CHAPTER III.

THE GALLIC PROVINCES.

Like Spain, southern Gaul had already in the time of the republic

become a part of the Roman empire, yet neither so early nor so

completely as the former country. The two Spanish provinces were

instituted in the age of Hannibal, the province Narbo in that of the

Gracchi; and, while in the former case Rome took to itself the whole

Peninsula, in the latter it was not merely content, down to the last

age of the republic, with the possession of the coast, but even of

this it directly took only the smaller and the more remote half. The

republic was not wrong in designating what it so possessed as the

town-domain of Narbo (Narbonne); the greater part of the coast, nearly

from Montpellier to Nice, belonged to the city of Massilia. This Greek

community was more a state than a city, and through its powerful

position the equal alliance subsisting from of old with Rome obtained a

real significance, such as had no parallel in any second allied city.

It is true, nevertheless, that the Romans were for these neighbouring

Greeks, still more than for the more remote Greeks of the East, shield

as well as sword. The Massaliots had probably the lower Rhone as far

up as Avignon in their possession; but the Ligurian and the Celtic

cantons of the interior were by no means subject to them, and the

Roman standing camp at Aquae Sextiae (Aix) a day's march to the north

of Massilia, was, quite in the true and proper sense, instituted for

the permanent protection of the wealthy Greek mercantile city. It was

one of the most momentous consequences of the Roman civil war, that

along with the legitimate republic its most faithful ally, the city

of Massilia, was politically annihilated, was converted from a state

sharing rule into a community which continued free of the empire and

Greek, but preserved its independence and its Hellenism in the modest

proportions of a provincial middle-sized town. In a political aspect

there is nothing more to be said of Massilia after its capture in the

civil war; the town was thenceforth for Gaul only what Neapolis was

for Italy--the centre of Greek culture and Greek learning. Inasmuch as

the greater part of the later province of Narbo only at that time came

under direct Roman administration, it is to this epoch in particular

that the erection of it in a certain measure belongs.

[Sidenote: Last conflicts in the three Gauls.]

How the rest of Gaul came into the power of Rome has been already

narrated (iv. 240 ff.) {iv. 230 f.} Before Caesar's Gallic war the

rule of the Romans extended approximately as far as Toulouse, Vienne,

and Geneva; after it, as far as the Rhine throughout its course, and

the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean on the north as on the west. This

subjugation, it is true, was probably not complete, in the north-west

perhaps not much less superficial than that of Britain (iv. 296) {iv.

283.}. Yet we are informed of supplemental wars, in the main, merely

as regards the districts of Iberian nationality. To the Iberians

belonged not merely the southern but also the northern slope of the

Pyrenees, with the country lying in front, Bearn, Gascony, and western

Languedoc[38]; and it has already been mentioned (p. 63) that when

north-western Spain was sustaining the last conflicts with the Romans,

there was also on the north side of the Pyrenees, and beyond doubt in

connection therewith, serious fighting, at first on the part of Agrippa

in the year 716 {38.}, then on the part of Marcus Valerius Messalla,

the well-known patron of the Roman poets, who in the year 726 or 727

{28 or 27.}, and thus nearly at the same time with the Cantabrian

war, vanquished the Aquitanians in a pitched battle in the old Roman

territory not far from Narbonne. In respect of the Celts nothing

further is mentioned than that, shortly before the battle of Actium,

the Morini in Picardy were overthrown; and, although during the twenty

years of almost uninterrupted civil war our reporters may have lost

sight of the comparatively insignificant affairs of Gaul, the silence

of the list of triumphs--here complete--shows at any rate that no

further military undertakings of importance took place in the land of

the Celts during this period.

[Sidenote: Insurrections.]

[Sidenote: Under Tiberius.]

Subsequently, during the long reign of Augustus, and amidst all the

crises--some of them very hazardous--of the Germanic wars, the Gallic

provinces remained obedient. No doubt the Roman government, as well

as the Germanic patriot party, as we have seen, constantly had it in

view that a decisive success of the Germans and their advance into

Gaul would be followed by a rising of the Gauls against Rome; the

foreign rule cannot therefore at that time have stood by any means

secure. Matters came to a real insurrection in the year 21 under

Tiberius. There was formed among the Celtic nobility a widely-ramified

conspiracy to overthrow the Roman government. It broke out prematurely

in the far from important cantons of the Turones and the Andecavi on

the lower Loire, and not merely the small garrison of Lyons, but also

a part of the army of the Rhine at once took the field against the

insurgents. Nevertheless the most noted districts joined; the Treveri,

under the guidance of Julius Florus, threw themselves in masses into

the Ardennes; in the immediate neighbourhood of Lyons the Haedui and

Sequani rose under the leadership of Julius Sacrovir. The compact

legions, it is true, gained the mastery over the rebels without much

trouble; but the rising, in which the Germans in no way took part,

shows at any rate the hatred towards the foreign rulers, which still at

that time prevailed in the land and particularly among the nobility--a

hatred which was certainly strengthened, but was not at first produced,

by the pressure of taxes and the financial distress that are designated

as causes of the insurrection.

[Sidenote: Gradual pacification of Gaul.]

It was a greater feat of Roman policy than that which enabled it to

become master of Gaul, that it knew how to retain the mastery, and that

Vercingetorix found no successor, although, as we see, there were not

entirely wanting men who would gladly have walked in the same path.

This result was attained by a shrewd combination of terrifying and of

winning--we may add, of sharing. The strength and the proximity of

the Rhine army was beyond question the first and the most effective

means of preserving the Gauls in the fear of their master. If this

army was maintained throughout the century at the same level, as will

be set forth in the following section, it was so probably quite as

much on account of their own subjects, as on account of neighbours

who afterwards were by no means specially formidable. That even the

temporary withdrawal of these troops imperilled the continuance of the

Roman rule, not because the Germans might then cross the Rhine, but

because the Gauls might renounce allegiance to the Romans, is shown

by the rising after Nero's death, in spite of all its weakness; after

the troops had marched off to Italy to make their general emperor, an

independent Gallic empire was proclaimed in Treves, and those soldiers

who were left were made bound to allegiance towards it. But although

this foreign rule, like every such rule, rested primarily and mainly

on superior power--on the ascendancy of compact and trained troops

over the multitude--it by no means rested on this exclusively. The art

of partition was here successfully applied. Gaul did not belong to

the Celts alone; not merely were the Iberians strongly represented in

the south, but Germanic tribes were settled in considerable numbers

on the Rhine, and were of importance still more by their conspicuous

aptitude for war, than by their number. Skilfully the government knew

how to foster and to turn to useful account the antagonism between

the Celts and the Germans on the left of the Rhine. But the policy of

amalgamation and of reconciliation operated still more powerfully.

[Sidenote: Policy of amalgamation.]

What measures were taken with this view we shall explain in the sequel.

Seeing that the cantonal constitution was spared, and even a sort

of national representation was conceded, and the measures directed

against the national priesthood were taken gradually, while the Latin

language was from the beginning obligatory, and with that national

representation there was associated the new worship of the emperor;

seeing that, on the whole, the Romanising was not undertaken in an

abrupt way, but was cautiously and patiently pursued, the Roman foreign

rule in the Celtic land ceased to be such, because the Celts themselves

became, and desired to be, Romans. The extent to which the work had

already advanced after the expiry of the first century of the Roman

rule in Gaul is shown by the just mentioned occurrences after Nero's

death, which, in their course as a whole, belong partly to the history

of the Roman commonwealth, partly to its relations with the Germans,

but must also be mentioned, at least by way of slight glance, in this

connection. The overthrow of the Julio-Claudian dynasty emanated from

a Celtic noble and began with a Celtic insurrection; but this was not

a revolt against the foreign rule like that of Vercingetorix or even

of Sacrovir; its aim was not the setting aside, but the transforming,

of the Roman government. The fact that its leader reckoned descent

from a bastard of Caesar one of the patents of nobility of his house,

clearly expresses the half-national, half-Roman character of this

movement. Some months later certainly, after the revolted Roman troops

of Germanic descent and the free Germans had for the moment overpowered

the Roman army, some Celtic tribes proclaimed the independence of their

nation; but this attempt proved a sad failure, not through the eventual

interference of the government, but from the very opposition of the

great majority of the Celtic cantons themselves, which could not, and

did not, desire to fall away from Rome.

[Sidenote: Roman rule no longer felt as foreign.]

The Roman names of the leading nobles, the Latin legend on the coins of

the insurrection, the travesty throughout of Roman arrangements, show

most clearly as that the deliverance of the Celtic nation from the yoke

of the foreigners in the year 70 was no longer possible, just because

there was such a nation no longer; and the Roman rule might be felt,

according to circumstances, as a yoke, but no longer as a foreign rule.

Had such an opportunity been offered to the Celts at the time of the

battle of Philippi, or even under Tiberius, the insurrection would have

run its course, not perhaps to another issue, but in streams of blood;

now it ran off into the sand. When, some decades after these severe

crises, the Rhine army was considerably reduced, these crises had given

the proof that the great majority of the Gauls were no longer thinking

of separation from the Italians, and the four generations that had

followed since the conquest had done their work. Subsequent occurrences

here were crises within the Roman world. When that world threatened to

fall asunder, the West as well as the East separated itself for some

time from the centre of the empire; but the separate state of Postumus

was the work of necessity, not of choice, and the separation was merely

_de facto_; the emperors who bore sway over Gaul, Britain, and Spain,

laid claim to the dominion of the whole empire quite as much as their

Italian rival emperors. Certainly traces enough remained of the old

Celtic habits and also of the old Celtic unruliness. As bishop Hilary

of Poitiers, himself a Gaul, complains of the overbearing character

of his countrymen, so the Gauls are, even in the biographies of the

later Caesars, designated as stubborn and ungovernable and inclined to

insubordination, so that in dealing with them tenacity and sternness

of government appear specially requisite. But a separation from the

Roman empire, or even a renouncing of the Roman nationality, so far as

there was any such at the time, was in these later centuries nowhere

less thought of than in Gaul; on the contrary, the development of

the Romano-Gallic culture, of which Caesar and Augustus had laid the

foundation, fills the later Roman period just as it fills the Middle

Ages and more recent times.

[Sidenote: Organisation of the three Gauls.]

The regulation of Gaul was the work of Augustus. In the adjustment of

imperial affairs after the close of the civil wars the whole of Gaul,

as it had been entrusted to Caesar or had been further acquired by

him, came--with the exception merely of the region on the Roman side

of the Alps, which had meanwhile been joined to Italy--under imperial

administration. Immediately afterwards Augustus resorted to Gaul, and

in the year 727 {27.} completed in the capital Lugudunum the census of

the Gallic province, whereby the portions of the country brought to the

empire by Caesar first obtained an organised land-register, and the

payment of tribute was regulated for them. He did not stay long at that

time, for Spanish affairs demanded his presence. But the carrying out

of the new arrangement encountered great difficulties and, in various

cases, resistance. It was not mere military affairs that gave occasion

to Agrippa's stay in Gaul in the year 735 {19.}, and that of the

emperor himself during the years 738-741 {16-13.}; and the governors

or commanders on the Rhine belonging to the imperial house, Tiberius,

stepson of Augustus, in 738 {16.}, his brother Drusus, 742-745 {12-9.},

Tiberius again, 745-747 {9-7.}, 757-759 {A.D. 3-5.}, 763-765 {A.D.

9-11.}, his son Germanicus, 766-769 {A.D. 12-15.}, had all of them the

task of carrying on the organisation of Gaul. The work of peace was

certainly no less difficult and no less important than the passages of

arms on the Rhine; we perceive this in the fact that the emperor took

in hand personally the laying of the foundation, and entrusted the

carrying it out to the men in the empire who were most closely related

to him and highest in station. It was only in those years that the

arrangements, established by Caesar amidst the pressure of the civil

wars, received the shape which they thereafter in the main retained.

They extended over the old as over the new province; but Augustus

gave up the old Roman territory, along with that of Massilia, from the

Mediterranean as far as the Cevennes, as early as the year 732, {22.}

to the senatorial government, and retained only New Gaul in his own

administration. This territory, still in itself very extensive, was

then broken up into three administrative districts, over each of which

was placed an independent imperial governor. This division attached

itself to the threefold partition of the Celtic country--already

found in existence by the dictator Caesar, and based on national

distinctions--into Aquitania inhabited by Iberians, the purely Celtic

Gaul, and the Celto-Germanic territory of the Belgae; doubtless too it

was intended in this administrative partition to lay some measure of

stress on these distinctions, which tended to favour the progress of

the Roman rule. This, however, was only approximately carried out, and

could not be practically realised otherwise. The purely Celtic region

between the Garonne and Loire was attached to the too small Iberian

Aquitania; the whole left bank of the Rhine, from the Lake of Geneva to

the Moselle, was joined with Belgica, although most of these cantons

were Celtic; in general the Celtic stock so preponderated that the

united provinces could be called "the three Gauls." Of the formation

of the two so-called "Germanies,"--nominally the compensation for the

loss or abeyance of a really Germanic province, in reality the military

frontier of Gaul--we shall speak in the following section.

[Sidenote: Law and justice.]

Matters of law and justice were arranged in an altogether different way

for the old province of Gaul and for the three new ones; the former was

Latinised at once and completely, in the latter the subsisting national

state of things was in the first instance merely regulated. This

contrast of administration, which reaches far deeper than the formal

diversity of the senatorial and imperial administration, was doubtless

the primary and main occasion of the diversity, still continuing at the

present day in its effects, between the regions of the Langue d'oc and

Provence and those of the Langue d'oui.

[Sidenote: Romanising of the southern province.]

The Romanising of the south of Gaul had not in the republican period

advanced so far as that of the south of Spain. The eighty years lying

between the two conquests were not to be rapidly overtaken; the

military camps in Spain were far stronger and more permanent than the

Gallic; the towns of Latin type were more numerous in the former than

in the latter. Here doubtless in the time of the Gracchi and under

their influence Narbo had been founded, the first burgess-colony

proper beyond the sea; but it remained isolated, and, though a rival

of Massilia in commercial intercourse, to all appearance by no means

equal to it in importance. But when Caesar began to guide the destinies

of Rome, here above all--in this land of his choice and of his

star--neglect was retrieved. The colony of Narbo was strengthened, and

was under Tiberius the most populous city in all Gaul. Thereupon four

new burgess-communities were laid out, chiefly in the domain ceded by

Massilia (iv. 572) {iv. 542.}, the most important among them being,

from a military point of view, Forum Julii (Fréjus), the chief station

of the new imperial fleet, and for trade Arelate (Arles), at the mouth

of the Rhone, which soon--when Lyons rose and trade was tending more

and more towards the Rhone--outstripping Narbo, became the true heir

of Massilia and the great emporium of Gallo-Italic commerce. What

further he himself did, and what his son did in the same sense, cannot

be definitely distinguished, and historically little depends on the

distinction; here, if anywhere, Augustus was nothing but the executor

of Caesar's testament. Everywhere the Celtic cantonal constitution

gave way before the Italian community. The canton of the Volcae

in the coast region, formerly subject to the Massaliots, received

through Caesar a Latin municipal constitution on such a footing,

that the "praetors" of the Volcae presided over the whole district

embracing twenty-four townships,[39] until not long thereafter the

old arrangement disappeared even in name, and instead of the canton

of the Volcae came the Latin town of Nemausus (Nîmes). In a similar

way the most considerable of all the cantons of this province, that

of the Allobroges, who had possession of the country northward of the

Isére and eastward of the middle Rhone, from Valence and Lyons to

the mountains of Savoy and to the lake of Geneva, obtained, probably

already through Caesar, a like urban organisation and Italian rights,

till at length the emperor Gaius granted the Roman franchise to the

town of Vienna. So in the province as a whole the larger centres were

organised by Caesar, or in the first age of the empire, on the basis of

Latin rights, such as Ruscino (Roussillon), Avennio (Avignon), Aquae

Sextiae (Aix), Apta (Apt). Already at the close of the Augustan age the

country along both banks of the lower Rhone was completely Romanised

in language and manners; the cantonal constitution throughout the

province was probably set aside with the exception of slight remnants.

The burgesses of the communities on whom the imperial franchise was

conferred, and no less the burgesses in those of Latin rights, who

had acquired for themselves and for their descendants the imperial

franchise by entering the imperial army or by the holding of offices in

their native towns, stood in law on a footing of complete equality with

the Italians, and, like them, attained to offices and honours in the

imperial service.

[Sidenote: Lugudunum.]

In the three Gauls, on the other hand, there were no towns of Roman and

Latin rights, or rather there was only one such town[40] there, which

on that account belonged to none of the three provinces or belonged to

all--the town of Lugudunum (Lyons). On the extreme southern verge of

imperial Gaul, immediately on the border of the municipally-organised

province, at the confluence of the Rhone and the Saone, on a site

equally well chosen from a military and from a commercial point of

view, this settlement had arisen in the year 711 {43.} during the

civil wars, primarily in consequence of the expulsion of a number

of Italians settled in Vienna.[41] Not having originated out of a

Celtic canton,[42] and hence always with a territory of narrow limits,

but from the outset composed of Italians and in possession of the

full Roman franchise, it stood forth unique in its kind among the

communities of the three Gauls--as respects its legal relations, in

some measure resembling Washington in the North American Federation.

This unique town of the three Gauls was at the same time the Gallic

capital. The three provinces had not any common chief authority,

and, of high imperial officials, only the governor of the middle or

Lugudunensian province had his seat there; but when emperors or princes

stayed in Gaul they as a rule resided in Lyons. Lyons was, alongside of

Carthage, the only city of the Latin half of the empire which obtained

a standing garrison after the model of that of the capital.[43] The

only mint for imperial money, which we can point to with certainty in

the West for the earlier period of the empire, is that of Lyons. Here

was the headquarters of the transit-dues which embraced all Gaul; and

to this as a centre the Gallic network of roads converged. But not

merely had all government institutions, which were common to Gaul,

their native seat in Lyons; this Roman town became also, as we shall

see further on, the seat of the Celtic diet of the three provinces,

and of all the political and religious institutions associated with

it--of its temples and its yearly festivals. Thus Lugudunum rapidly

rose into prosperity, helped onward by the rich endowment combined

with its metropolitan position and by a site uncommonly favourable for

commerce. An author of the time of Tiberius describes it as the second

in Gaul after Narbo; subsequently it takes a place there by the side

of, or before, its sister on the Rhone, Arelate. On occasion of the

fire, which in the year 64 laid a great part of Rome in ashes, the

Lugudunenses sent to those burnt out a subsidy of 4,000,000 sesterces

(£43,500), and when the same fate befel their own town next year in a

still harder way, the whole empire paid its contribution to them, and

the emperor sent a like sum from his privy purse. The town rose out

of its ruins with more splendour than before; and it has for almost

two thousand years remained amidst all vicissitudes a great city up to

the present day. In the later period of the empire, no doubt, it fell

behind Treves. The town of the Treveri, named Augusta probably from

the first emperor, soon gained the first place in the Belgic province;

if still in the time of Tiberius Durocortorum of the Remi (Rheims)

is named the most populous place of the province and the seat of the

governors, an author from the time of Claudius already assigns the

primacy there to the chief place of the Treveri. But Treves became the

capital of Gaul[44]--we may even say of the West--only through the

remodelling of the imperial administration under Diocletian. After

Gaul, Britain, and Spain were placed under one supreme administration,

the latter had its seat in Treves; and thenceforth Treves was also,

when the emperors stayed in Gaul, their regular residence, and, as a

Greek of the fifth century says, the greatest city beyond the Alps.

But the epoch when this Rome of the north received its walls and its

hot baths, which might well be named by the side of the city walls of

the Roman kings and of the baths of the imperial capital, lies beyond

the limits of our narrative. Through the first three centuries of the

empire Lyons remained the Roman centre of the Celtic land, and that not

merely because it occupied the first place in population and wealth,

but because it was, like no other in the Gallic north and but few in

the south, a town founded from Italy, and Roman not merely as regards

rights, but as regards its origin and its character.

[Sidenote: The cantonal organisation of the three Gauls.]

As the Italic town was the basis for the organisation of the south

province, so the canton was for the northern, and predominantly

indeed the canton of the Celtic formerly political, now communal,

organisation. The importance of the distinction between town and canton

is not primarily dependent on its intrinsic nature; even if it had been

one of mere legal form, it would have separated the nationalities,

and would have awakened and whetted, on the one hand, the feeling

of their belonging to Rome, on the other hand, that of their being

foreign to it. The practical diversity of the two organisations

may not be estimated as of much account for this period, since the

elements of the communal organisation--the officials, the council, the

burgess-assembly--were the same in the one case as in the other, and

distinctions going deeper, such as perhaps formally subsisted, would

hardly be tolerated long by Roman supremacy. Hence the transition

from the cantonal organisation to the urban was frequently effected

of itself and without hindrance--we may even say, with a certain

necessity, in the course of development. In consequence of this the

qualitative distinctions of the two legal forms come into little

prominence in our traditional accounts. Nevertheless, the contrast was

certainly not a mere nominal one, but as regards the competence of the

different authorities, judicature, taxation, levy, there subsisted

diversities which were of importance, or at any rate seemed important,

for administration, partly of themselves, partly in consequence of

custom.

[Sidenote: Character of the cantons.]

The quantitative distinction is definitely recognisable. The cantons,

at least as they present themselves among the Celts and the Germans,

are throughout tribes more than townships; this very essential element

was peculiar to all Celtic territories, and was often covered over

rather than obliterated even by the subsequent Romanising. Mediolanum

and Brixia were indebted for their wide bounds and their lasting power

essentially to the fact that they were, properly speaking, nothing

but the cantons of the Insubres and the Cenomani. The facts, that the

territory of the town of Vienna embraced Dauphiné and Western Savoy,

and that the equally old and almost equally considerable townships

of Cularo (Grenoble) and Genava (Geneva) were down to late imperial

times in point of law villages of the colony of Vienna, are likewise

to be explained from the circumstance that this was the later name

of the tribe of the Allobroges. In most of the Celtic cantons one

township so thoroughly preponderates that it is one and the same thing

whether we name the Remi or Durocortorum, the Bituriges or Burdigala;

but the converse also occurs, as _e.g._ among the Vocontii Vasio

(Vaison) and Lucus, among the Carnutes Autricum (Chartres) and Cenabum

(Orleans) balance each other; and it is more than questionable whether

the privileges which, according to Italic and Greek organisation,

attached as a matter of course to the ring-wall in contrast to the

open field, stood _de jure_, or even merely _de facto_, on a similar

footing among the Celts. The counterpart to this canton in the

Graeco-Italic system was much less the town than the tribe; we have to

liken the Carnutes to the Boeotians, Autricum and Cenabum to Tanagra

and Thespiae. The specialty of the position of the Celts under the

Roman rule as compared with other nations--the Iberians, for example,

and the Hellenes--turns on this, that these larger unions continued

to subsist as communities in the former case, while in the latter

those constituent elements, of which they were composed, formed the

communities. Older diversities of national development belonging to the

pre-Roman epoch may have co-operated in the matter; it may possibly

have been more easily practicable to take from the Boeotians the

joint diet of their towns than to break up the Helvetii into three

or four districts; political unions maintain their ground even after

subjugation under a central power, in cases where their dissolution

would bring about disorganisation. Yet what was done in Gaul by

Augustus or, if it be preferred, by Caesar, was brought about not by

the force of circumstances, but chiefly by the free resolution of the

government, as it alone was in keeping with the forbearance otherwise

exercised towards the Celts. For there was, in fact, in the pre-Roman

time and even at the time of Caesar's conquest a far greater number of

cantons than we find later; in particular, it is remarkable that the

numerous smaller cantons attached by clientship to a larger one did

not in the imperial period become independent, but disappeared.[45] If

subsequently the Celtic land appears divided into a moderate number

of considerable, and some of them even very large, canton-districts,

within which dependent cantons nowhere make their appearance, this

arrangement had the way no doubt paved for it by the pre-Roman system

of clientship, but was completely carried out only under the Roman

reorganisation.

[Sidenote: Influence of the cantonal constitution.]

This continued subsistence and this enlargement of the cantonal

constitution must have been above all influential in determining

the further political development of Gaul. While the Tarraconensian

province was split up into two hundred and ninety-three independent

communities (p. 72), the three Gauls numbered together, as we

shall see, not more than sixty-four of them. Their unity and their

recollections remained unbroken; the zealous adoration, which

throughout the imperial period was paid among the Volcae to the

fountain-god Nemausus, shows how even here, in the south of the land

and in a canton transformed into a town, there was still a vivid sense

of the traditional tie that bound them together. Communities with wide

bounds, firmly knit in this way by inward ties, were a power. Such as

Caesar found the Gallic communities, with the mass of the people held

in entire political as well as economic dependence, and an overpowerful

nobility, they substantially remained under Roman rule; exactly as in

pre-Roman times the great nobles, with their train of dependents and

bondsmen to be counted by thousands, played the part of masters each in

his own home, so Tacitus describes the state of things in Tiberius's

time among the Treveri. The Roman government gave to the community

comprehensive rights, even a certain military power, so that they

under certain circumstances were entitled to erect fortresses and keep

them garrisoned, as was the case among the Helvetii; the magistrates

could call out the militia, and had in that case the rights and the

rank of officers. This prerogative was not the same in the hands of

the president of a small town of Andalusia, and of the president of a

district on the Loire or the Moselle of the size of a small province.

The large-hearted policy of Caesar the elder, to whom the outlines of

this system must necessarily be traced back, here presents itself in

all its grand extent.

[Sidenote: Diet of the three Gauls.]

But the government did not confine itself to leaving with the Celts

their cantonal organisation; it left, or rather gave, to them also a

national constitution, so far as such a constitution was compatible

with Roman supremacy. As on the Hellenic nation, so Augustus conferred

on the Gallic an organised collective representation, such as they in

the epoch of freedom and of disorganisation had striven after, but had

never attained. Under the hill crowned by the capital of Gaul, where

the Saone mingles its waters with those of the Rhone, on the 1st August

of the year 742 {12.}, the imperial prince Drusus, as representative

of the government in Gaul, consecrated to Roma and to the Genius of

the ruler the altar, at which thenceforth every year on this day the

festival of these gods was to be celebrated by the joint action of the

Gauls. The representatives of all the cantons chose from their midst

year by year the "priest of the three Gauls," who on the emperor's day

presented sacrifice to the emperor and conducted the festal games in

connection with it. This representative council had not only a power of

administering its own property by means of officials, who belonged to

the chief circles of the provincial nobility, but also a certain share

in the general affairs of the country. Of its immediate interference

in politics there is, it is true, no other trace than that, in the

serious crisis of the year 70, the diet of the three Gauls dissuaded

the Treveri from rising against Rome; but it had and used the right of

bringing complaints as to the imperial and domestic officials acting

in Gaul; and it co-operated, moreover, if not in the imposition, at

any rate in the apportionment of the taxes,[46] especially seeing

that these were laid on not according to the several provinces but

for Gaul in general. The imperial government certainly called into

existence similar institutions in all the provinces, and not merely

introduced in each of them the centralisation of sacred rites, but

also--what the republic had not done--conferred on each one an organ

for bringing requests and complaints before the government. Yet Gaul

had in this respect, as compared with all other parts of the empire,

at least a privilege _de facto_, as indeed this institution is here

alone found fully developed.[47] For one thing, the united diet of

the three provinces necessarily had a more independent position in

presence of the legates and procurators of each of them, than, for

example, the diet of Thessalonica in presence of the governor of

Macedonia. But then, in the case of institutions of this nature, far

less depends on the measure of the rights conferred than on the weight

of the bodies therein represented; and the strength of the individual

Gallic communities was transferred to the diet of Lyons, just as the

weakness of the individual Hellenic communities to that of Argos. In

the development of Gaul under the emperors the diet of Lyons to all

appearance promoted essentially that general Gallic homogeneity, which

went there hand in hand with the Latinising.

[Sidenote: Composition of the diet.]

The composition of the diet, which is known to us with tolerable

accuracy,[48] shows in what way the question of nationalities was

treated by the government. Of the sixty, afterwards sixty-four, cantons

represented at the diet, only four fall to the Iberian inhabitants of

Aquitania--although this region between the Garonne and the Pyrenees

was divided among a very much larger number of, as a rule, small

tribes--whether it was that the others were excluded altogether from

representation, or that those four represented cantons were the

meeting-places of canton-unions.[49] Afterwards, probably in the time

of Trajan, the Iberian district was separated from the Lyons diet, and

had an independent representation given to it.[50] On the other hand,

the Celtic cantons in that organisation, with which we have formerly

become acquainted, were substantially all represented at the diet, and

likewise the half or wholly Germanic,[51] so far as at the time of the

institution of the altar they belonged to the empire. That there was

no place in this cantonal representation for the capital of Gaul was

a matter of course. Moreover, the Ubii do not appear at the diet of

Lyons, but sacrifice at their own altar of Augustus: this was, as we

saw (p. 35), a remnant, which was allowed to subsist, of the intended

province of Germany.

[Sidenote: Restricted Roman franchise of the Gauls admitted to

citizenship.]

While the Celtic nation in imperial Gaul was thus consolidated in

itself, it was also guaranteed in some measure against Roman influences

by the course pursued as regards the conferring of the imperial

franchise for this domain. The capital of Gaul no doubt was, and

continued to be, a Roman burgess-colony, and this was essentially

bound up with the peculiar position which it occupied and was intended

to occupy in contradistinction to the rest of Gaul. But while the south

province was covered with colonies and organised throughout according

to Italian municipal law, Augustus did not institute in the three

Gauls a single burgess-colony; and probably even that municipal _ius_,

which under the name of "Latin" formed an intervening stage between

burgesses and non-burgesses, and afforded to its more notable holders

burgess-rights in law for their persons and their descendants, was for

a considerable time withheld from Gaul. The personal bestowal of the

franchise, partly, according to general enactments, on the soldiers

sometimes at their entering on, sometimes at their leaving, service,

partly out of special favour on individuals, might certainly fall to

the lot also of the Gaul; Augustus did not go so far as the republic

went in prohibiting the Helvetian, for example, once for all from

acquiring the Roman franchise, nor could he do so, after Caesar had

in many cases given the franchise in this way to native Gauls. But he

took at least from burgesses proceeding from the three Gauls--with

the exception always of the Lugudunenses--the right of candidature

for magistracies, and therewith at the same time excluded them from

the imperial senate. Whether this enactment was made primarily in the

interest of Rome or primarily in that of the Gauls, we cannot tell;

certainly Augustus wished to secure both points--to check on the one

hand the intrusion of the alien element into the Roman system, and

thereby to purify and elevate the latter, and on the other hand to

guarantee the continued subsistence of the Gallic idiosyncrasy after a

fashion, which precisely by its judicious reserve promoted the ultimate

blending with the Roman character more surely than an abrupt obtrusion

of foreign institutions would have done.

[Sidenote: Admission of individual communities to Latin rights.]

[Sidenote: Setting aside of the restricted franchise.]

The emperor Claudius, himself born in Lyons and, as those who scoffed

at him said, a true Gaul, set aside in great part these restrictions.

The first town in Gaul which certainly received Italian rights was

that of the Ubii, where the altar of Roman Germany was constructed;

there Agrippina, the subsequent wife of Claudius, was born in the camp

of her father Germanicus, and she procured in the year 50 colonial

rights, probably Latin, for her native place, the modern Cologne.

Perhaps at the same time, perhaps even earlier, the same privilege

was procured for the town of the Treveri Augusta, the modern Treves.

Some other Gallic cantons, moreover, were in this way brought nearer

to the Roman type, such as that of the Helvetii by Vespasian, and also

that of the Sequani (Besançon); but Latin rights do not seem to have

met with great extension in these regions. Still less in the time

of the earlier emperors was the full right of citizenship conferred

in imperial Gaul on whole communities. But Claudius probably made a

beginning by cancelling the legal restriction which excluded the Gauls

that had attained to personal citizenship of the empire from the career

of imperial officials; this barrier was set aside in the first instance

for the oldest allies of Rome, the Haedui, and soon perhaps generally.

By this step equality of position was essentially obtained. For,

according to the circumstances of this epoch, the imperial citizenship

had hardly any special practical value for the circles that were by

their position in life excluded from an official career, and was of

easy attainment for wealthy _peregrini_ of good descent, who wished to

enter on this career and on that account had need of it; but it was

doubtless a slight keenly felt, when the official career remained in

law closed against the Roman burgess from Gaul and his descendants.

[Sidenote: Celtic and Latin language.]

While in the organising of administration the national character of

the Celts was respected so far as was at all compatible with the

unity of the empire, this was not the case as regards language. Even

if it had been practicable to allow the communities to conduct their

administration in a language, of which the controlling imperial

officials could only in exceptional cases be masters, it undoubtedly

was not the design of the Roman government to erect this barrier

between the rulers and the ruled. Accordingly, among the coins struck

in Gaul under Roman rule, and monuments erected on behalf of any

community, there has been found no demonstrably Celtic inscription.

The use of the language of the country otherwise was not hindered; we

find as well in the southern province as in the northern monuments

with Celtic inscription, written in the former case always with the

Greek,[52] in the latter always with the Latin[53] alphabet; and

probably at least several of the former, certainly all of the latter,

belong to the epoch of Roman rule. The fact that in Gaul, outside

of the towns having Italian rights and the Roman camps, inscribed

monuments occur at all in but small number, is in all probability

to be accounted for mainly by supposing that the language of the

country, treated as dialect, appeared just as unsuited for such

employment as the unfamiliar imperial language, and hence the erection

of memorial-stones did not become generally adopted here as in the

Latinised regions; the Latin probably may at that time in the greater

part of Gaul have had nearly the same position, as it had subsequently

in the earlier Middle ages overagainst the popular language of the

time. The vigorous survival of the national language is most distinctly

shown by the reproduction of the Gallic proper names in Latin, not

seldom with the retention of non-Latin forms of sound. The facts that

spellings like _Lousonna_ and _Boudicca_ with the non-Latin diphthong

_ou_ found their way even into Latin literature, that for the aspirated

dental, the English _th_, there was even employed in Roman writing

a special sign (Ð), that Epadatextorigus is written alongside of

Epasnactus, and Ðirona alongside of Sirona--make it almost a certainty

that the Celtic language, whether in the Roman territory or beyond

it, had in or before this epoch undergone a certain regulation in the

matter of writing, and could already at that time be written as it is

written in the present day.

[Sidenote: Evidences of continued use of Celtic.]

Nor are evidences wanting of its continued use in Gaul. When the names

of towns Augustodunum (Autun), Augustonemētum (Clermont), Augustobona

(Troyes), and various similar ones arose, Celtic was necessarily

still spoken even in middle Gaul. Arrian, under Hadrian, gives in his

disquisition on cavalry, the Celtic expression for particular manœuvres

borrowed from the Celts. Irenaeus, a Greek by birth, who towards the

end of the second century acted as a clergyman in Lyons, excuses the

defects of his style by saying that he lives in the country of the

Celts, and is compelled constantly to speak in a barbarian language.

In a juristic treatise from the beginning of the third century, in

contrast to the rule of law that testamentary directions in general are

to be drawn up in Latin or Greek, any other language, _e.g._, Punic or

Gallic, is allowed for _fidei commissa_. The emperor Alexander had his

end announced to him by a Gallic fortune-teller in the Gallic language.

Further, the church father Jerome, who had been himself in Ancyra as

well as in Treves, assures us that the Galatians of Asia Minor and the

Treveri of his time spoke nearly the same language, and compares the

corrupt Gallic of the Asiatic with the corrupt Punic of the African.

The Celtic language has maintained itself in Brittany, just as in

Wales, to the present day; but while the province no doubt obtained its

present name from the insular Britons who, in the fifth century fled

thither before the Saxons, the language was hardly imported for the

first time with these, but was to all appearance handed down from one

generation to another there for thousands of years. In the rest of Gaul

naturally during the course of the imperial period Roman habits step by

step gained ground; but the Celtic idiom was put an end to here, not

so much by the Germanic immigration as by the Christianising of Gaul,

which did not, as in Syria and Egypt, adopt and make a vehicle of

the language of the country that was set aside by the government, but

preached the Gospel in Latin.

[Sidenote: Romanising stronger in the east.]

In the progress of Romanising, which in Gaul, apart from the southern

province, continued to be left in substance to inward development,

there is apparent a remarkable diversity between the eastern Gaul and

the west and north--a difference, which turns doubtless in part, but

not solely, on the contrast between the Germans and the Gauls. In

the occurrences at and after Nero's fall this diversity comes into

prominence even as exercising a political influence. The close contact

of the eastern cantons with the camps on the Rhine and the recruiting

of the Rhenish legions, which took place especially here, procured

earlier and more complete entrance for Roman habits there than in

the region of the Loire and the Seine. On occasion of those quarrels

the Rhenish cantons--the Celtic Lingones and Treveri, as well as the

Germanic Ubii or rather the Agrippinenses--went with the Roman town of

Lugudunum and held firmly to the legitimate Roman government, while the

insurrection, at least, as was observed, in a certain sense national,

originated from the Sequani, Haedui, and Arverni. In a later phase

of the same struggle we find under altered party-relations the same

disunion--those eastern cantons in league with the Germans, while the

diet of Rheims refuses to join them.

[Sidenote: Native road-measurement.]

While the Gallic land was thus in respect of language treated in the

main just like the other provinces, we again meet with forbearance

towards its old institutions in the regulations as to weights and

measures. It is true that, alongside of the general imperial ordinance,

which was issued in this respect by Augustus, the local observances

continued in many places to subsist agreeably to the tolerant, or

rather indifferent, attitude of the government in such things; but it

was only in Gaul that the local arrangement afterwards supplanted that

of the empire. The roads in the whole Roman empire were measured and

marked according to the unit of the Roman mile (1.48 kilom.), and up to

the end of the second century this applied also to those provinces.

But from Severus onward its place was taken in the three Gauls and

the two Germanies by a mile correlated no doubt to the Roman, but yet

different and with a Gallic name, the _leuga_ (2.22 kilomètres), equal

to one and a half Roman miles. Severus cannot possibly have wished in

this matter to make a national concession to the Celts; this is not in

keeping either with the epoch or with that emperor in particular, who

stood in an attitude of expressed hostility to these very provinces;

it must have been considerations of expediency that influenced him.

These could only be based on the fact that the national road-measure,

the _leuga_ or else the double _leuga_, the German _rasta_, which

latter corresponds to the French _lieue_, continued to subsist in

these provinces after the introduction of the unit of road-measure

to a much greater extent than was the case in other countries of the

empire. Augustus must have extended the Roman mile formally to Gaul and

placed the itineraries and the imperial highways on that footing, but

must have in reality left to the country the old road-measurement; and

so it may have happened that the later administration found it less

inconvenient to acquiesce in the double unit for postal traffic[54]

than to continue to make use of a road-measure practically unknown in

the country.

[Sidenote: Religion of the country.]

Of far greater significance is the attitude of the Roman government

to the religion of the country; in this beyond doubt the Gallic

nationality found its most solid support. Even in the south province

the worship of non-Roman deities must have held its ground long,

much longer than, for example, in Andalusia. The great commercial

town of Arelate, indeed, has no other dedications to show than to

gods worshipped also in Italy; but in Fréjus, Aix, Nîmes, and the

whole coast region generally, the old Celtic divinities were in the

imperial epoch not much less worshipped than in the interior of Gaul.

In the Iberian part of Aquitania also we meet numerous traces of the

indigenous worship altogether different from the Celtic. All the

images of gods, however, that have come to light in the south of Gaul

bear a stamp deviating less from the usual type than the monuments of

the north; and, above all, it was easier to manage matters with the

national gods than with the national priesthood, which meets us only

in imperial Gaul and in the British Islands,--the Druids (iv. 236)

{iv. 225.}. It would be vain labour to seek to give any conception of

the internal character of the Druidic doctrine, strangely composed

of speculation and imagination; only some examples may be allowed to

illustrate its singular and fearful nature. The power of speech was

symbolically represented in a bald-headed, wrinkled, sunburnt old man,

who carries club and bow, and from whose perforated tongue fine golden

chains run to the ears of the man that follows him--betokening the

flying arrows and the crushing blows of the old man mighty in speech,

to whom the hearts of the multitude willingly listen. This was the

Ogmius of the Celts; to the Greeks he appeared as a Charon dressed up

as Herakles. An altar found in Paris shows us three images of the gods

with annexed inscription; in the middle Jovis, on his left Vulcan, on

his right Esus "the horrid with his cruel altars," as a Roman poet

terms him, and yet a god of commerce and of peaceful dealing;[55] he is

girded for labour like Vulcan, and, as the latter carries hammer and

tongs, so he hews a willow tree with the axe. A frequently recurring

deity, probably named Cernunnos, is represented cowering with crossed

legs; on its head it bears a stag's antlers, on which hangs a neck

chain, and holds in its lap a money-bag; before it stand cattle and

goats--apparently, as if it were meant to express the ground as the

source of riches. The enormous difference of this Celtic Olympus--void

of all chasteness and beauty and delighting in quaint and fantastic

mingling of things very earthly--from the simply human forms of the

Greek, and the simply human conceptions of the Roman, religion enables

us to guess the barrier which stood between these conquered and their

conquerors. With this were connected, moreover, very serious practical

consequences; a comprehensive traffic in secret remedies and charms, in

which the priests played at the same time the part of physicians, and

in which, alongside of the conjuring and the blessing, human sacrifices

occurred, and healing of the sick by the flesh of those thus slain.

That direct opposition to the foreign rule prevailed in the Druidism

of this period cannot at least be proved; but, even if this were not

the case, it is easy to conceive that the Roman government, which

elsewhere let alone all local peculiarities of worship with indifferent

toleration, contemplated this Druidical system, not merely in its

extravagances but as a whole, with apprehension. The institution of the

Gallic annual festival in the purely Roman capital of the country, and

with the exclusion of any link attaching it to the national cultus, was

evidently a counter-move of the government against the old religion of

the country, with its yearly council of priests at Chartres, the centre

of the Gallic land. Augustus, however, took no further direct step

against Druidism than that of prohibiting any Roman citizen from taking

part in the Gallic national cultus. Tiberius in his more energetic way

acted with decision, and prohibited altogether this priesthood with

its retinue of teachers and healing practitioners; but it does not

quite speak for the practical success of this enactment that the same

prohibition was issued afresh under Claudius: it is narrated of the

latter that he caused a Gaul of rank to be beheaded, simply because he

was convicted of having brought into application the charms customary

in his own country for a good result in proceedings before the emperor.

That the occupation of Britain, which had been from of old the chief

seat of these priestly actings, was in good part resolved on in order

thereby to get at the root of the evil, will be fully set forth in

the sequel (p. 185). In spite of all this the priesthood still played

an important part in the revolt which the Gauls attempted after the

downfall of the Claudian dynasty; the burning of the Capitol--so the

Druids preached--announced the revolution in affairs, and the beginning

of the dominion of the north over the south. But, although this oracle

came subsequently to be fulfilled, it was not so through this nation

and in favour of its priests. The peculiarities of the Gallic worship

doubtless still exerted their effect even later; when in the third

century a distinctive Gallo-Roman empire came into existence for

some time, Hercules played the first part on its coins partly in his

Graeco-Roman form, partly as Gallic Deusoniensis or Magusanus. But of

the Druids there is no further mention, except only so far as the sage

women in Gaul down to the time of Diocletian passed under the name of

Druidesses and uttered oracles, and the ancient noble houses still

for long boasted of Druidic progenitors on their ancestral roll. The

religion of the country fell into the background still more rapidly

perhaps than the native language, and Christianity, as it pushed its

way, hardly encountered in the former any serious resistance.

[Sidenote: Economic condition.]

Southern Gaul, withdrawn more than any other province by its position

from hostile assault, and, like Italy and Andalusia, a land of the

olive and the fig, rose under the imperial government to great

prosperity and rich urban development. The amphitheatre and the

sarcophagus-field of Arles, the "mother of all Gaul," the theatre of

Orange, the temples and bridges still standing erect to this day in

and near Nîmes, are vivid witnesses of this down to the present time.

Even in the northern provinces the old prosperity of the country was

enhanced by the lasting peace, which, certainly with lasting pressure

of taxation, accrued to the land by means of the foreign rule. "In

Gaul," says a writer of the time of Vespasian, "the sources of wealth

are at home, and flood the earth with their abundance."[56] Perhaps

nowhere do equally numerous and equally magnificent country-houses

make their appearance,--especially in the east of Gaul, on the Rhine

and its affluents; we discern clearly the rich Gallic nobility. Famous

is the testament of a man of rank among the Lingones, who directs

that there should be erected for him a memorial tomb and a statue

of Italian marble or best bronze, and that, among other things, his

whole implements for hunting and fowling be burned along with him.

This reminds us of the elsewhere mentioned hunting-parks enclosed for

miles in the Celtic country, and of the prominent part which the Celtic

hounds for the chase and Celtic huntsmanship play in the Xenophon of

Hadrian's time, who does not fail to add that the hunting system of the

Celts could not have been known to Xenophon the son of Gryllos. To this

connection belongs likewise the remarkable fact that in the Roman army

of the imperial period the cavalry was, properly speaking, Celtic, not

merely inasmuch as it was pre-eminently recruited from Gaul, but also

because the manœuvres, and even the technical expressions, were in good

part derived from the Celts; we see here how, after the disappearance

of the old burgess-cavalry under the republic, the cavalry became

reorganised by Caesar and Augustus with Gallic men and in Gallic

fashion. The basis of this notable prosperity was agriculture, towards

the elevation of which Augustus himself worked with energy, and which

yielded rich produce in all Gaul, apart perhaps from the steppe-region

on the Aquitanian coast. The rearing of cattle was also lucrative,

especially in the north, particularly the rearing of swine and sheep,

which soon acquired importance for manufactures and for export;

the Menapian hams (from Flanders) and the Atrebatian and Nervian

cloth-mantles (near Arras and Tournay) went forth in later times to

the whole empire.

[Sidenote: Culture of the vine.]

Of special interest was the development of the culture of the vine.

Neither the climate nor the government was favourable to it. The

"Gallic winter" remained long proverbial among the inhabitants of the

southern lands; as, indeed, it was on this side that the Roman empire

extended farthest towards the north. But narrower limits were drawn for

the Gallic cultivation of the vine by Italian commercial competition.

Certainly the god Dionysos accomplished his conquest of the world on

the whole slowly, and only step by step did the drink prepared from

grain give way to the juice of the vine; but it was a result of the

prohibitive system that in Gaul beer maintained itself at least in the

north as the usual spirituous drink throughout the whole period of the

empire; and even the emperor Julian, on his abode in Gaul, came into

conflict with this pseudo-Bacchus.[57] The imperial government did not

indeed go so far as the republic, which placed under police prohibition

the culture of the vine and olive on the south coast of Gaul (iii.

175; ii. 398) {iii. 177; ii. 375.}; but the Italians of their time

were withal the true sons of their fathers. The flourishing condition

of the two great emporia on the Rhine, Arles and Lyons, depended in no

small degree on the market for Italian wine in Gaul; by which fact we

may measure what importance the culture of the vine must at that time

have had for Italy. If one of the most careful administrators who held

the imperial office, Domitian, issued orders that in all the provinces

at least the half of the vines should be destroyed[58]--which, it is

true, were not so carried out--we may thence infer that the diffusion

of the vine-culture was at all events subjected to serious restriction

on the part of the government. In the Augustan age it was still unknown

in the northern part of the Narbonese province (iv. 227, note) {iv.

217.}, and, though here too it was soon taken up, it yet appears to

have remained through centuries restricted to the Narbonensis and

southern Aquitania; of Gallic wines the better age knows only the

Allobrogian and the Biturigian, according to our way of speaking, the

Burgundian and the Bordeaux.[59] It was only when the reins of the

empire fell from the hands of the Italians, in the course of the third

century, that this was changed, and the emperor Probus (276-282) at

length threw the culture of the vine open to the provincials. Probably

it was only in consequence of this that the vine gained a firm footing

on the Seine as on the Moselle. "I have," writes the emperor Julian,

"spent a winter" (it was the winter of 357-358) "in dear Lutetia,

for so the Gauls term the little town of the Parisii, a small island

lying in the river and walled all round. The water is there excellent

and pure to look at and to drink; the inhabitants have a pretty mild

winter, and good wine is grown among them; in fact, some even rear

figs, covering them up in winter with wheaten straw as with a cloth."

And not much later the poet of Bordeaux, in his pleasing description

of the Moselle, depicts the vineyards as bordering that river on both

banks, "just as my own vines wreathe for me the yellow Garonne."

[Sidenote: Network of highways.]

The internal intercourse, as well as that with the neighbouring

lands, especially with Italy, must have been very active, and the

network of roads must have been much developed and fostered. The great

imperial highway from Rome to the mouth of the Baetis, which has

been mentioned, under Spain (p. 74), was the main artery for the land

traffic of the south province; the whole stretch, kept in repair in

republican times from the Alps to the Rhone by the Massaliots, from

thence to the Pyrenees by the Romans, was laid anew by Augustus. In the

north the imperial highways led mainly to the Gallic capital or to the

great camps on the Rhine; yet sufficient provision seems to have been

made for other requisite communication.

[Sidenote: Hellenism in south Gaul.]

If the southern province in the olden time belonged intellectually to

the Hellenic type, the decline of Massilia and the mighty progress

of Romanism in southern Gaul produced, no doubt, an alteration in

that respect; nevertheless this portion of Gaul remained always, like

Campania, a seat of Hellenism. The fact that Nemausus, one of the towns

sharing the heritage of Massilia, shows on its coins of the Augustan

period Alexandrian numbering of the years and the arms of Egypt, has

been not without probability referred to the settlement by Augustus

himself of veterans from Alexandria in this city, which presented no

attitude of opposition to Hellenism. It may, doubtless, also be brought

into connection with the influence of Massilia, that to this province,

at least as regards descent, belonged that historian, who--apparently

in intentional contrast to the national-Roman type of history, and

occasionally with sharp sallies against its most noted representatives,

Sallust and Livy--upheld the Hellenic type, the Vocontian Pompeius

Trogus, author of a history of the world beginning with Alexander and

the kingdoms of the Diadochi, in which Roman affairs are set forth only

within this framework, or by way of appendix. Beyond doubt in this he

was only retaliating, which was strictly within the province of the

literary opposition of Hellenism; still it remains remarkable that

this tendency should find its Latin representative, and an adroit and

fluent one, here in the Augustan age. From a later period Favorinus

deserves mention, of an esteemed burgess-family in Arles, one of the

chief pillars of polymathy in Hadrian's time; a philosopher with an

Aristotelian and sceptical tendency, at the same time a philologue and

rhetorician, the scholar of Dion of Prusa, the friend of Plutarch and

of Herodes Atticus, assailed polemically in the field of science by

Galen and in light literature by Lucian, sustaining lively relations

generally with the noted men of letters of the second century, and

not less with the emperor Hadrian. His manifold investigations, among

other matters, concerning the names of the companions of Odysseus

that were devoured by Scylla, and as to the name of the first man who

was at the same time a man of letters, make him appear as the genuine

representative of the erudite dealing in trifles that was then in

vogue; and his discourses for a cultivated public on Thersites and the

ague, as well as his conversations in part recorded for us "on all

things and some others," give not an agreeable, but a characteristic,

picture of the literary pursuits of the time. Here we have to call

attention to what he himself reckoned among the remarkable points of

his career in life, that he was by birth a Gaul and at the same time a

Greek author. Although the _literati_ of the West frequently gave, as

occasion offered, specimens of their Greek, but few of them made use of

this as the proper language of their authorship; in this case its use

would be influenced in part by the scholar's place of birth.

[Sidenote: Latin literature in the south province.]

South Gaul, moreover, had so far a share in the Augustan bloom of

literature, that some of the most notable forensic orators of the later

Augustan age, Votienus Montanus († 27 A.D.), from Narbo--named the Ovid

of orators--and Gnaeus Domitius Afer (consul in 39 A.D.) from Nemausus,

belonged to this province. Generally, as was natural, Roman literature

extended its circulation also over this region; the poets of Domitian's

time sent their free copies to friends in Tolosa and Vienna. Pliny,

under Trajan, is glad that his minor writings find even in Lugudunum

not merely favourable readers, but booksellers who push their sale. But

we cannot produce evidence for the south of any such special influence,

as Baetica exercised in the earlier, and northern Gaul in the later,

imperial period, on the intellectual and literary development of Rome.

The fair land yielded richly wine and fruits; but the empire drew from

it neither soldiers nor thinkers.

[Sidenote: Literature in imperial Gaul.]

Gaul proper was in the domain of science the promised land of teaching

and learning; this presumably was due to the peculiar development and

to the powerful influence of the national priesthood. Druidism was by

no means a naive popular faith, but a highly developed and pretentious

theology, which in the good church-fashion strove to enlighten, or at

any rate control, all spheres of human thought and action, physics

and metaphysics, law and medicine; which demanded of its scholars

unwearied study, it was said, for twenty years, and sought and found

these its scholars pre-eminently in the ranks of the nobility. The

suppression of the Druids by Tiberius and his successors must have

affected in the first instance these schools of the priests, and have

led to their being at least publicly abolished; but this could only be

done effectively when the national training of youth was brought face

to face with the Romano-Greek culture, just as the Carnutic council of

Druids was confronted with the temple of Roma in Lyons. How early this

took place in Gaul, without question under the guiding influence of

the government, is shown by the remarkable fact that in the formerly

mentioned revolt under Tiberius the insurgents attempted above all to

possess themselves of the town of Augustodunum (Autun), in order to

get into their power the youths of rank studying there, and thereby

to gain or to terrify the great families. In the first instance these

Gallic Lycea may well have been, in spite of their by no means national

course of training, a leaven of distinctively Gallic nationality; it

was hardly an accident that the most important of them at that time had

its seat, not in the Roman Lyons, but in the capital of the Haedui, the

chief among the Gallic cantons. But the Romano-Hellenic culture, though

perhaps forced on the nation and received at first with opposition,

penetrated, as gradually the antagonism wore off, so deeply into the

Celtic character, that in time the scholars applied themselves to it

more zealously than the teachers. The training of a gentleman, somewhat

after the manner in which it at present exists in England, based on

the study of Latin and in the second place of Greek, and vividly

reminding us in the development of the school-speech, with its finely

cut points and brilliant phrases, of more recent literary phenomena

springing from the same soil, became gradually in the West a sort of

chartered right of the Gallo-Romans. The teachers there were probably

at all times better paid than in Italy, and above all were better

treated. Quintilian already mentions with respect among the prominent

forensic orators several Gauls; and not without design Tacitus, in

his fine dialogue on oratory, makes the Gallic advocate, Marcus

Aper, the defender of modern eloquence against the worshippers of

Cicero and Caesar. The first place among the universities of Gaul was

subsequently taken by Burdigala, and indeed generally Aquitania was,

as respects culture, far in advance of middle and northern Gaul; in a

dialogue written there at the beginning of the fifth century one of the

speakers, a clergyman from Châlon-sur-Saône, hardly ventures to open

his mouth before the cultivated Aquitanian circle. This was the sphere

of working of the formerly-mentioned professor Ausonius, who was called

by the emperor Valentinian to be teacher of his son Gratian (born in

359), and who has in his miscellaneous poems raised a monument to a

large number of his colleagues; and, when his contemporary Symmachus,

the most famous orator of this epoch, sought a private tutor for his

son, he had one brought from Gaul in recollection of his old teacher

who had his home on the Garonne. By its side Augustodunum remained

always one of the great centres of Gallic studies; we have still the

speeches which were made before the emperor Constantine, asking, and

giving thanks for, the re-establishment of this school of instruction.

The representation in literature of this zealous scholastic activity

is of a subordinate kind, and of slight value--declamations, which

were stimulated especially by the later conversion of Treves into an

imperial residence and the frequent sojourn of the court in the Gallic

land, and occasional poems of a multifarious character. The making of

verses was, like the supply of speeches, a necessary function of the

teaching office, and the public teacher of literature was at the same

time a poet not exactly born, but bespoken. At least the depreciation

of poetry, which is characteristic of the otherwise similar Hellenic

literature of the same epoch, did not prevail among these Occidentals.

In their verses the reminiscence of the school and the artifice of

the pedant predominate,[60] and pictures of vivid and real feeling,

as in the Moselle-trip of Ausonius, but rarely occur. The speeches,

which we are indeed in a position to judge of only by some late

addresses delivered at the imperial palace, are models in the art of

saying little in many words, and of expressing absolute loyalty with

an equally absolute lack of thought. When a wealthy mother sent her

son, after he had acquired the copiousness and ornateness of Gallic

speech, onward to Italy to acquire also the Roman dignity,[61] this was

certainly more difficult of acquisition for these Gallic rhetoricians

than the pomp of words. For the early Middle age such performances as

these exercised decisive influence; through them in the first Christian

period Gaul became the seat proper of pious verses and withal the last

refuge of scholastic literature, while the great mental movement within

Christianity did not find its chief representatives there.

[Sidenote: Constructive and plastic art.]

In the sphere of the constructive and plastic arts the climate itself

called forth various phenomena unknown, or known only in their germs,

to the south proper. Thus the heating of the air, which in Italy was

usual only for baths, and the use of glass windows, which was likewise

far from common there, were comprehensively brought into application

in Gallic architecture. But we may perhaps speak of a development of

art peculiar to this region, in so far as figures and, in progress of

time, representations of scenes of daily life emerge in the Celtic

territory with relatively greater frequency than in Italy, and replace

the used-up mythological representations by others more pleasing. It

is certainly almost in the sepulchral monuments alone that we are

able to recognise this tendency to the real and the _genre_, but it

doubtless prevailed in the practice of art generally. The arch of

Arausio (Orange), from the early imperial period, with its Gallic

weapons and standards; the bronze statue of the Berlin museum found

at Vetera, representing apparently the god of the place with ears of

barley in his hair; the Hildesheim silver-plate, probably proceeding

in part from Gallic workshops, show a certain freedom in the adoption

and transformation of Italian suggestions. The tomb of the Julii at

St. Remy, near Avignon, a work of the Augustan age, is a remarkable

evidence of the lively and spirited reception of Hellenic art in

southern Gaul, as well in its bold architectural structure of two

square storeys crowned by a peristyle with conic dome, as also in its

reliefs which, in style most nearly akin to the Pergamene, present

battle and hunting scenes with numerous figures, taken apparently from

the life of the persons honoured, in picturesque animated execution. It

is remarkable that the acme of this development is reached--by the side

of the southern province--in the district of the Moselle and the Maas.

This region, not placed so completely under Roman influence as Lyons

and the headquarter-towns on the Rhine, and more wealthy and civilised

than the districts on the Loire and the Seine, seems to have in some

measure produced of itself this exercise of art. The tomb of a man of

rank in Treves, well known under the name of the Igel Column, gives a

clear idea of the tower-like monuments, crowned with pointed roof and

covered on all sides with representations of the life of the deceased,

that are here at home. Frequently we see on them the landlord, to whom

his peasants present sheep, fish, fowls, eggs. A tombstone from Arlon,

near Luxemburg, shows, besides the portraits of the two spouses, on

the one side a cart and a woman with a fruit-basket, on the other a

sale of apples above two men squatting on the ground. Another tombstone

from Neumagen, near Treves, has the form of a ship; in this sit six

mariners plying the oars; the cargo consists of large casks, alongside

of which the merry-looking steersman seems--one might imagine--to be

rejoicing over the wine which they contain. We may perhaps bring them

into connection with the serene picture which the poet of Bordeaux has

preserved to us of the Moselle valley, with its magnificent castles,

its many vineyards, and its stirring doings of fishermen and of

sailors, and find in it the proof that in this fair land, more than

fifteen hundred years ago, there was already the pulsation of peaceful

activity, serene enjoyment, and warm life.

Footnotes.

[38: The domain of Iberian coins reaches decidedly beyond the Pyrenees,

though the interpretation of individual coin-legends, which are among

others referred to Perpignan and Narbonne, is not certain. As all

these coinings took place under Roman authorisation, this suggests the

question whether this portion of the subsequent Narbonensis was not

at an earlier date--namely before the founding of Narbo (636 U.C.)

{118.}--under the governor of Hither Spain. There are no Aquitanian

coins with Iberian legends any more than from north-western Spain,

probably because the Roman supremacy, under whose protection this

coinage grew up, did not, so long as the latter lasted, _i.e._ perhaps

up to the Numantine war, embrace those regions.]

[39: This is shown by the remarkable inscription of Avignon (Herzog.

_Gall. Narb._ n. 403): _T. Carisius T. f. pr[aetor] Volcar[um]

dat_--the oldest evidence for the Roman organisation of the

commonwealth in these regions.]

[40: Noviodunum (Nyon on the lake of Geneva) alone perhaps in the

three Gauls may be compared, as regards plan, with Lugudunum (iv. 254)

{iv. 242.}; but, as this community emerges later as civitas Equestrium

(_Inscrip. Helvet._ 115), it seems to have been inserted among the

cantons, which was not the case with Lugudunum.]

[41: The persons earlier driven forth from Vienna by the Allobroges (οἱ

ἐκ Οὐιέννης τῆς Ναρβωνησίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀλλοβρίγων ποτὲ ἐκπεσόντες), in

Dio, xlvi. 50, cannot well have been other than Roman citizens, for the

foundation of a burgess-colony for their benefit is intelligible only

on this supposition. The "earlier" expulsion probably stood connected

with the rising of the Allobroges under Catugnatus in 693 {61.} (iv.

223) {iv. 213.}. The explanation why the dispossessed were not brought

back, but were settled elsewhere, is not forthcoming; but various

reasons prompting such a course may be conceived, and the fact itself

is not thereby called in question. The revenues accruing to the city

(Tacitus, _Hist._ i. 65) may have been conferred upon it possibly at

the expense of Vienna.]

[42: The ground belonged formerly to the Segusiavi (Plin. _H. N._ iv.

15, 107; Strabo, p. 186, 192), one of the small client-cantons of

the Haedui (Caesar, _B. G._ vii. 75); but in the cantonal division

it counts not as one of these, but stands for itself as μητρόπολις

(Ptolem. ii. 8, 11, 12).]

[43: This was the 1200 soldiers with whom, as Agrippa the king of the

Jews says in Josephus (_Bell. Jud._ ii. 16, 4), the Romans held in

subjection the whole of Gaul.]

[44: Nothing is so significant of the position of Treves at this time

as the ordinance of the emperor Gratianus of the year 376 (_Cod.

Theod._ xiii. 3, 11), that there should be given to the professors of

rhetoric and of the grammar of both languages in all the capitals of

the then subsisting seventeen Gallic provinces, over and above their

municipal salary, a like addition from the state chest: but for Treves

this was to be on a higher scale.]

[45: In Caesar there appear doubtless, taken on the whole, the same

cantons as are thereafter represented in the Augustan arrangement,

but at the same time manifold traces of smaller client-unions (comp.

iv. 237) {iv. 226.}; thus as "clients" of the Haedui are named the

Segusiavi, the Ambivareti, the Aulerci Brannovices, and the Brannovii

(_B. G._ vii. 75), as clients of the Treveri the Condrusi (_B. G._ iv.

6), as clients of the Helvetii the Tulingi and Latobriges. With the

exception of the Segusiavi, all these are absent from the Lyons diet.

Such minor cantons not wholly merged into the leading places may have

subsisted in great number in Gaul at the time of the conquest. If,

according to Josephus (_Bell. Jud._ ii. 16, 4), three hundred and five

Gallic cantons and twelve hundred towns obeyed the Romans; these may

be the figures that were reckoned up for Caesar's successes in arms;

if the small Iberian tribes in Aquitania and the client-cantons in the

Celtic land were included in the reckoning, such numbers might well be

the result.]

[46: This is indicated not only by the inscription in Boissieu, p.

609, where the words _tot[i]us cens[us Galliarum]_ are brought into

connection with the name of one of the altar-priests, but also by

the honorary inscription erected by the three Gauls to an imperial

official _a censibus accipiendis_ (Henzen, 6944). He appears to have

conducted the revision of the land-register for the whole country,

just as formerly Drusus did, while the valuation itself took place

by commissaries for the individual districts. A _sacerdos Romae et

Augusti_ of the Tarraconensis is praised _ob curam tabulari censualis

fideliter administratam_ (_C. I. L._ ii. 4248); thus doubtless the

diets of all provinces were invested with the apportionment of the

taxes. The imperial finance-administration of the three Gauls was at

least, as a rule, so divided that the two western provinces (Aquitania

and Lugudunensis) were placed under one procurator, Belgica and the

two Germanies under another; yet there were probably not legally

fixed powers for this purpose. A regular taking part in the levy may

not be inferred from the discussion held by Hadrian--evidently as an

extraordinary step--with representatives of all the Spanish districts

(_vita_, 12).]

[47: For the _arca Galliarum_, the freedman of the three Gauls (Henzen,

6393), the _adlector arcae Galliarum_, _inquisitor Galliarum_, _iudex

arcae Galliarum_, no other province, so far as I know, furnishes

analogies; and of these institutions, had they been general, the

inscriptions elsewhere would certainly have preserved traces. These

arrangements appear to point to a self-administering and self-taxing

body (the _adlector_, the meaning of which term is not clear, occurs as

an official in _collegia_, _C. I. L._ vi. 355; Orelli, 2406); probably

this chest defrayed the doubtless not inconsiderable expenditure for

the temple-buildings and for the annual festival. The _arca Galliarum_

was not a state-chest.]

[48: As the total number of the communities recorded on the altar at

Lyons, Strabo (iv. 3, 2, p. 192) specifies sixty, and as the number of

the Aquitanian communities in the Celtic portion north of the Garonne

fourteen (iv. 1, 1, p. 177). Tacitus (_Ann._ iii. 44) names as the

total number of the Gallic cantons sixty-four, and so does, although

in an incorrect connection, the scholiast on the _Aeneid_, i. 286.

A like total number is pointed to by the list given in Ptolemy from

the second century, which adduces for Aquitania seventeen, for the

Lugudunensis twenty-five, for the Belgica twenty-two cantons. Of his

Aquitanian cantons thirteen fall to the region between the Loire and

Garonne, four to that between the Garonne and the Pyrenees. In the

later one from the fifth century, which is well known under the name

of _Notitia Galliarum_, twenty-six fall to Aquitania, twenty-four to

the Lugudunensis (exclusive of Lyons), twenty-seven to Belgica. All

these numbers are presumably correct, each for its time. Between the

erection of the altar in 742 {12.} and the time of Tacitus (for to

this his statement is doubtless to be referred), four cantons may have

been added, just as the shifting of the numbers from the second to the

fifth century may be referred to individual changes still in good part

demonstrable.

Considering the importance of these arrangements, it will not be

superfluous to exhibit them in detail, at least for the two western

provinces. In the purely Celtic middle province the three lists given

by Pliny (first century), Ptolemy (second century), and the _Notitia_

(fifth century), agree in twenty-one names: _Abrincates_--_Andecavi_

--_Aulerci Cenomani_--_Aulerci Diablintes_--_Aulerci Eburovici_

--_Baiocasses_ (_Bodiocasses_ Plin., _Vadicasii_ Ptol.--_Carnutes_

--_Coriosolites_ (beyond doubt the _Samnitae_ of Ptolemy)--_Haedui_

--_Lexovii_--_Meldae_--_Namnetes_--_Osismii_--_Parisii_--

_Redones_--_Senones_--_Tricassini_--_Turones_--_Veliocasses_

(_Rotomagenses_)--_Veneti_--_Unelli_ (_Constantia_); in three more:

_Caletae_--_Segusiavi_--_Viducasses_, Pliny and Ptolemy agree, while

they are wanting in the _Notitia_, because in the meanwhile the

_Caletae_ were put together with the Veliocasses or the Rotomagenses,

the Viducasses with the Baiocasses, and the Segusiavi were merged in

Lyons. On the other hand, instead of the three that have disappeared,

there appear two new ones that have arisen by division: _Aureliani_

(Orleans), a branch from the _Carnutes_ (Chartres), and _Autessiodurum_

(Auxerre), a branch from the _Senones_ (Sens). There are left in

Pliny two names, _Boi_--_Atesui_; in Ptolemy one, _Arvii_; in the

_Notitia_ one, _Saii_. For Celtic Aquitania the three lists agree

in eleven names: _Arverni_--_Bituriges Cubi_--_Bituriges Vivisci_

(_Burdigalenses_)--_Cadurci_--_Gabales_--_Lemovici_--_Nitiobriges_

(_Aginnenses_)--_Petrucorii_--_Pictones_--_Ruteni_--_Santones_; the

second and third agree in the 12th of _Vellauni_, which must have

dropped out in Pliny; Pliny alone has (apart from the problematic

_Aquitani_) two names more, _Ambilatri_ and _Anagnutes_; Ptolemy one

otherwise unknown, _Datii_; perhaps Strabo's number of fourteen is to

be made up by two of these. The _Notitia_ has, besides these eleven,

other two, based on splitting up the _Albigenses_ (Albi on the Tarn),

and the _Ecolismenses_ (Angoulême). The lists of the eastern cantons

stand related in a similar way. Although subordinate differences

emerge, which cannot be here discussed, the character and the

continuity of the Gallic cantonal division are clearly apparent.]

[49: The four represented tribes were the Tarbelli, Vasates, Auscii,

and Convenae. Besides these Pliny enumerates in southern Aquitania

no less than twenty-five tribes--most of them otherwise unknown--as

standing on a legal equality with those four.]

[50: Pliny and, presumably here too following older sources of

information, Ptolemy know nothing of this division; but we still

possess the uncouth verses of the Gascon farmer (Borghesi, _Opp._ viii.

544), who effected this change in Rome, beyond doubt in company with a

number of his countrymen, although he has preferred not to add that it

was so:--

_Flamen, item dumvir, quaestor pagiq[ue] magister

Verus ad Augustum legato_ (sic) _munere functus

pro novem optinuit populis seiungere Gallos:

urbe redux Genio pagi hanc dedicat aram._

The oldest trace of the administrative separation of Iberian Aquitania

from the Gallic is the naming of the "district of Lactora" (Lectoure)

alongside of Aquitania in an inscription from Trajan's time (_C. I. L._

v. 875: _procurator provinciarum Luguduniensis et Aquitanicae, item

Lactorae_). This inscription certainly of itself proves the diversity

of the two territories rather than the formal severance of the one from

the other; but it may be otherwise shown that soon after Trajan the

latter was carried out. For the fact that the separated district was

originally divided into nine cantons, as these verses say, is confirmed

by the name that thenceforth continued in use, _Novempopulana_; but

under Pius the district numbers already eleven communities (for the

_dilectator per Aquitanicae XI populos_, Boissieu, _Lyon_, p. 246,

certainly belongs to this connection), in the fifth century twelve, for

the _Notitia_ enumerates so many under the Novempopulana. This increase

is to be explained similarly to that discussed at p. 95, note 2. The

division does not relate to the governorship; on the contrary, both the

Celtic and the Iberian Aquitania remained under the same legate. But

the Novempopulana obtained under Trajan its own diet, while the Celtic

districts of Aquitania, after as before, sent deputies to the diet of

Lyons.]

[51: There are wanting some smaller Germanic tribes, such as the

Baetasii and the Sunuci, perhaps for similar reasons with those of the

minor Iberian; and further, the Cannenefates and the Frisians, probably

because it was not till later that these became subjects of the empire.

The Batavi were represented.]

[52: Thus there was found in Nemausus a votive inscription written in

the Celtic language, erected Ματρεβο Ναμαυσικαβο (_C. I. L._ xi. p.

383), _i.e._, to the Mothers of the place.]

[53: For example, we read on an altar-stone found in Néris-les-Bains,

(Allier; Desjardins, _Géographie de la Gaule romaine_, ii. 476);

_Bratronos Nantonicn Epadatextorici Leucullo Suio rebelocitoi_. On

another, which the Paris mariners' guild under Tiberius erected to

Jupiter the highest and best (Mowat; _Bull. épig. de la Gaule_,

p. 25f.) the main inscription is Latin, but on the reliefs of the

lateral surfaces, which appear to represent a procession of nine armed

priests, there stand explanatory words appended: _Senani Useiloni

..._ and _Eurises_, which are not Latin. Such a mixture is also met

with elsewhere, _e.g._, in an inscription of Arrènes (Creuse, _Bull.

épig. de la Gaule_, i. 38); _Sacer Peroco ieuru_ (probably = _fecit_)

_Duorico v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)._]

[54: The posting-books and itineraries do not fail to remark at Lyons

and Toulouse that here the _leugae_ begin.]

[55: The second Berne gloss on Lucan, i. 445, which rightly makes

Teutates Mars, and seems also otherwise credible, says of him: _Hesum

Mercurium colunt, si quidem a mercatoribus colitur_.]

[56: Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ ii. 16, 4. There king Agrippa asks his Jews

whether they imagined themselves to be richer than the Gauls, braver

than the Germans, more sagacious than the Hellenes. With this all other

testimonies accord. Nero hears of the revolt not unwillingly _occasione

nata spoliandarum iure belli opulentissimarum provinciarum_ (Suetonius,

_Nero_, 40; Plut. _Galb._ 5); the booty taken from the insurgent army

of Vindex is immense (Tac. _Hist._ i. 51). Tacitus (_Hist._ iii. 46)

calls the Haedui _pecunia dites et voluptatibus opulentos_. The general

of Vespasian is not wrong in saying to the revolted Gauls in Tac.

_Hist._ iv. 74: _Regna bellaque per Gallias semper fuere, donec in

nostrum ius concederetis; nos quamquam totiens lacessiti iure victoriae

id solum vobis addidimus quo pacem tueremur, nam neque quies gentium

sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis

haberi queunt_. The taxes doubtless pressed heavily, but not so heavily

as the old state of feud and club-law.]

[57: This epigram on "barley-wine" is preserved (_Anthol. Pal._ ix.

368):

Τίς πόθεν εἶς Διόνυσε; μὰ γὰρ τὸν ἀληθέα Βάκχον,

οὐ σ' ἐπιγιγνώσκω· τὸν Διὸς οἶδα μόνον.

κεῖνος νέκταρ ὄδωδε· σὺ δὲ τράγου· ἦ ῥά σε Κελτοὶ

τῇ πενίῃ βοτρύων τεῦξαν ἀπ' ἀσταχύων.

τῷ σε χρὴ καλέειν Δημήτριον, οὐ Διόνυσον,

πυρογένη μᾶλλον καὶ βρόμον, οὐ Βρόμιον.

On an earthen ring found in Paris (Mowat, _Bull. épig. de la Gaule_,

ii. 110; iii. 133), which is hollow and adapted for the filling of

cups, the drinker says to the host: _copo, conditu(m)_ [_cnoditu_ is

a misspelling] _abes_; _est reple(n)da_--"Host, thou hast more in

the cellar; the flask is empty;" and to the barmaid: _ospita, reple

lagona(m) cervesa_--"Girl, fill the flask with beer."]

[58: Suetonius, _Dom._ 7. When it was specified as a reason, that the

higher prices of corn were occasioned by the conversion of agricultural

land into vineyards, that was of course a pretext which calculated on

the want of intelligence in the public.]

[59: When Hehn still appeals (_Kulturpflanzen_, p. 76) for the

vine-culture of the Arverni and the Sequani, beyond the Narbonensis,

to Pliny, _H. N._ xiv. 1, 18, he follows discarded interpolations of

the text. It is possible that the sterner imperial government in the

three Gauls kept back the cultivation of the vine more than the lax

senatorial rule in the Narbonensis.]

[60: One of the professorial poems of Ausonius is dedicated to four

Greek grammarians:--

_Sedulum cunctis studium docendi;

Fructus exilis tenuisque sermo;

Sed, quia nostro docuere in aevo,

Commemorandi._

This mention is the more meritorious, seeing that he had learned

nothing suitable from them:--

_Obstitit nostrae quia, credo, mentis

Tardior sensus, neque disciplinis

Appulit Graecis puerilis aevi

Noxius error._

Such thoughts have frequently found utterance, but seldom in Sapphic

measure.]

[61: _Romana gravitas_, Hieronymus, _Ep._ 125, p. 929, Vall.]