desiring to land at Basra or Mohammerah.

The process of clearing Bombay of hostile aliens of both sexes was

finally completed in 1915. Among them were six ladies, a few children,

one or two Jesuit priests, and eighteen prostitutes, who were sent to

Calcutta for repatriation to Holland by the S. S. _Golconda_. This

party left Bombay by special train, the respectable women and children

being placed in the front carriages, the priests and the police-escort

in the centre, and the unfortunate denizens of the brothels in the

rear-compartments. The moment of departure was enlivened by a gentleman,

belonging to the priestly class of a well-known community, who had

been keeping one of the Austrian harlots. He came to see the lady off

and burst into floods of tears and loud groans, as the train steamed

out of the station. One of the most ticklish duties entrusted to the

police occurred during the Muharram of 1915. A regiment composed of

north-country Muhammadans was on the point of embarking for Mesopotamia,

when one of the men murdered their English major. He was court-martialled

without delay and sentenced to be hanged; and the military authorities,

who handed him over to the police pending his execution, were very

anxious that his punishment should be witnessed by the rest of the

regiment. There was a general undercurrent of unrest at the time in the

Muhammadan quarter, owing to sympathy with Turkey, and the Muharram

festival was in progress. Any undue publicity given to the execution, and

the overt movement of troops through the City, might have brought about

an outbreak. Arrangements were therefore made by the Police to hang the

culprit at the Byculla jail before daybreak and to march the regiment to

the spot by a circuitous route, with a British regiment in attendance to

prevent any attempt at mutiny. The execution was carried out without a

hitch, and the regiment was back at its temporary quarters in the docks

before the City was properly awake.

In conclusion it may be added that the whole police force, and the

clerical staff of the Commissioner, subscribed one day’s pay apiece to

the Bombay Presidency Branch of the Imperial War Relief Fund. This sum

was augmented to a total of Rs. 15,000 by subscriptions received by the

Commissioner from a motley assortment of local characters, among whom may

be mentioned the leading Hindu dancing-girls, the Sadhus and Bairagis in

Bai Jankibai’s _dharamshala_, the local Pathans working in the Docks, the

Sidis or African Muhammadans, the Persian Zoroastrians or Iranis, who

are mostly tea-shop keepers, and a Parsi amateur theatrical company. It

says something for the good relations subsisting between the police and

the general public that classes such as these voluntarily offered their

contributions as soon as the general appeal for funds was issued under

the auspices of Lord Willingdon, the Governor.

In two respects the Commissioner’s _régime_ was fortunate. He had an

excellent and very hardworking clerical staff; and the relations between

the Magistracy and the Police were uniformly cordial. Shortly after

Mr. Edwardes joined the appointment in 1909, the old head-clerk, Mr.

Ramchandra Dharadhar, retired, and his place was taken by Mr. Vinayakrao

Dinanath, whose early service dated back to the days of Sir Frank

Souter. Under him and the second clerk, Mr. Chhaganlal M. Tijoriwala,

I.S.O., who has since succeeded to the head-clerk’s post with the title

of “Superintendent of the Commissioner’s office,” an immense volume of

correspondence was dealt with, which was often of so urgent a character

that the staff was obliged to work on Sundays and to give up the public

and sectional holidays allowed to all departments of Government.

Throughout this period the appointment of Chief Presidency Magistrate

was held by Mr. A.H.S. Aston, whose transparent honesty of thought and

purpose would have been an asset to any Bench; and he was ably seconded

by Rao Bahadur Chunilal H. Setalwad, C.I.E., Mr. Oliveira, and Mr.

Gulamhussein R. Khairaz. Mr. Setalwad combined with wide legal experience

a valuable knowledge of the customs and idiosyncrasies of the many

classes resident in Bombay, and in seasons of unrest and disturbance he

was among the first to offer his services to the Police Commissioner

towards the restoration of order. While he and his colleagues gave the

police every support from the Bench, they never hesitated to inform

the Commissioner personally of cases in which, in their opinion, the

subordinate police had acted in error or exceeded their powers—a course

of action which was most helpful to the head of the police force.

By the end of 1915 the strain of nearly seven years’ work and the

additional burden imposed by war conditions had told so heavily upon Mr.

Edwardes’ health that he asked the Bombay Government to transfer him to

another appointment. He was offered and accepted the post of Municipal

Commissioner, and bade a final adieu to the Police force on April 15th,

1916. But he was not destined to serve long in the Municipality. An old

pulmonary complaint, which was seriously aggravated by the constant

strain of police duty, developed so rapidly that he was obliged to take

furlough to England in the following October and eventually to retire

from the service on medical certificate in April, 1918. A few months

after his final retirement, the Governor of Bombay, Lord Willingdon,

unveiled at the Head Police Office a marble bust of the ex-Commissioner,

which, in the words engraved on the pedestal, was “erected by

subscriptions from all ranks of the Bombay City Police in appreciation of

many and valued services rendered to the Force”.

APPENDIX

MR. EDWARDES’ REPORT ON THE FINAL MOHARRAM RIOT OF 1911 AND THE BOMBAY

GOVERNMENT’S ORDER THEREON

No. 1431

_Bombay Castle, 8th March, 1911_

_Disturbances in Bombay during the Moharram of 1911_

No. 545—C, dated 20th January, 1911

From—S.M. Edwardes, Esquire, I.C.S.,

Commissioner of Police, Bombay;

To—The Secretary to Government,

Judicial Department, Bombay.

I have the honour to state with regret that a serious outbreak took place

in the City on the early morning of the 12th January in connection with

the Moharram Tabut procession and that it was followed on the afternoon

of the same day by a violent disturbance of such a character that I was

forced to send for a magistrate to give an order to the troops on duty at

the scene of disturbance, to fire on the mob. I submit hereunder a full

account of the circumstances which rendered this order necessary.

2. The Moharram of 1911 commenced on the 2nd January. As Government

are aware, I had with their approval issued a notification, dated 8th

December 1910, closing Pakmodia Street, Dhabu Street, Doctor Street,

Chimna Butcher Street and Mutton Street to all processionists throughout

the Moharram. This order was rendered necessary by the behaviour of

the Mahommedan Mohollas at the Moharram of 1910 and by the intolerable

rowdiness and obscene license which for the last 6 or 7 years have

characterized the progress of the procession through the Shia Borah

locality of Doctor Street and neighbouring lanes.

3. The notification was not favourably received by the lower classes who

take part in the Bombay Moharram, but was welcomed both by the Shias

and respectable Sunnis as a step in the right direction. Till about a

week before the first night of the festival it was generally understood

that the various Mohollas would not apply for licenses and that they

would sulk as they did last year. This in itself constitutes a serious

menace to public peace and order, as the non-appearance of the tabuts

and tazias in the streets lets loose the gangs or _tolis_ (numbering

several thousands and composed of the riff-raff of the Musalman quarter)

which usually accompany the mimic tombs to the water-side. However,

after considerable vacillation, the leading Mohollas, Rangari, Kolsa,

Chuna Batti and others, held a meeting at which it was decided openly

to apply for licenses to me and to celebrate the festival in the usual

manner. Shortly after this meeting it transpired that one of those who

advocated most strongly the application for licenses and the observance

of the police orders regarding Doctor Street was one Badlu, who lives in

Madanpura and controls a tabut supported by the Julhai weavers of that

locality. It appears that his action was part of a settled policy between

himself and the notorious Rangari Moholla, the nature of which will

be disclosed a little further on. It also transpired that the Konkani

Mahomedan Mohollas were up in arms both against my order and against

Rangari Moholla and its leader, Latiff, the tea shop-keeper, and that

they found strong sympathisers among the Mohollas of the E division, and

Bengalpura, Teli Gali, Bapu Hajam and Kasai Mohollas in the B division.

The bone of contention was the closing of Doctor Street. The Konkani

Mahomedans declared that the behaviour of the Mohollas at the Moharram

of 1910 had obliged the Police Commissioner to take action in regard

to Doctor Street, which was perfectly true, and secondly that that

behaviour had been dictated and forced upon all the Mohollas in 1910 by

Latiff and the Memons of Rangari Moholla, which was equally undeniable.

They were incensed to find Latiff now advocating the observance of the

festival and obedience to the Police Order, and declared that _they_

would not lift their tabuts and would not have anything further to do

with Rangari Moholla. Nevertheless, while thus secretly determined not to

go out in procession and nursing violent hostility to Rangari Moholla,

they declared openly that there was nothing amiss and applied for tabut

licenses as soon as Rangari, Kolsa and Chuna Batti Mohollas applied for

theirs.

4. The policy of Badlu and Latiff of Rangari Moholla became apparent as

soon as Latiff applied for his tabut-license. He asked me personally to

grant the Julhais a pass for the procession. For, finding that there was

considerable feeling against him among the Konkanis and the Mohollas who

sympathised with them, he foresaw that, unless he commanded a strong

following from some other quarter, the Rangari Moholla procession would

be rather a poor one. He therefore without doubt arranged with Badlu that

if he (Latiff) could squeeze a pass out of the Police, the Julhais were

to amalgamate with his Moholla and make a brave display in front of the

recalcitrant Mohollas.

I refused absolutely to give a pass, after consulting all persons who

were in a position to give an opinion on the point. Government are aware

that the Julhais are an extremely illiterate and fanatical population.

When once an individual gets influence over them, they will do anything

that he asks; and it has always been the policy of the police to forbid

their bringing their tabut out in the ordinary procession and to prevent

them coming anywhere south of the Parsi Statue on the _Katal-ki-rat_ and

the last day. The Julhais can, if they obtain a pass, bring out a _toli_

of about 3,000 men, all armed with _lathis_, many of which are knobbed

and tipped with brass or iron. I have had something to do with them, in

the matter of getting them re-employed after a strike and obtaining their

back wages from their employers: and in view of the gratitude which they

professed for this help, I decided to send for Badlu myself and explain

to him that it was impossible for me to grant them a pass, much as I

regretted my inability to do so. Badlu after 20 minutes’ talk with me was

quite reasonable and undertook not to worry any more about a pass and to

keep his following cool. Apparently Latiff and Rangari Moholla were not

very pleased at my having checkmated them, and from that moment Latiff

began to talk somewhat ambiguously about the possible failure of the

procession. Badlu, however, stuck to his promise to me, and the Julhais

in a body took their tabut out and immersed it in the usual way in the

area north of the Parsi Statue.

5. The next symptom of possible trouble concerned the _ugaráni_ or

collection of funds for the tabut and procession, which each Moholla

levies on the general public. Government are possibly not aware that it

costs a Moholla anything from Rs. 100 to 400 to erect a Tabut and carry

it out, and there are 105 Mohollas in the city which usually do so. The

bulk of this money is extorted—there is no other word for it—from Marwadi

and Bania merchants, who are threatened with physical injury unless they

subscribe liberally. Just prior to the commencement of the Moharram,

certain Marwadi merchants came and made a complaint at the Paidhuni

Police Station that they were being harassed and assaulted by Bengalpura

Moholla. The Divisional Police very properly made an enquiry into the

complaint and finding it to be true, sent for the leaders of that Moholla

and gave them a strict warning not to extort any more money from Hindu

merchants. This was treated as a grievance, and Latiff himself had the

impertinence to come to the Head Police Office and complain that “the

police were not assisting the collection of funds”.

Added to these alleged grievances, rumour was also rife that the Bohras

had been openly boasting that they had got Doctor Street closed and

that they had won a victory over the Sunnis. I believe there is some

foundation for this report, and that some of the lower-class Bohras, who

number amongst them several very bad characters, did inflame the minds of

individual Sunnis by talking and acting in a very indiscreet manner.

6. Such was the position at the opening of the Moharram on the 2nd

January. In view of the notification alluded to above and in order to

prevent any attempt to rush Doctor Street, I had to place a permanent

cordon round the prohibited area from the first night, consisting of 324

native police and 30 European officers. In addition to this I had strong

guards at Paidhuni, Sulliman Chowkey, the J.J. Hospital corner and Nall

Bazaar, which were strengthened from the 6th night of the Moharram with

pickets of armed police and mounted police. The men on the cordon and at

the places mentioned were on practically continuous duty for ten nights

and days, a few only being allowed off duty as opportunity offered to get

their meals. I bring to the notice of Government that the strain on these

men was very great, and that in consequence of the disturbance on the

last day I had to retain them for three days and nights after their duty

should in ordinary circumstances have ceased.

7. Nothing of any importance happened on the first night, except a

little scuffle at the Shia Imambara on Jail Road, when a Sunni _toli_

was passing with music. The care-taker dashed out and abused the _toli_,

which retorted by flinging a few stones at the Imambara and playing more

loudly than before. This trouble was however allayed and no serious

consequences ensued. On the 2nd night (following the first day) nothing

of importance occurred, and the same was the case up to the 5th January.

On that day I personally interviewed the leaders of the Pathans, Sidis

and Panjabis and asked them to warn their respective class-fellows

against going out and joining any _toli_. This they promised to do.

No Sidis or Panjabis came out: but on the last day when the trouble

commenced, the Pathans and Peshawaris were out in considerable force,

throwing stones at the tram-cars and the Police, in spite of the fact

that Samad Khan, one of the Pathan headmen, tried his best to hold his

branch in check.

On the same day (5th January) I received a report from the D division

that, according to rumour, the only Mohollas that intended to go out

with their tabuts were Rangari, Kolsa and Chuna Batti Mohollas, and that

if they actually did go out there would be trouble in Nagpada. Other

rumours of an equally disquieting nature were abroad, which obliged

the C.I.D. and Inspector Khan Bahadur Shaikh Ibrahim to redouble their

efforts to smooth away spurious grievances and bring about a feeling of

tranquillity. Nevertheless we hoped for the best and watched the _panjas_

and the _pethis_ come out on the 5th night (6th January) and pass down

Grant Road, without making any serious attempt to break away down Doctor

Street.

8. On the 7th night of Moharram (Sunday the 8th January) the Rangari

Moholla _toli_ and the Halai Memon Moholla _toli_ turned out in force

at a very late hour. In spite of the Police order that they should be

back in their Mohollas by 2 a.m., it was 4 a.m. before they reached home

and it was 4-30 a.m. before the Deputy Commissioners and I were able to

leave the City. Before they started a reminder was sent to them about the

carrying of “lathis” and bludgeons, and, so far as I can gather, out of

the two to three thousand persons composing each _toli_, a considerable

number were unarmed when they left their Mohollas. They wandered out of

the B division into the C division, and thence gradually up Khoja Street

to Grant Road. When they arrived at Sulliman Chowkey, Superintendent

Priestley, who had been with them on their peregrinations for 2 hours

and 20 minutes, reported that they had collected sticks on the route and

had even torn down and armed themselves with the poles which support

the awnings over the shops. As they passed me they appeared to be in a

condition of considerable exaltation, and I was able to note the scum

of which the _tolis_ were composed. There is no question of religion or

religious fervour here. The _tolis_ are irreligious rascality, let loose

for five days and nights to play intolerable mischief in the streets and

terrorize the peaceful householder.

On their way out from their Moholla the Rangari _toli_ took a new route.

Instead of coming direct up Abdul Rehman Street, as it always has done,

it turned off into the Koka Bazaar, where many Bohras live and where

there is a Bohra mosque, and there it drummed and played and hurled

obscene abuse at the Bohras in the same way as it has done in Doctor

Street. In fact, it passed the word round that though Doctor Street had

been closed by the Police, it had found a new Doctor Street and had

checkmated the Commissioner.

9. The action of these two _tolis_ produced the inevitable result. Some

of the others, who were hesitating about coming out, got their blood

up and turned out in great force on the following night (Monday the

9th). They were Kolsa Moholla, Kasai Moholla (the beef-butchers), the

Bapty Road Chilli-chors or hack victoria drivers, and Teli Gali. These

_tolis_ also were fully armed. We held a consultation as to whether

it was advisable to rush in and disarm the crowds; but in view of the

enormous size of the _tolis_, and the fact that most of our police were

locked up in the cordoned area, and further that any show of force would

have inevitably led to a disturbance of a serious character, I let the

question of sticks slide and confined the police to urging the _tolis_

home as quickly as possible. From the 6th night we had to exercise the

greatest caution in order not to precipitate a conflict, and in doing so

we were obliged to wink at certain things which with a stronger police

force we might have forcibly put down. We kept Doctor Street and the

other streets hermetically closed from the beginning to the end, but this

was only achieved by denuding our main posts and a considerable portion

of the city of both European and Native police.

Two points deserve notice in connection with the _toli_ procession of

the 9th January. First, Kasai Moholla on its way home turned into Koka

Bazaar, assaulted one or two Bohras, and looted a few shops. On hearing

this I drew off my armed police guard at Paidhuni and placed it in Koka

Bazaar, and also placed 5 armed native police at each end. Secondly,

Teli Moholla took the ominous step of coming out a short distance and

then going back to its quarters. This is invariably a dangerous sign;

and there is little doubt that Teli Moholla did this as a signal to the

Konkani Mohollas, Bengalpura, and the Mohollas of the E division that the

Moharram was to be wrecked, partly as a protest against the closing of

Doctor Street and partly out of enmity to Rangari Moholla. Once more the

C. I. D. and Khan Bahadur Shaikh Ibrahim did their best to smooth away

difficulties, and once more we looked forward with slightly diminished

hopes to the next day (10th January). When one left for home at 5 a.m. on

the 10th January, one could not help feeling that the odds were slightly

against our getting through the festival without trouble, but I still

hoped that if Rangari, Kolsa and Chuna Batti Mohollas came out properly

on the 10th night or _Katal-ki-rat_, the others would lift their tabuts

on the last day, and all would be well.

10. On the 9th night (10th January) we exerted all our influence to

keep the various Mohollas in a good temper. Mr. Vincent went with his

most trusted C. I. D. officers to the E division Mohollas, spoke with

the crowd, listened to their _Waaz_ or nightly discourse, subscribed to

their funds and finally left them apparently happy and determined to

carry out their tabuts properly. Meanwhile Mr. Gadney and I visited the B

division tabuts, talked with the tabut wallas, and endeavoured to allay

the tension, which was obviously spreading through the Musalman quarter.

At the four chief Mohollas we visited we were received in friendly style;

but I was made to understand secretly that none of them would lift

their tabuts unless Rangari Moholla gave the lead, and that the Konkani

Mohollas were absolutely obdurate and hostile.

The latter fact was sufficiently proved by the non-appearance of the

Bara Imam Sandal procession, which usually starts from Khoja Street

on the 9th night. It serves as the barometer of the Moharram and its

non-appearance in the streets usually indicates storm. Every form of

persuasion was used to make the licensee start out, as soon as the news

of his recalcitrance reached me. But to no avail. Whether the licensee

was a member of the cabal bent upon creating disturbance or whether he

was, as he stated, afraid to move out, I cannot exactly say. But it is

tolerably certain that the recalcitrant faction, including Bengalpura

and Teli Gali, sent him a secret message that if he dared to leave Khoja

Street, he and his processionists would be mobbed and hurt.

In spite of this we persuaded Chuna Batti Moholla to issue, and they were

followed by old and new Bengalpura who were playing a double game, and

by Kasar Gali and Wadi Bandar, whom Mr. Vincent had screwed up to the

starting-point by his diplomatic visit. Nothing of note occurred during

this procession of several thousand persons, except that they started

late and kept us in the streets till 4-45 a.m.

11. Thus we reached the 10th night or _Katal-ki-rat_, which precedes the

last or Immersion Day (January 12th). On the night of the 11th January I

reached Paidhuni at 10 p.m. and there met Rao Bahadur Chunilal Setalvad,

who had heard conflicting rumours and had offered his services to me in

case I required them. We determined to wait there until the processions

of the B division began to move out round the City, which should have

happened about 11-45 p.m. By midnight the streets were crowded, but

there was no sign of a procession. At 12-30 a.m. I received information

that Latiff and Rangari Moholla had started out. In order to make quite

certain I went down Abdul Rehman Street to find out where they were

and give them a lead forward. I could not find them for some time, but

finally caught sight of their torches moving down the south end of Koka

Bazaar towards Carnac Road, in other words in the opposite direction

to which they ought to have been moving. The next thing I heard was

that they had turned back, placed their tabut down in its _mándwa_ and

declined to go any further. Knowing that this in itself spelt trouble,

and having been told that unless Rangari Moholla lifted its tabut none

of the others would, I sent the divisional police to fetch Latiff, and

told him that if he did not take out his tabut in procession along the

proper route I would leave no stone unturned to punish him. Latiff was

genuinely afraid and promised to start out again. So at length, about

1-45 a.m., the Rangari Moholla tabut moved up Abdul Rehman Street towards

Paidhuni, with drums, band, torches, and a bullock cart containing

oil and wood to replenish the torches. On arrival at Paidhuni, Latiff

implored police protection for his procession, in view of the anger

of Teli Gali, Bengalpura and the Konkani Mohollas. I therefore sent 4

sowars, several foot police and 4 European officers with the procession,

while Mr. Vincent and some C. I. D. men undertook to walk ahead and see

them safely into the C division limits.

Having thus started Rangari Moholla, I went down to Kolsa Moholla, Chuna

Batti and Halai Moholla to get them to start out. Kolsa Moholla had

already set forth once, but had retreated on hearing that Rangari Moholla

had also done so. After immense delay, caused by these Mohollas making

excuses that they had no coolies to carry the tabuts and that their

bandsmen had run away, we managed to get all three into one long line

containing several thousand persons and brought them out to the junction

of Memonwada Road and Bhendy Bazaar. It was now about 3-30 a.m. At the

moment that the front ranks turned the corner I looked up Bhendy Bazaar

and saw in the far distance the lights and flares of Rangari Moholla

returning. Knowing the hereditary animosity between Kolsa and Rangari

Mohollas, and believing that if they met face to face in Bhendy Bazaar

there would be a free fight, I managed with the help of Khan Bahadur

Shaikh Ibrahim and the B division police to push the whole procession

into Goghari Moholla, on its way up to the Nall Bazaar and Khoja Street,

before Rangari Moholla had had time to get as far south. I sent two

European police officers and some native police with the procession to

see it safely through the C and E divisions.

Meanwhile I had received information from Mr. Gadney, who was at Sulliman

Chowkey, that a very ugly-looking crowd was following behind the Rangari

Moholla _toli_; and having got rid of the three other Mohollas, I

determined to await the arrival of Rangari Moholla at Paidhuni and see

what happened. About 3-45 a.m. it reached me in very sorry plight. It

appears that having seen the tabut and _toli_ safely into the C division,

Mr. Vincent walked by a side street to Nall Bazaar and escorted it

thence to Sulliman Chowkey. By that time the _toli_ was being followed

by an obviously hostile crowd, whistling and shouting “Huriya, Huriya”,

the usual signal for disorder. Four more European officers from Sulliman

Chowkey and the Doctor Street guard were therefore sent with the

procession, while Mr. Vincent and a few C. I. D. officers walked behind

the procession and between it and the crowd. Thus they left Sulliman

Chowkey. After rounding the J.J. Hospital corner into Bhendy Bazaar the

trouble began. The crowd, which was strengthened every minute by swarms

of malcontents from the side _galis_, practically mobbed the police

and the tabut procession all the way down Bhendy Bazaar. They shouted,

whistled and used the filthiest language: they stoned the police and

Rangari Moholla unceasingly; they beat the sowars and their horses with

_lathis_, bringing one down; they carried on a hand-to-hand conflict as

far as Paidhuni. The torch-bearers of Rangari Moholla put down their

lights and fled, and the mob threw the lighted wood at the police. The

tabut was within an ace of being abandoned when the Police seized the

bearers and forced them to carry it on. Latiff was quivering with fear.

Several times the European police begged Mr. Vincent to give orders to

fire on the mob, which it was increasingly difficult to ward off, and

each time Mr. Vincent refused, telling them to use their batons only and

force the tabut and procession into the safer lanes of the B division.

So they gradually arrived, fighting with the mob the whole way and being

continuously stoned. A European officer and 2 native constables had to be

sent to hospital to get their wounds dressed. At one point of the route

a Pathan ranged himself on the side of the police and did remarkable

execution on the mob with a _lathi_.

12. On hearing from Mr. Vincent at Paidhuni what had happened, and seeing

that the crowd was increasing round the police station, I decided (_a_)

to call for military assistance in picketing the streets and (_b_) to

have a baton-charge on the mob. By this time it was quite obvious that

the mob was composed of the worst elements in the recalcitrant Konkani

Mohollas, Bengalpura and Teli Gali, aided, I believe, by the Kasai

Moholla and Babu Hajam Moholla _badmashes_, who had definitely declined

to lift their tabut. Since the 6th night I had, with the approval and

assistance of General Swann, quartered 2 companies of the Warwickshire

Regiment in the Head Police office as a precautionary measure. For

eighty of these I at once telephoned and they arrived within 7 minutes.

I ordered them to be stationed at Paidhuni, Koka Bazaar, Nawab’s Masjid,

the junction of Erskine and Sandhurst roads, the J. J. Hospital corner,

the Nall Bazaar and Doctor Street.

Having telephoned for the troops, I ordered the police to charge and

disperse the mob. This they did with very good will and considerable

success, though it was very difficult in the darkness to see what damage

was done. Anyhow the mob dashed up the darker lanes and streets leading

off Bhendy Bazaar and Paidhuni, and before they could collect again in

force the troops had arrived. The sight of these put a check upon the

mob’s intentions and they gradually melted away for the time being.

Meanwhile, fearing that Kolsa Moholla, Chuna Batti and Halai Moholla

would be subjected to a similar attack, I sent police to call them back

at once to their Mohollas from the C division. The police discovered

Kolsa Moholla and Halai Moholla and turned them back, but Chuna Batti

had gone far ahead and was lost for the time being in the north of the C

division. By the time, however, that it reached the Bhendy Bazaar I had

posted the troops and the procession had therefore a comparatively quiet

passage back to its Moholla.

I append a copy of Mr. Vincent’s report to me on the disturbance in the

early hours of Thursday morning.

13. In view of the rather serious situation created by the above

circumstances I decided to leave the city for rest for 3 hours only. Mr.

Vincent and I left at 6 a.m. and returned at 9 a.m., while Mr. Gadney

stayed on till 9 a.m. and then went off on relief till 12 noon (on

Thursday the 12th January). I also warned Rangari Moholla, Kolsa Moholla,

Chuna Batti and Halai Moholla that if they wished to immerse their tabuts

in the afternoon at Carnac Bandar, they must go straight down from their

Mohollas to Carnac Road and not attempt to move up to and north of

Paidhuni, They, however, refused to lift their tabuts or go out at all.

14. By 1 p.m. on Thursday it was fairly obvious that we were in for

trouble. Huge crowds paraded the streets, and about 2 p.m. I received

news that there was a certain amount of spasmodic stone-throwing at

Paidhuni. I had definite information that not a single Moholla would

lift its tabut. Believing that there was likely to be trouble in the

neighbourhood of Doctor Street, I remained on duty at Sulliman Chowkey,

where I was joined by General Swann and Major Capper. About 4-40 p.m., as

no further news had come from Paidhuni, I decided to go and lie down for

a short time, as I had had only 4 hours’ sleep on the morning of the 11th

and none since. I went down Doctor Street to see that all was well and

inspected the position there, and was making my way outside the Musalman

quarter, when I was overtaken by the Commandant, Mounted Police, who

told me that a message had just been received at Sulliman Chowkey to the

effect that the situation at Paidhuni was very serious. I therefore rode

straight back to Paidhuni.

On arrival there I found the road littered with new road-metal which was

being flung at the police and the tram-cars and the military pickets

by two large mobs situated, the one in Bhendy Bazaar and the other in

Memonwada which debouches on Paidhuni. It was reported to me that about

4 p.m. the mob began to be very troublesome and the Paidhuni police went

out with some mounted police to move them, but were forced to retire.

At 4-15 the police again made a sally on the mob, but were stoned back

again to Paidhuni. At about 4-30 p.m. the tram-traffic between the J. J.

Hospital and Paidhuni came to a standstill. A European in a motor-car was

stoned. The police then rushed out again and the mob retreated a little

distance up Banian Row and Paidhuni Road and stoned them from there.

Meanwhile a gang of Mahomedans at the junction of Chuna Batti was stoning

carriages and trams. A tram-car in which a lady was seated was stopped

by another gang and stones were thrown at the lady, who was hit on the

left cheek. Then a number of Musalman youths got hold of the lady’s

skirts, and as far as Sub-Inspector Butterfield (who was coming up to her

rescue) could see, tried to pull the lady out of the car. Sub-Inspector

Butterfield and 3 privates of the Warwicks with 6 constables then

appeared on the spot. They were met by a shower of road-metal, but forced

the mob some 20 or 25 paces up Chuna Batti, whence they were continuously

stoned. Each time that they retired the crowd pressed forward again. At

about 5 p.m. their retreat was cut off by another mob, which commenced

throwing stones from the opposite side in Banian Cross Road and Pinjrapur

Road. At 5-10 Sub-Inspector Butterfield saw the military officer at

Paidhuni signal to him and the soldiers to get away from the danger zone,

and as their retreat was cut off and they were unable to fight their

way through, they ensconced themselves behind a municipal urinal at the

junction of Chuna Batti and held the crowd off until firing commenced.

While in this position they were continuously stoned both from the street

and from the houses. Among those injured by the stoning of the trams was

a Hindu solicitor, whose companion reports that there was a group of

Pathans with stones at Nawab’s Masjid, and that the car in which he and

his friend were sitting was stoned by bodies of rioters on both sides of

Bhendy Bazaar from Nawab’s Masjid to Paidhuni. Mr. Paton of Messrs. W.

and A. Graham and Company, who had come down with his wife to see the

tabut procession and occupied an upper room in a house at the corner of

Memonwada and Bhendy Bazaar, reports that he had to close the windows of

the room in the side and rear against stones that were flung from the

street. In referring to a group of Pathans who halted under the verandah

of the house he writes:—

“In my twenty years’ experience of this country I never before

witnessed behaviour which so impressed me with a sense of

sinister intentions.”

Such was the position when I arrived about 5 p.m. The first thing I did

was to ride forward a little way and have a look at both crowds. This

produced a volley of road-metal. In the Memonwada crowd I observed 3

Pathans throwing stones and urging on the rest, and that established

my conviction that the Pathans were on the war-path. My experience of

previous disturbances shows that the Pathans at the very first sign of

trouble begin to collect in small gangs at various points, and if the

crowd once gets out of hand, they turn out in force and begin setting

fire to shops and looting. This is unquestionably what they were

preparing to do when I saw them.

I then looked at the Bhendy Bazaar mob, which completely covered the

street as far as the eye could reach. In the front of it I noticed

several boys throwing stones. I had already made up my mind that firing

would have to be resorted to, as we had exhausted all attempts at

pacific methods by Thursday morning at 3 a.m., and as also there was

every possibility of the mob rising at Nall Bazaar, Two Tanks and

Sulliman Chowkey, if the Bhendy Bazaar mob was not given a proper lesson.

But I wanted to get rid of the boys first. Therefore about 5-10 p.m. I

called the officer (Lieutenant Davies) in charge of the military picket

and asked him to line up his men across both roads and place them in

position to fire, but _not_ to fire until they received the order to do

so. I hoped that the appearance of the soldiers would (_a_) frighten

the boys in the Bhendy Bazaar mob away and (_b_) induce the mob to

cease throwing stones and disperse. As regards (_a_) the movement had

the desired effect and the small boys bolted; as regards (_b_) the mob

retreated for a minute and then came forward again within 30 or 40 yards’

distance of the soldiers and recommenced stoning them. I was standing

immediately behind the soldiers and saw them dodging the metal, while

a stone hit Lieutenant Davies, near whom I was standing. At about 5-17

p.m. Rao Bahadur Setalvad, 4th Presidency Magistrate, for whom I had

telephoned at 5-10 p.m., arrived on the scene and I pointed out the

general position to him and told him that I thought we should have to

fire. He saw both mobs, he saw the troops being stoned, and he saw the

condition of the road. At roughly 5-20 p.m. he gave the order to fire.

The troops fired 72 rounds and put an end to the disturbance. As a

result of the firing, 14 persons were killed, 6 persons were injured and

subsequently died in the hospital, and 27 were injured, of whom 6 were

treated and discharged immediately. Of the dead, 7 were Hindus who were

mixed up in the mob and the rest were Mahomedans; and of the 27 injured,

19 were Mahomedans, 7 were Hindus and one was a Christian.

15. I greatly regret that we had to resort to extreme measures: but

considering that the mob had been out at 3 a.m. and had had to be

repulsed by the police, that the temper of the _badmash_ element had

been getting steadily worse, and that the mob collected again in the

afternoon in spite of the presence of the troops; considering also that

stone-throwing had been going on for fully an hour before I arrived at

Paidhuni, that all traffic was stopped, that the police at Paidhuni

had three times tried to clear the mob, that the Pathans were bent on

mischief, and that I was very apprehensive of trouble in other parts

of the city if the disorder at Bhendy Bazaar was not put down very

sharply, I am of opinion that by resorting to firing on the two mobs at

Paidhuni we probably saved firing in other parts of the Musalman quarter

and therefore greater loss of life. Government are aware how rapidly the

spirit of tumult spreads, particularly among a populace like that of

the Moharram celebrants, who belong to the lowest classes and actually

regard the Mohorram, not as an opportunity for religious emotion but

as the one chance vouchsafed them during the year of letting loose the

forces of rascality and disorder and attacking the police and the public

in more or less organised gangs. The information which I received from

the _Katal-ki-rat_ onwards showed that there was a definite intention to

create disorder, and the fact that new road-metal had been collected in

the lanes leading off Bhendy Bazaar clearly shows that an outbreak was

contemplated. I believe firmly that, had we not taken extreme measures at

Paidhuni, we should have had to face rioting throughout the whole area

bounded by Two Tanks, Falkland Road and Bhendy Bazaar.

16. I also regret greatly the presence of Hindus amongst the killed and

wounded. It is impossible on such occasions to protect the innocent; but

considering that the crowd had collected and been throwing stones for

fully an hour before firing took place and that the divisional police

had warned them to disperse, it is a matter of great regret that the

Hindus, if they were innocent, did not disappear. I do not think the

firing of the troops was in any way haphazard or open to censure, for had

it been so, they must have killed an old beggar woman who was sitting

on the pavement of Bhendy Bazaar with rioters on both sides of her. On

either side of her a man was shot, but she was left untouched, and was

subsequently led into Paidhuni by the police.

On the other hand it is an undeniable fact that Hindus, and particularly

the sectional bad characters amongst them, take a prominent part in the

Moharram _tolis_ and mob. Mr. Paton, who was an eye-witness of the whole

outbreak, writes:—

“Under our eyes, and we were between the mob and troops all the while,

the troops and police were murderously stoned, happily without any

serious mishap, for close upon three-quarters of an hour. No law-abiding

citizen had therefore any right to have been in either of the mobs and

most certainly not at the late moment when the firing took place. If any

were there at the outset of the stone-throwing he had most ample time and

warning in which to get away, and if any stayed out of curiosity he had

only himself to blame if he suffered along with the _badmashes_ with whom

he chose to herd.”

17. Just after the firing ceased and both mobs had disappeared, General

Swann arrived at Paidhuni; and at his suggestion I called up from the

Head Police Office the balance of the Warwickshire Regiment, and from

Marine Lines 4 companies of the 96th Berár Infantry. These were posted

at once throughout the disturbed area. The measures taken at Paidhuni,

however, had such an effect that by 10 p.m. I was able to draw off some

of the military from each picket. By 12 midnight on Thursday I was able

to send all British troops back to barracks, and by 12 midnight on Sunday

the 15th January I was able to send back all the native infantry and

reduce the police guard. This was partly due to the action of the police

on Friday and Saturday in arresting a large number of persons who were

identified as having played a prominent part in the disturbances of

Thursday morning and Thursday afternoon. All those persons against whom

definite evidence is forthcoming are being placed before the magistracy.

By Friday morning all was outwardly quiet and the City had resumed its

normal aspect. Since then there has been nothing to record beyond the

fact that the bad characters of a particular type, who signalize their

mode of life by wearing their hair long in front and curled, have had

their locks cropped by the barber for fear of being arrested by the

police as participants in the _toli_ disturbances.

18. There are certain points in this sorry business of the Moharram of

1911, which give some cause for satisfaction:—

_First._—The police carried out their orders regarding Doctor Street to

the very letter and kept it hermetically closed from the first to the

last day.

_Secondly._—The self-restraint shewn by Mr. Vincent, the European

officers, the 4 sowars and the native foot police, who accompanied the

Rangari Moholla tabut from the J. J. Hospital to Paidhuni in the early

hours of the 12th under a continuous attack with stones, lighted wood and

_làthis_, is worthy of commendation.

_Thirdly._—The material support which was received from General Swann

and his staff went far towards recompensing the Police Commissioner for

the anxiety of a ten days’ struggle to checkmate the forces of disorder.

General Swann himself spent the 6th night with me at Sulliman Chowkey up

to 4 a.m., with the sole object of shewing the public that he and I were

working together. And many must have recognized him and drawn their own

conclusions. General Swann was also present at Sulliman Chowkey on the

last day and also at Paidhuni. I cannot sufficiently express my thanks

for his help, and for the ready assistance afforded by Lieut-Colonel H.

R. Vaughan and his regiment, and subsequently by Colonel Powys Lane and

the 96th Berár Infantry.

_Fourthly._—I must express my thanks to Inspector Khan Bahadur Shaikh

Ibrahim and the Mahomedan officers of the Criminal Investigation

Department for their continuous efforts throughout a period of nearly

three weeks to smooth away all difficulties and keep the Mohollas in a

good temper. That their efforts ultimately proved fruitless was no fault

of theirs, but was due to circumstances beyond their control. I have a

lively sense of their unremitting efforts to ensure a peaceful Moharram.

_Fifthly._—Mr. Ardeshir Umrigar deserves special mention in that for

a period of a week he supplied free of all cost at Paidhuni, Sulliman

Chowkey and Nall Bazaar mineral waters, tea, coffee, sandwiches and light

refreshments for the use of the European police officers who were on

continuous duty at and near those points both by day and night. For the

native constables who were in the streets for ten days and nights and who

had no time to go to their homes, I provided 2 annas _per diem_ apiece to

enable them to buy a meal and tea. A portion, if not the whole of the sum

thus involved, has been offered to me by Rao Bahadur Keshavji N. Sailor,

so that possibly I may not have to ask Government to sanction this extra

but necessary expenditure.

_Sixthly._—Credit is due to Badlu and the Madanpura Julhais for accepting

the position, keeping their promise to me, and performing their Moharram

and tabut immersion in the regular way without giving the smallest

trouble to the police.

_Seventhly._—Great credit is due to the divisional police of all ranks

for the manner in which they performed a vigil of ten days and nights

and for the self-restraint which they shewed in dealing with the mob.

19. In conclusion, I must raise the question as to what should be

our policy for the future in regard to the Moharram. As matters are

at present, there is no vestige of religion or religious fervour in

the _toli_-processions and the tabut-processions. On the contrary the

Moharram has become, and is utilized as merely an excuse for rascality

to burst its usual barriers and flow over the city in a current of

excessive turbulence. For ten days every year the Hindu merchants are

blackmailed and harassed until they pay a contribution to the cost of

the processions; the police, who are not half numerous enough to guard

the whole area involved, are kept in the streets for ten days and nights

and ordinary police work simply disappears, as there is no officer at

the police-stations to record complaints and no native police to take up

an enquiry; a large portion of the Shia population has to evacuate its

houses and take refuge in Sálsette for fear of insult and assault; and in

the end, if the police hold fast and insist upon rascality keeping within

certain limits, the city has to face the distressing spectacle of open

disorder and its complement of drastic repression.

The only unobjectionable features of the ten days’ celebration are

the nightly _Waaz_ or religious discourses by chosen preachers. But,

unfortunately, these are little patronized by those to whom they would do

most good, namely, the bad characters in the _tolis_.

_Statement made by Mr. N. J. Paton, J. P., partner in the firm

of Messrs. W. & A. Graham & Co._

On Thursday, 12th January, at 2 p.m., at the invitation of a

Mahomedan friend I went with Mrs. Paton to the house at the

junction of Parel Road and Kolsa Moholla (otherwise Memonwada)

with a view to witnessing the Moharram procession.

The house, on the first floor where we were, has windows at the

back and on the Kolsa Moholla side and a verandah on the Parel

Road side, the latter affording a clear view down the Parel

Road and of the open space in front of the Paidhuni Police

Station.

The crowd came and went without much incident until about 3,

when two Mahomedans were brought up under arrest amid a good

deal of apparently sympathetic shouting on the part of the

on-lookers.

After that the temper of the crowd seemed to change; but,

although several carriages with European ladies drove past,

they were suffered to do so without molestation.

I was not myself then anxious, but my Mahomedan friend at

about 4 o’clock warned me that the crowd was now anything but

peaceably disposed. Shortly thereafter I became apprehensive

of coming trouble on noting the overt truculent bearing of the

Pathans, of whom there were many, and notably of a group which

halted for some time under our verandah. In my twenty years’

experience of the country I never before witnessed behaviour

which so impressed me with a sense of sinister intentions.

At about 4-30 the police made a systematic attempt to clear the

pavements and street in front of the Police Station down to

opposite our verandah.

This the crowd resented and there was considerable hooting.

A few minutes later one stone was thrown from the crowd in

Kolsa Moholla, and almost immediately stone-throwing of a very

serious and dangerous kind commenced on both sides of us.

We were obliged to close our windows at the back and Kolsa

Moholla side; but, although numerous stones fell on our house,

none entered and no one was injured.

From the verandah it was possible to see not only what was

going on in Parel Road but also to note the fusillade of stones

that came from Kolsa Moholla.

The trams were still running in Parel Road; and, as each passed

the end of Goghari Moholla, it was met by murderous volleys

of stones, which by pure luck alone failed to result in most

serious consequences to the passengers.

Occasionally the police endeavoured to keep the crowd at a

distance by themselves throwing stones.

In this way half an hour passed, when about 5 o’clock or

thereabouts Mr. Edwardes arrived and took charge.

Under his direction the detachment of the Warwicks, which

had been standing under arms in the neighbourhood all the

afternoon, was drawn in line across Parel Road and Kolsa

Moholla and knelt down in readiness to fire.

The officer in charge waved his handkerchief in the hope that

any law-abiding persons who might still be in the crowd would

clear away.

About 5-15 Mr. Setalwad and Mr. Vincent arrived; and, as the

stone-throwing was then proceeding as vigorously as ever, Mr.

Setalwad gave the order to fire, an order that was immediately

carried out. After two or three volleys, occupying about a

minute, “cease firing” was ordered.

The mob had by this time cleared off, leaving between thirty

and forty dead and wounded.

It is said some innocent Hindus have suffered. I hardly think

this is possible.

If the troops had fired hurriedly it might have been so, but

they did not fire without the most ample warning.

Under our eyes, and we were between the mob and the troops

all the while, the troops and Police were murderously

stoned, happily without any serious mishap, for close upon

three-quarters of an hour.

No law-abiding citizen had, therefore, any right to have been

in either of the mobs and most certainly not at the late moment

when the firing took place. If any were there at the outset of

the stone-throwing he had most ample time and warning in which

to get away, and if any stayed out of curiosity he had only

himself to blame if he suffered along with the _badmashes_ with

whom he chose to herd.

It is impossible to under-estimate the seriousness of what

might have occurred if the drastic lesson that was administered

had been longer delayed, and it is puerile for those who were

not present to presume to criticise it.

The two mobs numbered many thousands of the most lawless

and fanatical men in the city, and the manner in which the

fusillade of stones was started and kept up indicates clearly

that stones must have been purposely brought to the ground in

readiness for the fight and in very considerable quantity.

Viewing the situation as a whole, I consider that the mob

without doubt was given more leniency than it had any right to

expect, and that to have postponed the firing any longer, or to

have restricted the firing to a single volley, must inevitably

have seriously imperilled the safety of a large section of

the city and would have involved much greater bloodshed than

unhappily occurred, before order could have been restored.

Those who were eye-witnesses like myself can hold but one

opinion as to the judgment, restraint and patience with which,

in circumstances of intolerable and protracted provocation,

Mr. Edwardes dealt with a situation of extreme gravity and

difficulty.

RESOLUTION.—The Governor-in-Council has given careful consideration to

the reports of the disturbance which took place in the city of Bombay

on 12th January, 1911 on the occasion of the Moharram festival. He is

of opinion that the police acted throughout with great discretion and

restraint and that the final appeal to military force was necessary

for the public security. The loss of life which occurred is much to be

regretted, but the military do not appear to have done more than was

consistent with dispersing the mob. The Governor-in-Council desires to

express his thanks to the military authorities for the prompt assistance

rendered by them and to Mr. Edwardes, Commissioner of Police, and the

force under his charge, for their great exertions throughout the whole

period of the Moharram.

2. It now remains to consider the measures to be taken for the future.

Government have done all that lay within their power to enable the

Moharram processions to be held with due regard to the safety of the

law-abiding mass of the community, but without success. In 1909 and

1910 there were no processions; but this year, as in 1908, in spite of

every precaution there were scenes of disorder and violence which had

ultimately to be quelled by military force with considerable loss of

life. Government cannot allow the recurrence of such disturbances, and

it has become necessary to consider whether the procession of tabuts,

with their attendant _tolis_, should not be prohibited next year. Before

arriving at any final decision, however, Government trust that the

Mahomedan community will, through their leaders or otherwise, endeavour

to concert effective measures to secure that, while the religious

character of the observance of the Moharram is retained, there may be a

reasonable guarantee that it shall not again degenerate into lawlessness,

discreditable to all concerned and gravely injurious to the interests of

Bombay. The Governor-in-Council will be ready to give the most careful

consideration to any such proposals, but it will be possible to adopt

them only if they seem to provide a reasonable guarantee against any

future disturbance of the peace.

3. In this connection the leaders of the Mahomedan community could do

much to assist the cause of law and order by explaining to the people

that the tabut processions and _tolis_ are in no way necessary to

the religious celebration of the Moharram. Government have received

information that for many years Kâzis in Sind have been issuing _fatwâs_

inveighing against the degradation of the mourning ceremony into

processions of jesters and mountebanks, and that in the town of Sujāwal

the people have themselves put a stop to all tabut processions.

_By order of His Excellency the Honourable the Governor-in-Council_,

C. A. KINCAID,

Secretary to Government.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Charles II transferred Bombay to the E.I. Company in 1668.

[2] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II. 238.

[3] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, pp. 65 ff.

[4] R. and O. Strachey, _Keigwin’s Rebellion_, p. 19 and App. E.

[5] The letter of December 15, 1673, from Aungier and Council mentions

these as some of the chief classes of Hindus in Bombay.

[6] R. and O. Strachey, _Keigwin’s Rebellion_, p. 41.

[7] Ibid. p. 68.

[8] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI. (Materials), Part III, p. 8.

[9] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, Part iii, p. 8.

[10] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 238.

[11] Rev. F. Ovington, _Voyage to Suratt in 1689_. London, 1696.

[12] P. B. Malabari, _Bombay in the Making_, p. 437.

[13] Ibid. p. 465. _Vereador_ means procurator or attorney. The

_Vereador_ wore a gown as Vereador da Camera or member of a town council

(Da Cunha).

[14] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 212.

[15] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, Part iii, pp. 8 ff.

[16] P. B. Malabari, _Bombay in the Making_, p. 287.

[17] Warden’s Report in W. H. Morley, _Analytical Digest of Cases decided

in the Supreme Court of Judicature_ (London, 1849), Vol. II, p. 458.

[18] W. H. Morley, _Digest etc._, Vol. II (Warden’s Report); Bombay

Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, iii.

[19] General Wedderburn was killed at the storming of Broach in November,

1772.

[20] The fact that it was called the Bhandari militia implies that the

Native Christian element had largely disappeared, and that Bhandaris and

other Hindus of the lower classes formed the bulk of the force.

[21] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI (Materials), Part iii.

[22] Morley _Digest_ etc. (Warden’s Report).

[23] Ibid.

[24] Ibid. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, Part iii.

[25] At that date the office of Superintendent of Police existed at

Calcutta.

[26] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 241 (note) Morley,

_Digest etc._

[27] Morley, _Digest etc._ (Warden’s Report) Vol. II; Bombay Gazetteer,

Vol. XXVI, Part III, 67.

[28] Sir J. Mackintosh’s letter in Morley, _Digest etc._, Vol. II, p. 513.

[29] It is not clear whether this post is identical with “Pilaji Ramji’s

Naka” of the twentieth century, which is the name familiarly applied to

the junction of Grant Road and Duncan Road near the Northbrook Gardens.

Here some years ago one Pilaji Ramji occupied a corner house, in which

he used to place an enormous figure of the god Ganesh during the annual

Ganpati festival. Large crowds of Hindus used to visit the house to see

the idol, and hence gave the name “Pilaji’s post” to the locality. It

is quite possible that the name first came into use in the eighteenth

century.

[30] Published in 1816, with illustrations by Rowlandson.

[31] Morley, _Digest etc._ (Warden’s Report), Vol. II, p. 492.

[32] _Bombay Courier_, February 4th, 1797.

[33] Sir J. Mackintosh’s letter of October, 1811, in Morley, _Digest

etc._ Vol. II.

[34] Warden’s Report in Morley, _Digest etc._ Vol. II, pp. 482 ff.

[35] The Third Magistrate was not appointed until 1830. The other two

were appointed in 1812, and the Second exercised jurisdiction over the

whole Island, excluding the Fort and Harbour.

[36] Morley, _Digest etc._ (Warden’s Report), Vol. II.

[37] Hobson-Jobson, 1903, s. v. Cauzee.

[38] The Kazis of the Bene-Israel officiated at all festivals of the

community until the latter half of the nineteenth century, when, as

education advanced, the office gradually became extinct. One Samuel

Nissim was Kazi in 1800 (Gazetteer of Bombay City & Island, Vol I, pp.

250 ff.)

[39] One of the most notorious gangs was that of a certain Ali Paru,

described in the _Times of India_ of July 27, 1872.

[40] _Bombay Courier_, March 3rd, 1827.

[41] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 143.

[42] One Thomas Holloway appears in the Annual Register as “High

Constable” in 1827.

[43] The Supreme Court supplanted the Recorder’s Court in 1823, and was

opened in 1824.

[44] F. D. Drewitt, _Bombay in the days of George IV_.

[45] P. B. Malabari, _Bombay in the Making_, p. 283.

[46] _Times of India_, September 22, 1894.

[47] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 224 (note 2.)

[48] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 146-7.

[49] S. T. Sheppard, _The Byculla Club_, p. 5.

[50] Mrs. Postans, _Western India_ in 1838, Vol. I, p. 27. The _Pagis_

received about Rs. 7 a month for prowling about the compounds of houses

by night.

[51] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 222.

[52] Mrs. Postans, _Western India in 1838_, Vol. I, p. 92.

[53] Mrs. Postans, _Western India in 1838_, Vol. I, p. 27.

[54] _Bombay Times_, Feb. 22, 1845.

[55] Ibid., July 31, 1844.

[56] Report of Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1854-55, pp. 11, 12.

[57] _Bombay Times_, December 14th, 1850.

[58] _Bombay Times_, October 18, 1851.

[59] _Report on the Administration of Public Affairs in the Bombay

Presidency for 1855-56._ “During the year 1855 great reforms have been

effected in the Police within the jurisdiction of His Majesty’s Supreme

Court. Complaints were made by the Chamber of Commerce of the venality

of the European constables and of the inefficiency of the general force.

These complaints, and other circumstances which induced suspicion,

determined Government to place in immediate command of the Police, Mr.

Forjett, the most active and efficient of the Mofussil Superintendents,

a gentleman who had once been a Foujdar, and who had risen to high and

responsible appointments, solely through his own remarkable energy,

acuteness and ability. An enquiry by this gentleman soon showed the

existence of corruption among the European Constables, a corruption

which impaired the efficiency of the whole force. A considerable number

were summarily dismissed, and a thorough reform in Police arrangements

throughout the Island was commenced by the new Superintendent. These are

still in progress: but the Government has been assured that a feeling of

entire security as to life and property is now entertained by all classes

of the community.”

[60] Mr. B. Aitken in _Old and New Bombay_ states that Forjett was partly

of French descent, and that the family name was originally Forget. Owing

to constant mispronunciation, Forjett eventually anglicised the name in

the form now familiar to students of Bombay history.

[61] See General Adm. Report, Bombay, 1855-56 and 1858-59.

[62] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 244.

[63] The Annual Adm. Rep. Bombay Pres. for 1858-59 mentions that only

one case of burglary had occurred in that year and that “robberies with

violence have entirely disappeared”.

[64] Annual Police Returns, showing state of crime, for 1859-61. (India

Office Records).

[65] Report of the Maharaja Libel Case, Bombay Gazette Press, 1862.

[66] Dunlop had been 3rd Assistant to the Master Attendant of the

Government Dockyard, and was appointed head of the Water Police in 1844.

Prior to that year no proper water police force was in existence.

[67] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. III, 252; _Times of

India_, January 2nd, 1865; Annual Adm. Rep. Bombay Presidency, 1862-63.

[68] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. III, 49.

[69] Annual Crime Return, 1860; Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol.

II, 244.

[70] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 157.

[71] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_, 1877; _Bombay Gazette_,

December 25th, 1907.

[72] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_, 1877; Holmes, _History of

the Indian Mutiny_.

[73] Apparently it was customary during the Muharram festival in the

’fifties of last century to post a body of 200 Europeans in “the Bhendy

Bazar stables”. Presumably additional European police were brought

in from Poona and other districts. The Muharram danger was finally

eradicated in 1912.

[74] The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, 158.

[75] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India, 1877_.

[76] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, 158-9.

[77] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_.

[78] Douglas, _Bombay and W. India_, I, 211.

[79] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_.

[80] The use of the phrase “Deputy Commissioner of Police” is explained

by the fact that, strictly speaking, the Senior Magistrate was at this

date Commissioner of Police, and Forjett as head of the “executive

police” was his Deputy. Forjett in his book speaks of himself as

Commissioner of Police: but this title was not given to the head of the

force till 1865. In the Senior Magistrate’s Annual Crime Return for 1860

Forjett is styled Superintendent of Police: but in his evidence before

the Supreme Court in the Bhattia Conspiracy Case, Forjett stated, “In my

official capacity as Deputy Commissioner of Police, I received a letter.”

[81] In earlier days one of the chief haunts of these gangs was a deep

hollow near the site of the present Arthur Crawford Market (J. M.

Maclean, _Guide to Bombay_, 1902, p. 206.)

[82] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, II, 244; Ann. Adm. Rep. Bombay

Presidency, 1858-59.

[83] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_.

[84] F. H. Forjett joined the 59th Foot in 1865 and in 1870 was

transferred to the Bombay Staff Corps. He served mostly in the 26th

Bombay N. I., which in the “seventies” and “eighties” was known

familiarly as the “Black Watch”, owing to its having no less than

three Eurasian British officers, namely John Miles, the Commandant, a

half-caste of dominating personality, John M. Heath and F. H. Forjett.

[85] C. E. Buckland, _Dictionary of Indian Biography_.

[86] J. Douglas, _Bombay and Western India_, I, 211.

[87] Letter to _Morning Post_, August 30th, 1921.

[88] Prior to 1865 there appear to have been 26 mounted police.

[89] First Annual Rep. of the Commissioner of Police, 1884; Gazetteer of

Bombay City and Island, II, 245.

[90] G. R. J.D. No. 5628 of August 10th, 1883.

[91] Annual Crime Return, 1872.

[92] G. R. J. D. 2633 of April 21st, 1877.

[93] G. R. J. D. 2427 of April 29th, 1873.

[94] _Times of India_, 1872; Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, II, 179.

[95] Senior Magistrate’s Report of Crime, 1873.

[96] _Times of India_, February 14th, 1874; the Annual Register, 1874; J.

M. Maclean, _Guide to Bombay_ (1902) p. 285; Gazetteer Bombay City II,

180.

[97] Memoir of Sir Dinshaw Petit, Bart. by S. M. Edwardes, 1923.

[98] Annual Report of Senior Magistrate, 1874.

[99] Letter from Lord Salisbury to the Governor-General in Council, July

9th, 1874.

[100] Sir R. Temple, _Men & Events of My Time in India_.

[101] Annual Report of Senior Magistrate of Police for 1875.

[102] G. R. J. D., June 24th, 1892.

[103] G. R. J. D., 5389 of August 28th, 1893.

[104] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, II, 237. A Fourth Presidency

Magistrate was appointed in 1892 and was accommodated in the Esplanade

Police Court. After the occupation of the Nesbit Lane building by the

Second Presidency Magistrate, the Court of the Fourth Magistrate was also

located there.

[105] Report of Comm. of Police for 1893.

[106] Mr. Cooper, the Chief Presidency Magistrate, retired in 1893 and

was succeeded by Mr. J. Sanders-Slater.

[107] Mr. Crummy acted more than once as Deputy Commissioner of Police.

[108] P. E. Roberts, _Hist. Geography of British Dependencies_, Vol. VII,

p. 508.

[109] The account which follows is taken, in some passages _verbatim_,

from Sir V. Chirol’s _Indian Unrest_, 1910.

[110] The Sirdar served for 38 years, having joined the force as a

second-class Jemadar in 1865. Apart from his work as a detective, he

is remembered as the founder of the Maratha Plague Hospital, which he

organised and opened in 1898.

[111] G.R.J.D. 3051 of June 4th, 1903.

[112] He received the title of Khan Bahadur in 1904 and the King’s Police

Medal in 1910.

[113] V. Chirol, _Indian Unrest_, pp. 55, 56.

[114] V. Chirol, _Indian Unrest_, p. 57.

[115] Prior to 1913 the Excise authorities were not empowered to

prosecute offenders in the Courts. The Police had to conduct all

prosecutions. From the year mentioned the Excise department was given the

necessary powers.

[116] A full and detailed report of the disturbance is given in Mr.

Edwardes’ letter to Government, No. 545 C. of January 20th, 1911, printed

below as an Appendix.

INDEX

Acworth, H. A., 102

Adultery, 66

Aga Khan, H. H. the, 63, 108-9

American Civil War, 50-54

Andhiyaru (“Andaroo”), 25, 28

_Ank Satta_, 84

Anonymous Postcards case, 171-2

Anthropometry, Bertillon system of, 95

Antonio, José, 34, 35

Armed Police, 9, 91

Arms Act, 61, 158-9

Arms traffic, illicit, 82

Asna Ashariya Khojas, 108, 109

Aston, A. H. S., 193

Aungier, Gerald, 1, 2, 5

_Aurora_ Conspiracy, 64

Back Bay Company, 51

Balloon ascents, 84

Bandareens, see Bhandaris

Bank, Credit, 72

Bank, Cosmopolitan, 172, 173

Bank, Specie, 172

Bank failures, 172, 173

Barrow, Major, 49

_Barsat ka Satta_, see Gambling, rain

Baynes, Capt. E., 35, 37

Bazar Gate, 41

Beggars, 15, 114, 115, 131

Bennett, Douglas, 102, 104

Bhagoji Naik, 54

Bhandari Militia, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 9

Bhandaris, 2, 7 and _n_, 8, 9, 13, 30, 32

Bhat, 25, 27, 28

Bhattia Conspiracy Case, 43

Bhendy Bazar, 32, 37, 47_n_, 69, 75, 140, 176, 184, 185 and App.

Bickersteth, J. P., 56

Bombay Banking Company, 172, 173

Bombay Light Horse, 101, 139

Bombay Volunteer Artillery, 101

Brewin, Superintendent H., 73, 82, 91, 96, 98

Briscoe, Charles, 23, 28

Brown, F. L., 56

Bruce, Colonel, 55, 56

Budgen, General, 101

Burrows, Captain, 35

Calcutta _mori_, see Gambling, rain

Cauzee, see Kazi

Census (1864), 55; (1901), 119; (1906), 122

Chamber of Commerce, 144

Cheating cases, 169, 170

Chelmsford, arrival of Lord, 176, 177

Chhaganlal M. Tijoriwala, 192, 193

Child, John, 2, 3

Children, murder of, 65, 66, 107

Chief of Mahim, 19

Chief Presidency Magistrate, 57, 58, 96_n_, 193

_Chilli-chors_, 101 and App.

City Improvement Trust, 113, 147, 156, 174

Clarke, Sir George (Lord Sydenham), 144, 145, 165

Cocaine, 93, 166-68

Colaba, 28, 30, 36, 120

Commission of the Peace, 17

Commissioner of Police, appointment of, 50_n_, 56, 57

Committee, Morison, 123, 146, 148-9

Connon, John, 56, 58

Constabulary, European, 17, 18, 26, 36, 46, 47_n_, 48, 58, 74, 75, 90,

125, 134

” Indian, 17, 18, 26, 36, 46, 48, 58, 74, 90

” ” good work of, 137, 138, 174-76

Contagious Diseases Act, 61

Conveyances, number of, 94, 130

Cooper, C. P., 56, 74, 83, 102

Cordue, Colonel, 142

Corfield, A. K., 35, 37

Cotton-fires, 129, 130, 180-81

Court of Petty Sessions, 33, 34, 56, 57

Crawford, W., 37, 42, 45

Crowley Boevey, Mr., 70, 71

Crime, 4, 7, 9, 10, 14-16, 20, 21, 28-33, 36-7, 41, 51, 74, 89, 92,

97, 103, 106-110, 127-8, 165-6, 169

Criminal Investigation Department, 109, 137, 146, 148-50, 152-4, 160,

171, 178, 190

Criminal Procedure Code, 70, 92-3, 117

Crummy, Superintendent, 96 and _n_, 120

Cuffe, Lieut., 101

Cursetji Suklaji Street, 86, 87

Curtis, Capt. W., 35

Dacoity, 31, 107

Daji Gangaji Subehdar, 133

Danvers, E. F., 35

Dastur, Pheroze H., 103, 123

De Ga case, 62, 63, 72

Deputy-Superintendent (Mahim), 19, 20

Detective Police, 62, 71-73, 81, 89, 92, 146

de Vitré, J. D., 30, 35

Dinanath N. Dandekar, 144

Dockyard police, 55, 59, 126, 150, 152, 168

Doctor Street, 138, 168, 182, 184

“Dongri and the Woods”, 7, 17, 18, 19

Dosabhai F. Karaka, 56

Dunlop, Mr., 43, 44_n_

Dwarkadas Dharamsey, 173, 174

Edginton, Mr., 48, 62, 73

Edwardes, S. M., 123, 129, 137, 148-194 and App.

_Eki-beki_, 83

Elphinstone, Lord, 37, 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 53

Elphinstone Circle, 44

Embezzlement case, 170

Enthoven, R. E., 119

Erskine, W., 28

European offenders, 42, 64, 65, 66, 67

Ewart, Latham & Co., fraud on, 169

Explosives, 158, 159

False complaints, 108, 170

False evidence, 64, 72

Famine, effects of, 107, 108, 127

Farrant, G. L., 35

_Fazendars_, 7, 9

Finger-Print Bureau, 95, 96, 131, 132, 161, 162

Fire-brigade, 44, 56, 71, 73

Fisher, James, 19

Foreigners Act, 85, 86, 88, 115

Forgery, 64, 82, 128, 129

Forjett, Charles, 37, 38 and _n_, 39-53, 72, 73, 96, 118

Forjett, F. H. (Colonel), 52 and _n_, 101

Forjett Street, 53

Framji Bhikaji, Inspector, 73

Fraser, Lovat G., 119

Frere, Sir Bartle, 44, 55

Gambling Act, 83, 114

Gambling, rain, 82, 83

” ordinary, 83, 84, 113, 114

Ganga Prasad, 49

Ganpati celebrations, 90, 104-106, 154

Gayer, Sir John, 4

Gell, H. G., 73, 79, 120-147, 149, 162

Gentus (Hindus), 2

Giles, Chief Inspector M. J., 159

_Golconda_, S. S., 191

Goodwin, Richard, 28

Grant, G., 35

Grant, Sir J. P., 28, 29

Grant Road, 41, 86, 100, 102, 103, 140, 155, 176, 182, 185

Gray, H., 35

Grennan, Superintendent, 96, 134

Griffith, F. C., 150

_Gurakhi_, 110

Haj Committee, 136

Haj Traffic, 61, 62, 89, 98, 110, 134-6, 150, 161

Halliday, Simon, 17, 19, 22, 23

Harbour police, 26, 27, 36, 44, 55, 59, 91, 126, 150, 168, 189

Harker, O. A., 150

Henry, Sir E., 95, 149

Hewitt, B. H., 130

High Constable, 13, 17, 20, 26, 34

Hill-Trevor, A., 142

Holloway, Thomas, 28_n_, 34

Humfrey, Major, 79

Ingram, Superintendent, 96

Intemperance, 32, 64, 65, 89, 93

Jacob’s Circle, 142, 143, 144

Jagannath Shankarshet, 45, 46

Julhais, 101, 103, 182 and App.

Justices of the Peace, 5, 6, 10, 11, 14, 17, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 32,

34, 44

Kabraji, K. N., 41

Kazi, 25, 27

” of Bombay, 47, 48

Kazi Kabiruddin, 158

Keigwin, Richard, 3

Kennedy, H., 107-19, 127

Kennedy, M., 120

Khairaz, G. R., 193

Kidnapping, 115, 116, 117

Kirtikar, Mr., 132

Koregaonkar, K. R., 189

_Lakdi Satta_, see Gambling, rain

Lambert, R. P., 120

Lamington, Lord, 137

Law and Justice (1700), 5, 6

” ” (1800), 29, 30

Le Geyt, P. W., 35

Leslie, A., 142

“Lieutenant of Police”, 10, 12, 13

Macdonald, James, 142

Mackintosh, Sir J., 15, 22, 23, 25, 33

Magistrates of Police, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 33, 37, 44, 56, 57

Mansfield, Lieut., 84

Manslaughter, 43

Mayor’s Court, 5

McDermott, Superintendent, 96, 134

Memorial Fund, S. M. E., 158

Messent, P., 142

Mills, Superintendent, 63

Mir Abdul Ali, Sirdar, 63, 64, 72, 82, 92, 96, 119, 129 and _n_

Mir Akbar Ali, 62, 63, 72

Moors, 2

Morison, Sir W., 123

Morley, James, 19

Morris, Inspector, 172

Motor-vehicles, 130, 160

Mounted Police, 46, 90, 91, 112, 136, 176

Moharram, 36, 37, 46-8, 67-8, 72, 105, 181-84, 186-7, 191 and App.

(See also “Riots, Moharram”)

_Mukadams_, 24

Municipal Commissioner, 44, 51, 56, 102, 193

Municipal Corporation, 56, 59, 77, 126, 174

Murder, Khoja Street, 62

” Roonan’s, 63

” Khoja (1), 63, (2), 108-9

” Pakmodie Street, 63, 64

” Dadar triple, 81

” Clerk Road, 81

” Khambekar Street, 81

” Rajabai Tower, 81, 82

” Walkeshwar (1), 91, (2), 166

” Duarte’s, 92

” Bapty Road, 175

” Regimental, 191-2

_Musafirkhana_, 62, 135

Mutiny days, 39, 45-50, 54

Nall Bazaar, 167

Nanabhai Dinshaw, 128

Narayan T. Vaidya, 144

Nasik murder trial, 176

Nolan, Superintendent, 96, 134

Northcote, Lord, 137

Oliveira, Mr., 193

Oliver, N. W., 37

Opium-dens, 93

Oriental spinning and weaving mill, 71

Orphanage, Abdulla H. D. Bavla, 163-5

_Pagi_, 31 and _n_

Parsi hooligans, 41

Pawnbrokers, 21

Petit, Sir Dinshaw, 43, 77

Petit, John, 2

Petroleum Act, 158, 159

Phillips, R. M., 120, 150

Pilaji Ramji’s naka, 18 and _n_

Pilgrim Brokers, 62, 135

Pilgrim Department, 62, 89, 98, 135, 137

Pillory, 29, 30

Pimps, foreign, 85, 86, 87, 88, 115, 131

Piracy, 28, 43

Plague, 97, 98, 107, 122, 127

” effect on police of, 90, 97, 98, 99, 106

Poisoning, 42, 91, 92, 108

Poisons Act, 158, 159

Police, corruption among, 15, 23, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41

” health of, 60, 74, 79, 80, 89, 98, 99

” literacy of, 60, 73, 133, 134, 157, 158

” pay of, 13, 14, 60, 124, 125, 126

Police buildings and housing, 74, 75, 76, 80, 112, 113, 132, 136, 155,

156, 157

Police Charges Act, 111, 126, 127

Police Commission, 91, 122, 123

Police Court, Esplanade, 75, 80, 132

Police ” Mazagon, 80, 132

Police Divisions, 7, 9, 17, 18, 111, 153

Police force, cost of, (1812), 26, 27, (1885), 59, (1888), 60, 79,

(1892), 79, (1893), 90, (1894), 91, (1900), 110, (1902), 122,

(1908), 126, (1911), 152, (1913), 152, (1915), 152

Police force, strength of (1793) 18, (1812), 26, 27, (1865), 55,

56, (1871), 58, (1879), 58, (1881), 58, (1885), 58-60, (1888),

60, 79, (1892), 79, (1893), 90, (1894), 90, 91, (1900), 110,

(1902), 122, (1909), 152, (1911), 152, (1913), 152, (1915), 152

Police Gazette, 154-5

Police Hospital, 137

Police Office (Fort), 33;

(Byculla), 75, 80;

(Hornby Road), 75, 80, 112, 137, 162, 188, 190

Police precautions (Royal Visit), 177-80

Police Regulations and Acts, 6, 7, 11, 12, 22, 25, 37, 45, 71, 88,

96, 127

Police reorganization, 7, 8, 9, 10, 16, 17, 18, 19, 23, 25, 26, 31,

38, 54-6, 80, 90, 91, 123, 145-6, 148-9, 151-7

Police Stations, Agripada, 113, 156

” ” Bazar Gate, 75, 112

” ” Colaba, 113, 156

” ” Esplanade, 75, 80, 157

” ” Frere Road, 157

” ” Gamdevi, 157

” ” Hughes Road, 157

” ” Khetwadi, 157

” ” Lamington Rd., 157

” ” Maharbaudi, 75, 80, 81, 156

” ” Mahim, 157

” ” Mody Bay, 156

” ” Nagpada, 113, 136, 156, 175

” ” Paidhoni, 75, 112

” ” Palton Road, 157

” ” Parel, 157

” ” Princess Street, 113, 156

” ” Sussex Road, 136

” ” Wodehouse Road, 136

Police work, growth of, 60, 61, 65, 66, 96, 108, 110, 121, 165, 166

” ” miscellaneous, 154, 162, 163

” ” during War, 187-92

Port Trust, 59, 126

Powell, Dr. A., 136

Presidency Magistrates, 57, 70, 80_n_, 81_n_, 83, 101, 102, 132

” ” Honorary, 132

Presidency Magistrates Act, 34, 57, 70

Property stolen and recovered, value of, 42, 89, 92, 127, 166

Prostitution, 61, 85-9, 93, 94, 115, 116, 117, 118, 131

Punishments and penalties, 29, 30

Ramchandra Dharadhar, 192

Ramchandra, Subehdar, 133

Ramoshis, 99, 111, 125

Rangari _moholla_, 138, 182, 185 and App.

Receivers of stolen property, 21, 89

Recorder’s Court, 21, 23, 28, 33

Regulation I of 1812, 25, 28

” ” ” 1834, 33, 34

Reinold, Mr., 120

Revolutionary movement, Indian, 104, 106, 121, 145, 148

Revolver-practice, 162

Revolvers, theft of, 159

Riots, Hindu-Muhammadan, 52, 99-103, 104

” Khoja, 36

” Moharram, 36, 67, 68, 121, 138-40, 146, 162, 184-6 and App.

” Parsi, 68

” Parsi-Hindu, 30, 31

” Parsi-Muhammadan, 36, 37, 68, 69

” Plague, 103-4

” Tilak, 121, 123, 140-5, 146

Rivett, L. C. C., 35

Roshan Ali, Khan Saheb, 73, 97

Roughton, Major, 101

Royal Visits, 73, 74, 89, 121, 146, 177-180

Ryley, Colonel, 101

_Safed gali_, see Cursetji Suklaji Street

Sanders-Slater, J., 96_n_, 132

School, Constables’, 157-8

Seditious books case, 169

Setalwad, Rao Bahadur C. H., 186, 193 and App.

Sethna, R. D., 174

Share Mania, 173

Sheehy, Inspector, 91

Sheikh Ibrahim, Khan Bahadur, 97, 133 and App.

Sheriff, 6

Shortt, Brig.-General, 46, 49

Shortt, Capt., 35

Shortland, Colonel, 101

Sitaram K. Bole, 189

Sloane, Superintendent, 110, 129, 134, 150

Snow, J., 28

_Sonari toli_, 92

Souter, Sir Frank, 54-78, 79, 86, 192

Souter, W. L. B., 120, 124

Special Magistrates, 101, 142, 143

Spens, A., 35, 37

Street Accidents, 94, 160

Street Lighting, 32, 76

Strikes, industrial, 85, 99, 107, 121

Strike, Police, 121, 124, 125

Strike, Postal, 121

_Subehdars_ (of militia), 1, 4

Sub-Inspectors, Indian, 156

Sulliman Cassum Haji Mitha, Sirdar Saheb, 186

Sulliman _chauki_, 102, 182, 186

“Superintendent of Police”, 12, 17, 20, 23, 35

” ” ” powers of, 20, 21, 22, 24

Superintendents of Police, European, 73, 96, 131

Superintendent-General of Police, 24, 26, 33

Supreme Court, 28 and _n_, 33

Swann, General John, 185 and App.

Sweeney, Superintendent, 96

Taki, Khan Saheb F. M., 165, 168

” ” ” M. H., 168

Talcherkar, H. A., 189

Tatya Lakshman, Rao Saheb, 96-7

_Teji-mundi_, 84

Temple, Sir Richard, 74, 77

Textile Industry, 107

Theatres, licensing of, 159, 160

” rules for, 159, 160

Thornton, T., 35, 37

Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, 104, 105, 106, 121, 140-2, 143, 145

Tod, James, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 23

Traffic in Women and Children, 88, 165

Traffic-regulation, 94, 95, 130, 131

Tyebali Alibhai, 128, 170

Uniform (of constables), 34

” (of European police), 127

Vereadores, 5, 7

Viceregal Visits, 73, 146, 176

Vinayakrao Dinanath, 192

Vincent, F. A. M. H., 137, 150, 153, 185 and App.

Vincent, R. H., 62, 73, 80, 90-106, 107

Warden, F., 17, 20, 23, 24

Warden, J., 35

War Relief Fund, 192

Webb, Mr., 102

Wedderburn, General D., 7, 9

Weights and Measures, 61

Weir, Dr. T., 102

West, Sir E., 28

Williamson, Superintendent, 134

Willingdon, Lord, 192, 194

Willis, H., 35

Wilson, G. S., 150

Wilson, Lieut.-Col. W. H., 79-89, 112

Wise, Colonel, 79

Wodehouse, Sir P., 69, 70

Wyborne, Sir J., 3

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and

Published by Humphrey Milford, at the Oxford University Press,

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During the movement of the Expeditionary Forces, the scenes in certain