Captain St. John reports, I am told, that the natives have ceased to
damage the telegraph-wires; but as a _per-contra_, he says that the wires
are frequently broken by the baboons, who climb up the poles, and hang on
the wires by their tails. I am assured that this is an absolute fact. One
of the mule-drivers near Attegrat shot a native the other day. The man,
who was armed with a gun, attempted to rob the mule; but the driver
resisted, wrenched the gun from his hand, and shot him. The robber is not
dead, but lies in a precarious state. The lesson was greatly required; but
instead of being rewarded for his conduct, the mule-driver got a dozen
lashes! I hope that the next driver whose mule is attacked will allow it
to be looted, and that the functionary who has just so ably instructed
mule-drivers not to defend the public property will be ordered to pay the
cost of the stores stolen. Tents have been erected here for the reception
of such luggage as cannot be carried on under the present regulations. I
sent my portmanteau in this morning, and had the pleasure when moving it
of finding that the white ants had eaten a large hole in the bottom. I do
not expect to find any remains of it, or of its contents, upon my return.
Captain Moore, the Commander-in-chief’s interpreter, has gone on ahead to
pacify the local chiefs, and to assure them that we have no intention of
molesting them. No better man could have been selected for the office.
Captain Moore speaks almost every known language, and has had as much
experience of native potentates as any man living. Major Grant has gone on
to Attala, to buy provisions, &c. An officer of his African experience and
standing would have been far better employed as an ambassador to King
Gobayze; while bargaining with natives would have been much more in
accordance with Mr. Munzinger’s experience and powers. Some tobacco has
come up, and has been distributed among the troops, to their great
satisfaction. During the last few days the troops have been exercised in
turning out rapidly on the alarm being sounded. The sentries have, too,
been placed and instructed as if in front of an enemy, who might at any
moment make a night attack.
The natives here unanimously express their hopes and wishes that we should
take possession of the country and become their masters. Our style of
paying for everything we require has taken them entirely by surprise. It
is altogether contrary to their experience. There is no doubt that they
are extremely poor, and terribly ground down, and many of their very
numerous vices are, to a certain extent, excusable upon this score. They
are so poor that they will sell anything for dollars—their corn, their
flour, their donkeys, their cattle, their wives, or their daughters. They
are a terribly priest-ridden people. I should say that no people in the
world pay such extortionate dues. The priests claim two-fifths of the
gross produce; of the remainder one-third is claimed by the King; then
comes the local chief: so that finally the unfortunate cultivator gets
less than one-fifth of the crop he has raised. It is no wonder that the
people are poor, and that in times of drought, or when the locusts sweep
over the land, or the rebels, more destructive still, carry off crops and
herds and flocks, famine stalks through the land. There is no doubt that
our mastership would be an unmixed blessing to them, but it would
certainly be the very reverse of advantageous to ourselves. From our
landing at Zulla to the present time we have passed through a country more
barren than any I ever traversed. Except for grazing purposes it is
absolutely valueless. Here and there, in the valleys, are little patches
of cultivation by the side of the streams; but in the whole two hundred
miles we have passed through, looking east and west as far as the eye can
reach, I do not think that we have seen, in all, five hundred acres of
cultivated land. Taking the two hundred miles north and south by, say, ten
miles east and west—in all, two thousand square miles—I would not take the
fee-simple as a gift. I am not, of course, suggesting that the ground we
have traversed is to be taken as a fair sample of Abyssinia.
Unquestionably it is not so. It would be as fair to land in the north of
England, and to skirt the sea-coast, keeping on the Cumberland,
Westmoreland, Lancashire, Welsh, and Cornwall hills, and then to pronounce
England a sterile country. Still, by what we have seen, by the ranges of
mountain-summits discernible everywhere in the far west, it is evident
that a very large portion of Abyssinia is mere grazing-land; and it is
probable that the valleys and low-lying plains, which are extremely
fertile, would be unhealthy for European constitutions. Whatever ideas may
have been entertained at one time as to our taking possession of a country
so rich, so fertile, and so salubrious as this was represented to be, the
experience of this expedition must have entirely dispelled this notion.
The general aspect of the country is so bare, the fertile portions so
distant from the coast, the roads so impracticable, that any idea of
English colonisers settling here, as suggested by Mr. Dufton and others,
is simply preposterous; and in addition to all this, a very large force
would be required to keep a warlike and turbulent people in order. We see
by the English papers that “A British Taxpayer” has been writing
indignantly, demanding why two or three thousand men were not sufficient
for this paltry business. If the British Taxpayer had been out here, he
would not have asked such a question. British soldiers are by no means men
to overrate difficulties, or to hold their enemies at higher than their
real value. But the universal opinion here is, that we have not one man
too many in the country. The tribes of Shohos on the sea-coast; the King
of Tigre, who can summon 20,000 or 30,000 men to his banner; the fierce
Gallas, through whom we have still to pass,—all these have been, and
probably will be, friendly. But why? Simply because we are strong enough
to keep them in order. No one doubts for a moment that if they thought
that they were strong enough, they would fall upon us instantly for the
sake of plunder. If the three thousand men who, according to this critic,
would have been amply sufficient, could have been endowed with the
agreeable faculty of going for three months without food, and if their
horses had been similarly gifted, they would without doubt have been amply
sufficient. Three thousand British soldiers, as long as they keep together
in a compact body, could march from the Mediterranean to the Cape of Good
Hope. But, unfortunately, men and animals who can go for three months
without food are scarce in these degenerate days. Our experience here is
that, with the exception of meat, no food whatever is procurable between
Zulla and our present most advanced post, with the solitary exception of
Antalo. Grain for the animals is almost as scarce. We have bought small
quantities, indeed, at most of the stations, but we never get it for the
first few days after our arrival. It is only after we have been at a place
for a short time, and when the people find out how large a sum we pay for
it, that they bring in even small quantities. Then the problem would
present itself: these three thousand men must be fed. To be fed, they must
carry supplies with them. These supplies must be conveyed upon
baggage-animals. These baggage-animals must be fed. But there is no food
to be obtained as they march on direct. Therefore, it is evident that
dépôts must be formed, and these must be guarded; communication must be
kept up, roads must be made to some extent, for there are many places
perfectly impracticable for loaded animals. And so the three thousand men
would be frittered all over the country, and would be harassed to death by
overwork and watching, and it is certain they could never penetrate to
Magdala. Has a “Taxpayer” ever read the history of the French campaign in
Spain? Has he any idea of the number of hundred thousand men who marched
into that country, and of the numbers who returned to France? A very small
proportion of the deficit fell under British steel and lead. They were
accounted for by the peasantry. They died, shot down upon baggage-guard,
cut off when in search of provisions, surprised when in small parties,
harassed to death by overwork. Such would have been the fate of three
thousand men landing in Abyssinia. The people here are as brave as the
Spaniards, the country is beyond all comparison more difficult, and the
resources which, it offers to an invader are as nothing to those of Spain.
Our force, as it is now constituted, is sufficient to overawe the country,
and it is fortunate that it is so. For I say fearlessly, and there is not
an officer here who would not support me in that opinion, that if the
people were hostile, we could not even with our present force have ever
hoped to reach Magdala. It would have been a sheer impossibility. A mere
passive resistance, the driving away of flocks and herds, and the burning
of the grass, would have brought us to a standstill at Senafe; while the
bare idea of defending our communication, and guarding the enormous trains
required for our march of three hundred miles through a barren, hostile,
and most difficult country, is so supremely ridiculous as to be laughable.
The experiment of the three thousand men, had it been tried, would have
ended in a disaster such as, with the exception of Cabul, the British arms
have never experienced, and it must afterwards have been retrieved with a
force of three times the strength even of our present one, and at an
expenditure which might have taught even the “British Taxpayer” that penny
wisdom is an equivalent for pound foolishness.
A general order has just appeared regulating the whole distribution of the
troops; and as this is a final arrangement, it will no doubt be
interesting to all who have friends in the army here.
First Division.—Major-general Staveley, K.C.B., in command; Colonel Wood,
deputy-adjutant-general; Major Baigrie, deputy-quartermaster-general.
Pioneer Force: Brigadier-general Field. Troops: forty sabres 3d Native
Cavalry; forty Scinde Horse; 3d and 4th company Bombay Sappers and Miners;
two companies 33d Regiment; two companies Beloochees; one company Punjaub
Pioneers.
First Brigade, Brigadier-general Schneider.—Troops: Head-quarters wing 3d
Dragoon Guards, 3d Native Cavalry, Scinde Horse, G battery, 14, Royal
Artillery, A battery 21st company Royal Artillery, 4th King’s Own,
Head-quarters and eight companies 33d, 10th company Royal Engineers,
Head-quarters and two companies Beloochees, Head-quarters wing 10th Native
Infantry.
Second Brigade, Brigadier-general Wilby.—Wing of 12th Bengal Cavalry, B
battery 21st Royal Artillery, two 8-inch mortars, with detachment 5th
battery 25th Royal Artillery, Rocket Naval Brigade, K company Madras
Sappers, seven companies Punjaub Pioneers, wing of Beloochees.
It will thus be seen that the 1st Division consists of four entire
infantry regiments—the 4th, 33d, Beloochees, and Punjaub Pioneers—and a
wing of the 10th Native Infantry, of the 3d Native Cavalry, the Scinde
Horse, a wing of the Dragoon Guards, and a wing of the 12th Bengal
Cavalry, three batteries of Royal Artillery and two 8-inch mortars, and
three companies of Sappers and Miners and one company of Royal Engineers;
an admirably-selected force, and which, as long as it kept together, would
be invincible.
Another general order has also been promulgated, which I have very great
pleasure in giving, because it does full justice to a most meritorious and
hardworking body of officers. I have the more pleasure in giving
publication to the order, as it thoroughly indorses the opinion I have all
along stated that the transport officers were in no way to blame for the
confusion which took place at Zulla:
“General Order.—Head-quarters, Camp Antalo, March 4th.—The
Commander-in-chief has lately received from the Director Transport Train,
Abyssinia field force, a full and particular report of the service
rendered to the corps by the officers under his command. His Excellency
has perused this report with much satisfaction, and it is most gratifying
to him to find that, in spite of the numerous and extraordinary
difficulties with which the officers of the transport-train have had to
contend, and notwithstanding the hard and unceasing work they have had to
perform, they have, almost without exception, displayed an amount of
steady determination to do their best which is beyond all praise. The
Commander-in-chief begs to assure Major Warden and the officers under his
command that the work performed by them has not been overlooked, and shall
not be forgotten. His Excellency trusts that one and all will remember
that upon their individual exertions depends, in a great measure, the
success of the expedition. The transport-train, for reasons far beyond the
control of the officers belonging to it, has just commenced to assume that
military organisation so requisite to its well-being, and for want of
which at first it suffered so severely.... The Commander-in-chief is well
aware how much the services of the officers of the transport-train have
been depreciated, and how unfairly blame has been attached to them for
shortcomings beyond their control. His Excellency, however, assures them
that he has never for a moment lost confidence in them, nor has he ever
doubted that their exertions would eventually bring order and regularity
out of confusion and indiscipline.... All cannot of course work under the
eye of the Commander-in-chief, and comparatively few can accompany the
advanced force; but his Excellency will make no distinction when the
campaign is over between those who were in front and those who were
necessarily in the rear. All by good work can contribute materially to the
success of the campaign, and it will be by that standard, and by that
alone, that his Excellency will be guided when making hereafter his report
upon the services performed by the officers under his command.—By order of
his Excellency the Commander-in-chief. Fred. Thesiger, lieutenant-colonel,
deputy-adjutant-general.”
Never was liberal praise more deserved, and it will be most gratifying to
the men who have slaved and toiled almost night and day in the face of
every possible discouragement.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Meshech, March 14th.
We have advanced two days’ marches into the Abyssinian hills, and at every
step forward we see more clearly the difficulties with which we have to
struggle. The first day’s journey was to Musgee; an easy march of eight
miles across an undulating plain. At Musgee we found the two companies of
the 33d, two of the 10th Native Infantry, and the Sappers and Miners, who
constitute the pioneer force. They had just come in, recalled from the
hard and unprofitable labour in the defile, and now prepared to set to
work anew upon the new route. They report the pass as a tremendous defile,
and say that the detachment of Scinde Horse have lost no less than seven
horses either from falls or from over-fatigue. We were amused at the
natives who came round, and absolutely made fun of the soldiers for their
unsuccessful attempts at making roads in impassable places, when there was
a good road ready at hand. The head-quarters and the other three companies
of the 33d, and the company of the Punjaub Pioneers, were near the other
end of the defile, and they had orders to push straight on to Attala, and
begin to improve the road from the other end. At Musgee we had clear
running water, which was really enjoyable after the stagnant stuff we had
been drinking at Antalo. On the morning of the 13th Sir Robert Napier
started with his staff and an escort at seven o’clock. The rest of the
force left at ten precisely. The march was eight miles—a short distance
apparently; but when I state that a great number of the animals did not
arrive until eight in the evening, it will be at once seen that it was
very much harder work than it appears at first sight. The first three or
four miles of this road, or rather track, led along the hill-side, and
then as the valley narrowed in, and its sides became very precipitous, it
kept along the bottom. There we crossed and recrossed a little stream at
least a dozen times; and much of the delay and confusion was caused by
mules insisting upon stopping to drink, and thereby of course bringing the
whole line to a stop. This part of the march was by far the prettiest and
most English we have seen out here. We were travelling in a grove of
trees, with a thick underwood, except just where a path was cut wide
enough for a single mule to pass. A really good-sized streamlet of clear
water wound here and there, with quiet pools, and bright tumbling little
cascades. Under our feet was a cool greensward, over our heads a shady
screen of foliage. Imagine the charm of such a scene to us, who, except in
an occasional secluded dell, have scarcely seen a tree, or felt shade, or
heard the plash of falling water for months. How we should have liked to
have halted, and to have enjoyed the turf and the shade for an hour or
two! All our attention was required, however, for the work in hand, for in
many places we had very rough bits, and the wood-nymphs and dryads must
have been sorely startled at the shouting and tumult which arose in their
quiet shades. On each side of us the mountains rose to a great height,
crowned with perpendicular precipices, on one of which, seemingly
accessible only to a bird, was the stronghold of some border chief.
Presently the mountain sides receded a little, and we emerged into a small
plain. In the centre of this ran the stream, and by its side were some
very large trees, which I can best describe by saying they resemble oaks
with willow-leaves. Here we encamped.
The troops had taken four hours to do the eight miles; but the
commissariat animals, as I have stated, were more than double that time
upon the road. Both at Musgee and here there is a great lack of grain for
the animals. One pound of grain was all they got yesterday, and to-day at
twelve there is to be a similar large issue. If this sort of thing
continues, the animals must inevitably break down. The drivers, after
their day’s work was over, did go up into the hills and cut some grass;
but the coarse grass contains very little nourishment, and the horses
refuse to eat it. The mules eat it, indeed, but it can do them very little
good. I have all along in my calculations of the probable duration of the
campaign argued that we must expect to come to places where forage was not
procurable, and that if we came to a place where for four days’ marches we
could get no grain and but little grass, that we must come to a standstill
and form dépôts. Of course the difficulty will be proportionately greater
when we have the whole advance force, with its thousands of cavalry-horses
and baggage-animals with us. We were to have started this morning at seven
o’clock; but a messenger arrived at two this morning with a letter from
the Commander-in-chief to General Staveley, saying that the road was so
bad that we must halt for a day to enable the pioneer force to smooth some
of the most impracticable places. We have also news of the head-quarters
and three companies of the 33d who had pushed on by the “Phayre” road to
Attala. They had a distance of fourteen miles to go, four of which they
had comparatively cleared. They started early, and they got in the
following day at twelve o’clock, having been twenty-eight hours on the
road. The pioneer force is hard at work upon the road ahead, and to-morrow
morning we start for Attala. It is stated to be an eight-mile march; but I
hear that the opinion of those who have gone on is, that it is a good
thirteen. At Attala I anticipate that we shall wait some days-that is, if
forage is obtainable. Everything must now depend upon this vital point. We
must push-on to some place where abundant forage can be obtained, and we
must then wait for the remainder of the force to come up. This must entail
a halt of some days, whenever it is; for the 3d Dragoon Guards and the
12th Bengal Cavalry were both some marches’ distance from Antalo when we
left, and they will, of course, have to make a halt of a day or two at
that place upon their advance, to rest their animals. I hear that in the
neighbourhood of Lât there is plenty of forage; in that case Lât will
probably be our halting-place, if we find we cannot obtain sufficient
grass and grain at Attala. Sportsmen have been looking forward to our
arrival at Lake Ashangi, as game is likely to be abundant in that
neighbourhood, especially wild-fowl. We have received a letter from Mr.
Massinger, which shows that any attempt at wild-fowl shooting either at
early dawn or at dusk is likely to be attended with some little danger. It
is, he says, very difficult, and even dangerous, to approach the shores of
the lake. They are very flat, and the whole surface of the ground has been
broken up into chasms and crevasses, which are filled with soft mud, and
are not easily distinguishable from the surrounding soil. A long stick
plunged into the soft mud found no bottom, and a person falling into one
of these would, unless immediate assistance was at hand, be inevitably
lost. The natives say that these crevasses were all formed by an
earthquake which took place about three years ago. Previous to that time
the lake had an outlet through which the overflow water made its way into
the Tacazze. This outlet is now stopped, and the water has risen and
filled all these chasms made by the earthquake.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Mahkan, March 16th.
My last letter was dated from the pretty camping-ground bearing the
scriptural denomination of Meshech. Thence to Atzala was a march of
thirteen miles. The road led up the valley, as upon the previous day, for
about six miles, and then we had a long, but fortunately tolerably
gradual, climb up the saddle of the ridge. On the right of the summit of
the pass is the Amba of Waldo: it is considerably the highest peak in the
neighbourhood,—isolated, four-sided, and apparently perpendicular. As far
as we could see, there were no walls or artificial defences. The huts
which contain the garrison are built on ledges upon the face of the rock.
Ledge is hardly the proper expression; for a ledge is a projection,
whereas the huts are built in deep scores which run round the face. The
rock overhead completely overhangs them; so that they are to a certain
extent sheltered from the wind, which would, at an elevation of 12,000
feet above the sea, be otherwise almost unbearable in such an exposed
condition. Waldo himself was at the top of the pass when we went along. He
is a man of about thirty-five, with a very intelligent and pleasing face.
A number of his warriors attended him, and he was very much interested in
our various uniforms and appointments. He chatted for some time with
General Staveley, who fired-off his revolver for his edification. The
articles, however, that pleased him most were telescopes and
field-glasses, and he expressed a strong desire for one. He was evidently
acquainted with their use, for he shut one eye and examined the country
through my telescope with a nautical air which would have done no
discredit to the most aspiring midshipman. The Commander-in-chief
presented him with an excellent glass on the following day; and he will
now from his eyrie be able to see any advancing foe in ample time to make
his preparations for defence.
The descent from the top of the pass was much steeper and more severe than
the ascent had been, and the train of mules was a very long time making
its way to the bottom. Every animal that fell, every load which shifted,
brought the whole line to a standstill. However, patience and care will
effect wonders; and we got to the foot of the steep portion without a
casualty among the animals.
At Attala, or Atzala, as I find it is more correctly spelt, we found the
Commander-in-chief encamped with the head-quarter wing of the 33d and a
small escort of Scinde Horse and the 3d Native Cavalry. The
Commander-in-chief intends, I believe, in future to accompany the Pioneer
Force, and to judge for himself as to the capabilities of the roads, and
to direct the work to be done to make them passable by the main body.
Colonel Phayre will, however, still continue a couple of days’ march
ahead, with a small escort. Sir Robert Napier gets through an immense
quantity of work in the course of a day; and the following order, which
has been lately issued, shows that he is unable to trust the political
business, such as it is, out of his own hands, but is compelled to be his
own political officer, as well as his own explorer: “The
Commander-in-chief directs that in future all reports forwarded for his
information by officers in the intelligence department may be sent to the
political secretary, through the general or other officer commanding the
division or post in which they may be serving. In special cases, where a
more immediate communication to his Excellency may seem expedient, reports
may be sent direct; copies of them, however, being at once furnished to
the officer’s immediate military superior. All instructions for the
guidance of officers in the intelligence department will be sent to them
by Captain Tweedie, political secretary, who must be considered as the
sole officer authorised to convey to them his Excellency’s commands.”
Atzala is situated in an extensive basin, apparently surrounded upon all
sides by lofty hills. The abundance which we found at Antalo still
continues, and the commissariat are able to purchase grain for the
animals. I found upon my arrival in camp that Sir Robert Napier intended
to push on at once with the Pioneer Force, leaving Sir Charles Staveley to
follow, with an interval of a day or two, to allow the road to be
improved. Sir Robert has also sent back for the light guns of Twiss’s
Mountain Train, and for the Naval Rocket Brigade, both of which formed
part of the 2d Brigade, according to the published list. There are two
explanations of this order; the one being that he finds the roads so bad
that he thinks it will perhaps be impossible to bring the heavy guns of
Murray’s battery on without great loss of time; the other theory is, that
he is now convinced that we shall have to fight at Magdala, and wishes to
arrive there with as strong a force of artillery as possible. The advices
from Magdala tell us that Theodore had received exact intelligence of our
whereabouts and rate of moving; and that whereas, believing us to be
nearer, he had decided upon waiting at Dalanta; and he has now pushed on
with the greatest energy, and arrived with his guns and convoy quite close
to Magdala. This is, I think, the best news we could receive. Theodore has
evidently made up his mind to await us at any rate in his fortress. He may
fight, he may pretend friendship, and offer us the prisoners; but, at any
rate, he will be there: whereas, if he had not been able to reach Magdala,
he might have retired at our approach; and if he had ever taken to the
hills, our expedition would have been almost interminable: once in
Magdala, and surrounded, we are sure of him. Magdala may be, and I believe
is, very strong, and may hold out for weeks; but we know that sooner or
later we must have it. I believe that the guns we have will be useless,
except for their moral effect upon the enemy. A shell thrown on to the
summit of a rock fortress when the garrison were sheltered behind great
boulders, or in caves or crevices, might alarm them, but would probably do
very little harm. Our stock of missiles is very limited, and we shall
probably have to take the place at last by assault. If Magdala at all
approaches Waldo’s fortress in strength, an assault in the face of some
thousands of determined men, commanded by a desperate chief like Theodore,
will be no child’s-play even for British troops. A few stones rolled down
would sweep the path of a whole line of stormers. A breastwork of great
boulders rolled into position from above would baffle the bravest. People
talk lightly of Magdala and its savage garrison; but if they prove true to
their king, it will prove as hard a nut as British prowess ever had to
crack. Officers speaking to me upon the subject have argued Magdala is
probably not so strong as many of the hill-forts in India which we have in
our time taken. This is no doubt true; as is the fact that the defenders
of these hill-forts were as brave, and were in addition much better armed
than are the garrison of Magdala. But, on the other hand, the defenders of
Indian hill-forts knew what British troops were; they knew that our power
was almost infinite; that we were the masters of all India; and that
sooner or later we could accumulate force enough to capture even the most
seemingly impregnable fortress. It was, they knew, a mere question of time
with us. However physically brave, the knowledge that final over-throw is
certain, will to a great extent paralyse the efforts of any body of men.
The reverse of all this is the case with Theodore’s soldiers. They have
never fought but to conquer; they have a fanatical persuasion of the might
of their leader, and believe in his star; they have been always told that
Magdala is impregnable. For their enemies they have neither fear nor
reverence. The few white men they have seen have been men of
peace—missionaries and such-like—living but by their sufferance, and now
for years held in the degrading position of captives. Theodore has
impressed them with the belief that we are a mere nation of traders, and
that although we manufacture good guns, and can use them at a distance,
yet that we are wanting in courage, and no match for his men in a
hand-to-hand fight. Doubtless, too, he will impress upon them the fact
that we cannot have brought a large stock of ammunition for our guns
across this long and difficult route; and that therefore his men have only
to keep quiet and let us expend our missiles, and that then our power of
doing harm will be at an end. He has, too, promised that they shall divide
among themselves all our treasure and spoil; and as by this time they have
probably heard that we are absolutely strewing the country with dollars,
their idea of our probable spoil must be something magnificent.
However, the problem of war or peace will soon be solved. At the rate at
which we are now proceeding, another three weeks will see us in front of
Magdala. Indeed, if we continue to press forward at the present rate, we
should be at our journey’s end in a fortnight, or, rather, we should be
there if the whole of the mules did not die. To-day’s march has been
fifteen of the longest and heaviest miles ever traversed, with scarcely a
mile of level ground the whole distance. The difficulty began at the very
start, for we had at once to climb a high and steep hill, and to descend
at once on the other side. So long a time did this occupy, so many were
the stoppages and breakdowns, that although the first of the train started
before seven, it was ten before the last of the convoy of six hundred had
even commenced the ascent. The Commander-in-chief was not to start till
one o’clock, and a small party of mules would leave at that time with his
tent, &c. I therefore had, very fortunately as it turned out, resolved not
to start my animals until the same time. After passing over the first
hill, we came to another, which was the highest we had yet come to, being
two hundred feet higher than the summit of the pass upon the preceding
day. The ascent, although very long, was not very steep; indeed, all the
hills we have crossed are much more precipitous on the southern than on
the northern side. Here our difficulties commenced; for at the top of the
hill were numbers of the animals who had started five hours before us. The
descent was blocked up, and for ten minutes at a time everyone was brought
to a stand-still. Great was the noise, tremendous the shouting in various
languages. Once upon the descent of the hill, everyone kept in single
file; but the confusion was greatest at the top, as everyone strove to get
his own animal first upon the track. Here were Beloochees, Scinde Horse,
Engineers, 33d men, and 3d Native Cavalry, all trying to insinuate the
animals of which they were in charge into the straight line. Not
unfrequently some unfair effort to interlope ended in well-merited
punishment, by one of the mules getting jammed between others, and his
load pulled back over his tail. At last we got our animals fairly on to
the descent, which was very steep and winding, and then there was nothing
for it but patience. With our own animals we had no trouble, for we had
long ago found out that although a string of four animals goes well enough
along a plain, the only way to get them down steep places, or over very
rough ground, is to unfasten them, and to make a servant go to each mule’s
head. In this way, if the loads are properly packed upon Otago saddles,
they will go anywhere; the mules can pick their way without being hurried,
and the loads will not shift; whereas the government mules, being fastened
three or four in a string, under the charge of a single driver, are
continually coming to grief. The leading mule steps over stones or down
steep places with comparative ease, and when on level ground steps boldly
forward; while the unfortunate animals behind him, who are still on the
difficult ground, are unable to pick their way, their heads are pulled
into the air, they hang back and vainly resist, and either lie down at
once, or are pulled off their legs. The present state of the Bombay
saddles assists to aggravate the evil. The leather loops which were
attached to them, and through which the ropes which fastened the baggage
passed, are now in a majority of cases torn off, and the consequence is,
that the load at once slips forwards or backwards immediately the animal
gets upon an incline, and the saddle remains on the back, while the load
rolls off. The mountain-side was thickly covered with shrubs; and as we
went down in a long confused line, with the baggage-guard scattered at
intervals along it, most of the men being incessantly employed in
repacking the loads, with their arms piled near them while they did so,
one could not but reflect that we shall have to travel in a very different
fashion when we approach Magdala. Two or three hundred men, armed only
with spears, concealed among the bushes, and rushing out at a given
signal, could have annihilated the whole convoy before a bayonet could
have been fixed or the slightest resistance offered. I believe that it is
settled that we shall take no tents forward with us for the last three or
four days’ marches; and this, with the fact that a comparatively small
number of mules will be required for the commissariat stores, will
diminish our train to one-fourth of the present size. If Theodore has made
up his mind to fight, there is little doubt that he will begin while we
are in the passes. He has always been famous for his night-attacks, and we
have been especially warned to beware of sudden attacks. The King of Tigre
was very impressive on this score. Waldo, the other day, also warned us
most earnestly to be upon our guard night and day. We had a turn-out of
the troops this morning at Atzala. It took place at about ten in the
morning, and was for a few minutes quite an exciting affair. With the
exception only of Sir Charles Staveley and a few of his personal staff, no
one knew whether it was a real alarm or not. We were now in the Gallas
country, where we had been told to expect raids, and it was quite possible
that the convoy, the rear of which was still mounting the hill, had been
suddenly attacked. When, therefore, the first bugle sounded the alarm, and
after a pause sounded again and again, quite a thrill ran through the
camp. All the regimental bugles repeated the calls, and the camp presented
the appearance of an ant-hive suddenly disturbed. The men tumbled out from
their tents in hot haste, buttoning-up their tunics and buckling-up their
belts; the cooks and butchers left the half-cut-up carcasses, to run to
their tents for their arms and accoutrements; officers shouted for their
swords; the men who were out for wood or water came scampering up; the
mule-drivers rapidly drove in the animals which were grazing on the
plains; the dhoolie-bearers mustered round the palkees; the grasscutters
buckled on swords of various descriptions; and I observed my servant
busily engaged in loading a great double-barrelled pistol. The result
showed that an enemy must manage to creep up very close before being
observed, to catch us unawares. In two minutes and a half from the first
bugle, the 4th were drawn up in close order in front of their lines, and
being joined by the Beloochees, marched off, throwing out skirmishers
before them. In another five minutes the Mountain Artillery were in
motion, and the 3d Native Cavalry, who had, when the alarm sounded, been
in their native undress, had dressed, saddled, and were dashing across the
plain. A little in rear of the infantry the dhoolie-bearers were
staggering along with their palkees, and an apothecary was in full chase
with an armful of splints and bandages. It is evident that we shall not be
caught asleep. Alarms of this sort do good occasionally, but should not be
too often repeated, or the men get so accustomed to the cry of “Wolf!”
that they will not believe it when the real animal makes his appearance.
But I am leaving myself and my mules an unconscionable time upon the hill;
scarcely, however, so long as I was there in reality, for it was getting
dusk when I reached the foot, just three hours after my arrival at the
top. There was no camp in sight, and, although we knew it was still six
miles distant, we were ignorant of the direction in which it lay.
Fortunately, none of the loads had shifted, and we were thus enabled to
push past great numbers of animals who were standing with their loads upon
the ground beside them. It was a very weary and unpleasant six-miles’
march. There was no moon, and it soon became extremely dark; and as the
way was a mere track, we were quite ignorant whether we were going in the
right direction or not. Of course we followed mules in front of us, but
there was no knowing whether they were going right—for a mule stopping for
a minute, for a readjustment of the load, would lose sight of the one in
advance, and would be just as likely as not to go in the wrong direction,
and inevitably be followed by all in his rear. The way was across an
undulating plain, with many deep nullahs covered with trees, and so dark
that we could not see our horses’ ears. There was very little shouting
now; everyone rode or walked along in a sort of sulky silence; the pace
was of the slowest, the mules being scarcely able to crawl along. We could
not pick our way, for we could not see the ground. Some got off and led
their horses, others trusted to their horses’ eyes, and it was astonishing
how well the animals picked their way; still there were some awkward
falls. Even if one escaped these greater dangers, it was not pleasant to
be caught by a bramble suddenly between the eyes, or to be nearly borne
over the crupper of the horse by a stiff bough under the chin. At last,
just when we had arrived at the conclusion that we must have missed our
road, and that it would be better to draw off the way and pitch our tent
until daybreak, we saw the camp-lights in the distance, and, after another
mile’s travelling, arrived here, as I began this letter by saying, at
half-past nine o’clock.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Ashangi Lake, March 19th.
I finished my last letter on the night of my arrival at Mahkan, very
tired, very hungry, and a good deal out of temper. We halted at Mahkan on
the 17th, as the animals imperatively needed a day’s rest. There can be no
question that these very long marches are a mistake in every way. Many of
the animals which started at seven in the morning did not get in until ten
or eleven o’clock next day; and fatigue of this sort, together with an
almost starvation diet, is too much for any animals. The number which
actually died upon the road was very small—only three or four, I am told;
but then the animals have had a rest at Antalo, and have still some little
strength left. I have no hesitation, however, in saying that three or four
such marches as this would find the great majority of the transport-train
animals _hors de combat_. It is terribly fatiguing too for the troops. Nor
is anything gained by it. The old proverb, “the more haste the less
speed,” is amply verified. We did fifteen miles, and then had to halt a
day; whereas had we halted at a spring at the foot of the steep descent,
six miles from Mahkan, the animals could have easily marched some miles
beyond Mahkan on the following day. Fifteen miles over a flat country is
one thing, fifteen miles over a succession of mountains, with a rifle,
sixty rounds of ammunition, and etceteras, is quite another; and I
sincerely trust that we shall not again attempt such a tremendous march as
this.
The mule-train is at present all that can be desired. The number of
animals attached to the advanced division is 8000, and comprises the
Lahore mule-train, the Raul Pindee mule-train, and the A and D divisions
of the transport-train. I have had occasion more than once to speak of the
efficiency of the Lahore and Pindee trains, which arrived from Bengal in
the most perfect order, and which, being marched straight to Senafe, did
not share in the general disruption at Zulla. The A division, under
Captain Griffiths, I have also spoken of, as being in excellent condition.
This is the division which went up with the exploring party to Senafe, and
staying there, partially escaped the crash. The D division is commanded by
Captain Twentyman; an officer whose energy and devotedness at Zulla during
the worst times helped to pull the transport-train through its greatest
difficulties, as I had the pleasure of testifying at the time. These four
divisions are under the control of Captain Hand, of the Lahore mule-train,
who has been appointed their director. He is an able and energetic
officer, and his management of the train gives the highest satisfaction.
The transport-train authorities at Zulla have nothing whatever to do with
the advanced portion, which is under the sole orders of Captain Hand.
On the morning after our arrival at Mahkan the wing of the 33d was sent on
to make the road, the head-quarter camp remaining with only the escort of
the 2d Horse and 3d Cavalry. In the afternoon, however, a party of
Beloochees and Punjaub Pioneers came in. During the day a man came in with
one of the curious lozenge-shaped guitars I have already described, and
kept up a monotonous chanting for some time. The words Magdala and Tèdros
were the only words generally recognised; and it was supposed that he was
singing some song he had composed in our honour. An interpreter, however,
who happened to come up, undeceived us by explaining that the singer,
relying upon our ignorance of the language, was reciting our certain
defeat, and the vengeance that Theodore would take upon us. I have no fear
of the man turning out a true prophet; but it is certain that the people
of the country generally look upon our chance of victory over Theodore as
being a very poor one indeed. Yesterday morning we started at eight
o’clock on our march to this place, and, owing to the 33d having gone on,
our baggage-train was much smaller, and the difficulties and delays
proportionately less. We found, upon mounting the first hill, that we had
come on an entirely new and agreeable phase of Abyssinian scenery. Instead
of the bare hills and plains over which, interspersed with wooded valleys,
we had journeyed since we entered Abyssinia, we were transported at one
bound into the very heart of Switzerland. Everywhere to the very
mountain-tops was a pine-forest. In some places the trees grew closely
together, with a thick underwood, which shut-in the path on both sides,
and through which the road had been partially cleared by the 33d. At other
times the trees were more thinly scattered about, or stood in clumps,
affording every variety of park-like scenery. It was a delightful ride for
about six miles through these, the road being smooth and easy. At the end
of that time our difficulties began, the way lying over and along steep
and very rocky hills covered with forest and brushwood. The General had
expected to have found the road to a certain extent cleared by the 33d,
but owing to an error, for which Major Cooper was in no way to blame, they
had scarcely begun their work when we passed, instead of having been
engaged upon it for twenty-four hours. Their orders had been to encamp at
a stream five miles on from Mahkan, and then to set to work upon the road;
and as they had started twenty-four hours before ourselves, it was
anticipated that the road would be perfectly practicable for mules by the
next day. The 33d were, however, furnished with no guide, and the spring
was not visible from the line of march; consequently they marched past it,
and did not find out their error until they were miles ahead. Major Cooper
then determined upon the best course to be pursued, namely, to march
straight on to this station, to encamp there, and to march his men back at
daybreak to work upon the road. They had done a good deal when we arrived;
but of course the mules stopped their work for a time. In some places the
track was very bad; and at one of these, a rocky wall along a ledge, on
the face of which we had to pass, I found Sir Robert Napier himself
engaged in planning another road to avoid this obstacle, which was
dangerous in a high degree for loaded animals, as the projecting load
nearly pushed each one over the edge. No accident, so far as I heard,
occurred, and the delays were nothing like so long or tedious as those we
had incurred on many previous occasions, while the delightful shade, the
songs of innumerable birds, and the fresh odour of the pine-trees rendered
these halts most enjoyable. At last we reached the summit of the last
ascent, and below us, at a distance of five miles, lay Lake Ashangi, a
pretty sheet of water of about three miles in diameter. Its shores are in
some places quite flat, but in others hills come down with gradual slopes
to its very edge. Looking at England for an illustration, I should say
that, except in being smaller, it more resembles Ulleswater than any of
our other north-country lakes.
Beyond the lake several mountain-ranges rise one beyond another, and offer
no prospect of easy journeys for some time to come. Our camp is pitched
half a mile from the lake upon ground which slopes gradually down to the
water’s edge, above the level of which we are probably elevated thirty
feet. The lake and its shores swarm with ducks and geese. The latter are
very tame, and walk about to graze in the most unconcerned manner. A great
many have been shot, and are, although rather fishy, fair eating. The
great difficulty attending the sport is the exceedingly boggy nature of
the ground. The fissures spoken of by Mr. Munzinger, and which I mentioned
in my last upon the authority of his letters, are simply nonsense. It is a
large and in some places a dangerous bog; but it is simply and purely a
bog, and nothing else. I was out yesterday with my gun, as were a dozen
others, and although I went in above my boots, I came upon nothing really
impassable, nor, with one exception, did I hear of any one else doing so.
Captain Hogg, however, of the quartermaster’s department, got upon a very
bad part of the bog, and was some time finding his way out; indeed, he
fell into one deep place, where he would unquestionably have lost his life
had he not had a man with him, who was able to put the end of his gun
within reach of Captain Hogg’s hand, and so draw him out of the quagmire,
into which he was sinking fast. All round the level shore of the lake, a
belt of white mud of sixty or seventy yards wide extends. Upon this the
game congregate, and are safe from the sportsmen, as the mud will not
support a man’s weight, and the dead birds could not be recovered. The
geese in plumage more resemble ducks than geese, being dark brown and
green, with a large white patch upon the under part of the wing, and which
only shows during their flight. A good many escape, who would fall victims
to large shot; but the amount of ammunition in camp is scanty, and the
shot generally of small sizes, which merely rattle against a goose’s
feather at a distance of fifty yards.
To-day we have remained here quietly. Another durbar has taken place; the
ambassador, or nuncio—the latter, I suppose, being the appropriate
word—having come in from the chief Ulem of the Gallas tribes. This man has
immense influence with the Gallas, who are Mahommedans; and it was
therefore a matter of great importance to conciliate him as far as
possible. I have already described two of these official receptions, and
as this was precisely similar to those I have before written about, I need
not enter into particulars. The only variety was, that the proceedings
opened with a long letter from the Ulem to Sir Robert Napier. It was of a
most friendly character, and expressed the priest’s concurrence in the
“belief which we hold in common, namely,” he said, “the Old and New
Testament, and the Koran.” I was not aware that the Koran was an essential
part of our creed, but I have learnt something from the Ulem’s letter.
Later on, too, he speaks of Mahomet as the only true mediator. These,
however, were not, apparently, according to the Ulem’s view, points of
vital difference, and he accordingly states that he prays unceasingly in
our behalf, which is, at any rate, kind on his part. He warned us very
solemnly to be extremely watchful and ever upon our guard, and the general
tone of his letter was anything but hopeful. He mentioned that it was the
custom of the country to send presents to travellers, and that he
therefore sent the chief a present, but that the greatest present he could
give us would be his prayers. One thing is certain, if his prayers are not
of vastly greater value than his other present, they will not be of any
great worth, for the material present was a pot of honey, value one
dollar. The chief of course replied civilly, expressed our toleration of
all religions and opinions, and that we had many Mussulmans in our ranks,
and stated our friendly feelings towards the people of the country. He
wound up by giving presents of robes, &c., for the priests. These robes
were put upon the ambassador, who is a son of the Ulem, and one of the
most inane-looking young men I have seen in Abyssinia. His face, as he was
being invested in the robes, was one of the most comic things I ever saw,
and the officers present had the greatest difficulty in restraining their
gravity. He looked exactly like a baboon affecting humility. Later in the
afternoon another chief came in, preceded by tom-tom and flutes, and
accompanied by a considerable body of warriors. A remarkable thing which I
noticed then, and which I had not before seen, was that they carried
headless lances, in token of amity.
We had rather a curious scene this afternoon. A native was detected in the
act of thieving, and was sentenced by Colonel Fraser, who acts as
provost-marshal, to two dozen lashes. His friends and relatives, however,
made so great a howling that the Commander-in-chief came out of his tent
to see what was the matter. Finding that the natives took the matter
greatly to heart, he gave the man over to be punished by themselves; and
after a palaver of an hour, he was sentenced to pay one quarter of the
value of the article stolen, or to receive six blows with a stick. Mr.
Speedy was about to remonstrate with them upon the insufficiency of the
punishment, when the chief who had acted as judge drew him aside, and
stated that in the course of the examination they had found that the
offender was a Christian, whereas they were themselves Mussulmans; and
that if they were to punish him as he deserved, it would cause a war.
Throughout Abyssinia,—that is, as far as we have travelled,—even where
Christians are in the majority, the Mahommedans look down upon them; and
there is no doubt that in a moral point of view the Mahommedans are
greatly the superior. Christianity certainly does not work well among
natives. Both in India and here a Christian is by no means a man of high
standing either in respectability or morality. It is singular that the
abodes of the natives here are precisely similar to those at Zulla. There
they were built of wattles, with conical thatched roofs. Since that time
we have passed mud huts with flat roofs, stone huts with flat roofs, stone
huts with thatched roofs, and now we have again come upon the Zulla type
of cottages, wattled walls with conical thatched roofs. The villages are
always perched upon eminences, and the houses are crowded together and
surrounded by a thick fence of boughs, with the ends outwards like a
military abattis. The natives are not quite so dark as the people of
Tigre, and are not so well armed, for I have not seen any fire-arms among
them. Sir Charles Staveley has, I hear, arrived at Mahkan, with the 4th,
the 3d Native Cavalry, and Penn’s battery. He, like ourselves, is engaged
in road-making. The orders are, that the pioneer force are to make the
road practicable for mules, and that General Staveley’s force is to make
it practicable for elephants. As elephants can go almost everywhere that
mules are able to do, he will not be long delayed, and will probably
arrive at Lât, which is two days’ march forward, within a day or two of
ourselves. It is probable that we shall halt two or three days there, to
allow the force to concentrate. I hear that Twiss’s Mountain Train and the
Naval Rocket Brigade are only a march behind General Staveley, and will
arrive with him at Lât. I have seen to-night that the 45th has also been
ordered to come on at once, to form part of the first division. This order
will not only give satisfaction to the regiment itself, but also to us
all; for the 45th is said to be one of the best and most efficient
regiments in India.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Lât, March 21st.
We had all looked forward to a halt at this place for at least two or
three days. This hope, however, has not been realised; for we arrived this
afternoon, and start again to-morrow morning, at which time our real
hardships may be said to commence in earnest. But it is better, before I
enter upon this, to relate our doings of the last two days.
Leaving our camp near Ashangi, the road ran on level ground parallel to
the lake for a mile or so, and then, the mountains approaching to the edge
of the water, we had to climb over the spur. The height was not very
great, but it was one of the roughest, and certainly the steepest climb we
have yet had. Once on the crest, the hill sloped gradually down, and we
presently came upon the water again near the head of the lake. This spot
was the next day the scene of a fatal accident. Two or three officers came
down to shoot, and one of the birds fell into the water. One of their
servants, who was a good swimmer, at once went in to fetch it out. It is
probable that he was seized with cramp, for he sank suddenly. Captain
Pottinger at once jumped in, and swam out to the spot, but was unable to
see anything of him. Our camping-ground was about two miles distant from
the head of the lake, upon flat ground. The distance from Ashangi was
little over six miles.
We halted here the next day in order to let General Staveley’s Brigade
reach Ashangi. This they did upon the day after we had left it. There was
considerable regret in camp to hear that General Staveley himself, who had
been attacked at Atzala with acute rheumatism, was very much worse, and
had been carried in a palkee. He had entirely lost the use of his limbs,
and it was considered improbable that he would be able to come on farther
with the army. This would be a very great loss for the expedition, and I
sincerely hope that their apprehensions will not be verified.
The morning of our halt, a general order was promulgated which filled us
with consternation. No baggage whatever is to be henceforward allowed
either for men or officers. Soldiers are to carry their greatcoat, a
blanket, and waterproof sheet, in addition to their rifle, ammunition,
havresack, &c. This will bring the weight to be carried by each man up to
fifty-five pounds; an overwhelming weight over such a tremendous country
as that which we have to traverse, and beneath a tropical sun. I question
very much whether the men will be able to stand it, and several of the
medical staff to whom I have spoken are quite of that opinion. What the
roads are likely to be, is manifest enough by a portion of the general
order, which says that in future no mule is to carry over 100 pounds; and
yet the authorities put more than half that weight upon a man’s shoulders.
It is not even as if the men had their knapsacks, in which the greatcoat,
&c. could be packed, and carried with comparative ease; they will have to
be slung over the shoulders by the coat-arms, and will distress the
soldier far more than they would have done if carried in knapsacks. It was
an extraordinary oversight leaving the knapsacks behind at Antalo; for it
was evident even then that they would be required. Unmounted officers are
to have a greatcoat, blanket, and waterproof-sheet carried for them, and
mounted officers may carry what they can put upon their horses. No
baggage-animals whatever are to go forward with luggage. The men are to be
packed twenty in a bell tent, and twelve officers are to have the same
accommodation. More than a fourth part of the soldiers are out on picket
and guard every night; therefore the number of men in each tent will be
practically about the same as the officers. Fancy twelve officers in a
tent! They will be packed like herrings in a tub; and men are calculating
to-day how many square inches of ground each will possess. Everyone takes
it good-humouredly, and there is no grumbling whatever; but for all that,
it is rather a serious business. If it were for two or three days, it
would be all well enough; but Magdala is a considerable distance from
here. The Quartermaster-general’s department talk about a six days’ march.
Captain Speedy says that sixteen is very much nearer the mark; and as he
has a knowledge of the country, while the Quartermaster’s department have
uniformly been wrong in their distances, it is safe to assume that it is a
fifteen days’ march; that is to say, even without allowing a day for the
capture of Magdala, or for arranging matters there, we cannot be back to
Lât under a month. There is some talk of the baggage coming up after us;
but this will certainly not come to anything. I know that we have barely
animals enough with us to carry our food, and every available mule in the
rear is coming on with Staveley’s Brigade. We may, then, calculate with
tolerable certainty that we shall not get any of our baggage until we
return to Lât, which, at the very earliest, will be a month hence, and not
improbably twice that time. We are told that the cold at night is very
great on ahead, and that the rains are heavy and frequent. It is therefore
a very serious matter for men to start without a single change of clothes
of any kind. Putting aside the rain, the men will suffer so greatly from
the heat, and from the labour of climbing mountains with so heavy a load
upon their backs, that it would be a most material matter for them to have
at any rate a dry flannel-shirt to put on when the cold evening wind
begins to blow. Time will show how the men stand it; but it is certainly a
hazardous experiment.
This morning we started for this place. Lât has always been spoken of as a
place where we should halt and form a dépôt, and we had therefore expected
to have found a large village; but as far as I have seen, there is not a
native hut in the neighbourhood. Upon leaving our last camping-ground, we
ascended a lofty and steep hill, and then had to wind for a long distance
upon a rocky ledge, where a false step would have been certain death.
After several minor rises and descents, we came down to the valley in
which the stream, near which we are encamped, runs. Although there are no
villages in sight, there must be a considerable native population in the
neighbourhood, for a large number of natives have come in with supplies.
The officers of the transport-train are buying every sword and spear
brought in, for the use of the muleteers; as, although Theodore is
reported at Magdala, he might at any moment make a sudden march down with
a few thousand men, and might be upon us before we knew that he was within
fifty miles’ distance. Should we be attacked in one of these gorges, or on
a narrow ledge with a precipice below, scattered as we should necessarily
be over an immense length of road, Theodore might, by a sudden attack upon
our baggage, do such damage in a few minutes, that we might be obliged to
retire to Antalo, to fetch up fresh supplies. There is no disguising the
fact, that in making our rush from such a long distance we are running no
inconsiderable risk.
Sir Robert Napier’s original plan was to have formed a dépôt with five
months’ provisions at some place about half-way between Antalo and
Magdala, and to have marched forward from that place with two months’
provisions. Instead of this we are starting from Lât with only fifteen
days’ provisions, and there is no dépôt of any importance, nor will there
be, nearer than Antalo itself. The whole of the available mules will
accompany the advancing division, and we shall have to depend entirely for
future supplies upon the native carriage. The stock of food we have with
us will barely last us to Magdala; we know not whether we shall be able to
purchase any flour on the way, or how we may fare for forage for our
animals. Between Antalo and Magdala are many tribes and chiefs,—we have
already passed Waldo Yasus and the Gallas,—and some of these, after we
have passed, may take it into their heads to stop the native animals going
up with stores; and the whole of the system upon which we have solely to
depend would then break down, and our position would be as precarious a
one as it is possible to imagine. It is indeed a tremendous risk to run;
but then we are playing for a very high stake. We are running a race with
the rains. If we were to stop here for a fortnight or three weeks, and to
send the whole of the transport animals down to Antalo to fetch up more
provisions, we should infallibly have to wait out here over the rainy
season; and the difficulties of provisioning the force during that period,
and the probable mortality which might ensue, would be so great that Sir
Robert Napier no doubt considers himself justified in running a very
considerable risk in order to reach the sea-coast before the rains. Of
course the matter has been discussed and talked over in every light among
the officers; and the general opinion is, that unless we obtain an
unlooked-for supply, as we did at Antalo, somewhere between this and
Magdala, our position will be a very critical one. With most other
generals, men would, I think, be inclined to take rather a gloomy view of
it; but everyone has such confidence in Sir Robert Napier that they are
quite content to leave matters in his hands.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Dildee, March 24th.
I sent off a very hurriedly-written letter two days since from Lât. In
these two days we have crossed thirty-one miles of as rough a country as
the warmest admirer of the desolate and savage could wish to see. Around
us, as far as the eye could reach, was stretched a perfect sea of
mountains; and up and down these we have tumbled and stumbled—not a few
horses getting tremendous falls—from morning until long after nightfall.
It has been one long monotonous toil. Sometimes we climb upon smooth
slippery rock; then we ascend steep paths covered with loose boulders of
every size; then we are upon a narrow ledge on a mountain’s face; then we
are crashing through thick bushes. One can no longer keep count of the
number of ravines we cross, for we climb a dozen hills a day. It would
puzzle even the engineers of the Topographical Department to lay down this
rugged and broken country in a map. It would be as easy to make a map of
the Straits of Dover, and to draw each wave to its proper scale. The toil
of the troops during these two days has been tremendous. The first day’s
march was thirteen miles; yesterday’s was eighteen,—many say it was
twenty; but I think a long eighteen was about the mark. Eighteen miles
would be a long march in England, but here it is a tremendous journey.
Each man is carrying with him ammunition, &c.—fifty-five pounds—more than
half a mule-load. In addition to this, most of the troops are now upon
baggage-guard, and have to assist in constantly adjusting loads and
looking after the mules. Lastly, a fourth of the troops are out every
night upon picket. I had occasion, in a letter written from Mahkan, to
speak upon the cruel over-marching of men and animals; but that was
nothing to these two days’ marches. The country now is much rougher, the
distances longer, and the men have in addition to carry their kits. The
troops came in last night in a prostrate state; very many did not come in
at all. I should say that not more than half the baggage arrived until
this morning; and to add to the other disagreeables, we had a tremendous
thunderstorm about eight o’clock, which wetted every soul, except the very
few who had been fortunate enough to get up their tents, to the skin. The
men have no change of clothes with them, and of course had to sleep in
their wet clothes. Of those who were on the road when the rain began, some
held on and came straggling in up to ten o’clock; the greater number,
however, unrolled their blanket and waterproof-sheet, and lay down where
they were for the night. I say fearlessly that such a march over such a
country was never before made by similarly-weighted men. Of course we have
to halt to-day, and then by to-night we shall have progressed a less
distance towards Magdala than we should have done had we made three days’
marches of, say, eleven miles each. Nor is there any reason why we should
not have done so. We are fortunately now in a well-watered country.
Good-sized streams run between each of the higher ranges, and we crossed
four or five of them yesterday.
General Staveley, who I am glad to hear is better, is only one day in our
rear. An officer has gone back this morning to direct him to halt to-night
at the stream three and a half miles behind. The weather has been warmer
for the last two days, and this has of course increased the labour of the
soldiers. Had it not been for the frequent occurrence of water, I do not
think that one quarter of the troops would have got in last night.
Yesterday’s camp was admirably chosen for defensive purposes, being
surrounded on all sides by a deep nullah. To-day’s camp is convenient, and
is also defended on one side by a nullah, but has the disadvantage that
the nullah is two hundred feet deep, and is extremely precipitous, the
water being only accessible even on foot at two places, and consequently
the difficulty of watering the animals is very great. The water, however,
and indeed all that we have met with for the last day or two, is
delicious. This is indeed a treat. Hitherto the water has been singularly
nasty—thick and full of insects when stagnant, earthy and bad-tasting when
running. Here it is fresh, clear, and pure. Rum is quite at a discount.
The ravine through which the stream runs is very picturesque. The slope is
steep, but well-wooded down to the bottom of the nullah; but the stream
itself has cut a way from twenty to thirty feet wide through the solid
rock at the bottom. The sides are as perpendicular as walls, and are in
some places thirty feet deep. It is only, as I have said, at two points
that we can get down to the water. This narrow gorge is overhung with
trees, and in every cranny and on every tiny ledge grow lovely patches of
green ferns. It requires no stretch of fancy to imagine oneself by the
side of a pretty mountain-stream in Wales or Ireland. The vegetation is
too bright and varied for a Highland stream. Nearly every officer in camp,
and a good number of the men, have been down this morning for a bathe,
which is doubly refreshing after the fatigue of yesterday and the paucity
of our present washing appliances. The camp yesterday morning presented
quite an unusual appearance. The head-quarter camp had shrivelled in
dimensions from twenty tents down to four; and outside of them, soon after
daybreak, the whole staff might be seen engaged in the various processes
of washing and dressing. Twelve men may manage to sleep in a tent, but it
is quite impossible that they can simultaneously dress there. Not, indeed,
that any of the tents contained their full complement. Some had slung
their blankets like hammocks upon the trees; others were content to roll
themselves in their rugs, and sleep upon a waterproof-sheet under a bush;
and besides this there was a hospital-tent, and as there are no sick, some
of the officers were drafted off into this. Indeed, all might have been
very much more comfortable, had those of their number who, like ourselves,
have brought _tentes d’abri_, been allowed to carry them on their horses.
I was very fortunate in getting into shelter before the storm came on last
night. I had ridden on before my spare horse, which, with my tent and
etceteras upon his back, was nearly at the rear of the column. I arrived
here about half-past four, having been nearly nine hours upon the road;
and I was fairly exhausted when I got in from fatigue and want of food.
Fortunately, however, the natives had brought in bread for sale, and after
eating some of this, and going down to the nullah for a bathe, I was quite
restored again. I was not, however, comfortable in my mind; for the clouds
had been banking-up fast, and the thunder had been almost incessant in the
hills for the last two hours. I could see by the baggage which was coming
in, that my animal could not, if he kept his place in the line, be in for
hours, if at all. When I got up to the camp, I was delighted to see my
little tent pitched. My companion, who had been behind me, had, finding
that the road was badly blocked, got them along by other paths,
fortunately without more damage than one of the horses falling over a
precipice twelve or thirteen feet high, into some bushes, which broke the
animal’s fall. The horse was but little hurt; and with this slight mishap,
which is nothing here, where horses and mules are constantly rolling over
steep places, he had succeeded in getting into camp three or four hours
before the animals could have possibly reached it, had they kept in their
original place in the line; indeed it was most improbable that they could
have got in last night at all. The lightning during the next half-hour was
incessant, and before the dinner could be cooked, great drops began to
patter down. We shouted to the servants to do the best they could for
themselves with their blankets and waterproof-sheets, while we took refuge
in our little tent, with an officer whose baggage, like that of the great
majority, had not arrived. In a minute or two, it came down almost in a
sheet. We lit our pipes, and consoled ourselves that if we had nothing to
eat, we were no worse off than anyone else, whereas we were in shelter,
while hardly another soul was so. While thus philosophising to our own
contentment, the front of the tent was suddenly opened, and a hand was
thrust in with a dish of cutlets, then plates and knives and forks. Our
fellows had nobly stuck to their work, preferring to get drenched to the
skin rather than that their masters should go without dinner. These
Goa-men are certainly excellent servants. They are not physically strong:
they are quiet, weakly-looking men, with little energy and no habitude to
hardships. They make capital hotel-waiters, but could scarcely have been
expected to have supported the fatigue of a campaign like this. They do
so, however, and seem none the worse for it. Altogether they are worth any
money upon an expedition of this sort, and are infinitely more serviceable
than an English servant would be.
The storm ceased last night at about half-past ten. It is now thundering
among the distant hills, and it is evident that we shall have, this
afternoon, a repetition of last night’s storm. It will, however, find us
better prepared to withstand it. The natives are bringing in an abundance
of goods of all kinds. Honey, grain, onions, goats, sheep, fowls, bread,
and eggs. The fowls and eggs are the first we have seen since Attegrat.
Prices rule about the same. Two little fowls, a dollar; twelve eggs—about
half of which average bad—at the same price. A bottle of honey, a dollar,
&c. Dear as things are, it is unnecessary to say that they are all eagerly
bought up. We are accustomed to high prices now; and I heard a soldier,
who did not get in until this morning, say that he paid a dollar in the
night for a drink of water.
Of course we have now a constant succession of news from the front. It is
very contradictory, but the general report is that Theodore is marching
towards Dalanta, to attack us on our way. Some of the spies assert that
two o’clock on Friday night is the hour fixed for our destruction. If
Theodore does mean, as is likely enough, to make a night attack, I do not
think he would be weak enough to let it be known many hours beforehand as
to where it will take place. However, it is no use offering any
speculation now upon events which we may see determined in two or three
days, and the result of which will be known by telegraph long before this
letter can reach London.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Santarai, March 29th.
We are beginning to believe Magdala to be a _fata morgana_, an _ignis
fatuus_, which gets more and more distant the nearer we approach it. At
Dildee we were told that it was only four marches distant. We have made
three marches, and have sixty more miles to go; and yet Magdala is not
more than twenty-five miles in a straight line, and is visible from a
point four miles distant from this camp. It is found, however, that the
country is perfectly impracticable, and that we must take a detour of
sixty miles to get there. I can hardly imagine what this country in a
direct line to Magdala can be like, for we have passed over hundreds of
miles which no one would have imagined it possible for an army with its
baggage-animals to surmount. We have scaled mountains and descended
precipices; we have wound along the face of deep ravines, where a false
step was death; we are familiar with smooth slippery rock and with loose
boulders; and after this expedition it can hardly be said that any country
is impracticable for an army determined to advance. I hear, however, that
between this and Magdala there are perpendicular precipices running like
walls for miles, places which could scarcely be scaled by experienced
cragsmen, much less by loaded mules. We must therefore make a detour. It
is tiresome, for everyone is burning with impatience to be at Magdala, and
to solve the long-debated problems—will Theodore fight? will he fight in
the open, or defend Magdala? or will he hand over the captives with an
apology? and shall we be content to receive one? I believe that I can
answer the last question with certainty. We shall not. If Theodore sends
in the captives we shall receive them, but shall certainly exact
retribution from him. We shall either take him prisoner or compel him to
fly. If we obtain the prisoners unhurt, we shall still take Magdala. If he
escape to the mountains with a few adherents, we shall, in that case, be
content to retire, and to leave the task of hunting him down to his
numerous enemies; but if he murder the prisoners we shall ourselves remain
here until he is captured. I think I may positively state that this, or
something very like it, is the tenor of the instructions given to Sir
Robert Napier by the Government; and I think that they will be heartily
approved by all, except by those negrophilists who deny that a black man
can do wrong. It would be impossible to allow Theodore to go unpunished;
indeed, it would be offering a premium to all savage potentates in future
time to make prisoners of any English travellers who may fall into their
hands.
I now return to Dildee, from which place I last wrote, while we were
halting in consequence of the tremendous march of the preceding day. Upon
the evening of the day upon which we halted we heard that General Staveley
had arrived with the force under his command at a stream five miles in our
rear, and had there halted. He had with him the 4th, a wing of the 33d,
six companies of the Punjaub Pioneers, Twiss’s Battery, and the Naval
Rocket Train. It was decided that the wing of the 33d, who were with us,
should halt for a day, and should come on as a complete regiment, and that
the 4th, which is numerically much weaker than the 33d, should push on
with the advance. The next day’s march was short, but severe, as we had to
climb a mountain 3000 feet above our camping-ground. It was hard work, but
was got over much more speedily than usual, as the train was much smaller,
owing to our diminished numbers; and we had consequently fewer of the
tedious blocks so trying to both man and beast. The road was in most
places pretty good; but was dangerous for a long distance where it wound
along the face of a deep ravine. The country here must be either much more
densely populated, or the people much more industrious than in most of the
districts over which we have passed; for there were patches of cultivation
to the very top of the mountain, which, where we crossed it, was about
11,000 feet above the sea. The mountain side was bare of trees, or even
bushes; but, curiously enough, very near the summit were large quantities
of small palm-trees, with thick straight stems, three or four feet high,
and clustered heads of spreading leaves. Several Indian officers agreed
with me in considering them to be a species of palm, but we had no
botanist amongst us, and it seemed most unlikely that even dwarf
palm-trees should be growing in such a lofty and exposed position. I have
only before seen palm-trees twice in Abyssinia, once at Goun Gonna, where
two or three grew near the church, and in a valley between Attegrat and
Antalo.
Arrived at the top of the pass, we found ourselves at the head of a deep
ravine, on the side of which, a quarter of a mile from the summit, it was
decided that the camp should be pitched. A more uncomfortable place for a
camp could hardly be imagined. The ground was ploughed, and was extremely
sloping. The supply of water was deficient, and was four or five hundred
feet below us, and the wind swept over the top of the pass with piercing
force. However, there was no help for it. The 4th had started four miles
behind us, and there was no ground even so good as that selected for
another seven miles. Immediately on our arrival, and before the tents were
pitched, a tremendous shower came on, and everyone got drenched before the
baggage-animals arrived with the tents. The black earth turned, as if by
magic, into slimy clay, and our position was the reverse of agreeable. Far
worse, however, was the condition of the 4th, which, having halted at
Dildee for two hours, did not arrive until between eight and nine in the
evening, wetted of course to the skin. We now felt bitterly the
inconvenience of not having even one change of clothes with us. It could,
however, have hardly been foreseen that, after having had only two or
three showers since we arrived in Abyssinia, we were to be exposed to
heavy rains regularly every day, which has, with one exception, been the
case for the last week. As it is, it is impossible to say how long we
shall be in our present state of only having the clothes we stand in. It
is a week since we left our little all behind us at Lât. We are still a
week’s march from Magdala, and may calculate on being fully a month
without our baggage. Officers have all managed somehow to bring on a
second shirt and pair of stockings; but the soldiers have no change of any
kind. For them, and indeed for the officers, to be wetted through day
after day, and to have no dry clothes to put on, and this at an altitude
of 11,000 feet above the sea, and when the cold at night is more pierceing
than anything I ever experienced, is trying in the extreme, and a great
many are already complaining of rheumatic pains. That night at the top of
the hill was the most unpleasant that officers or men have passed since
their arrival in the country: wet through, cold, and lying upon ground so
steep that we kept perpetually sliding down off our waterproof sheet. As
to lying in the orthodox fashion, side by side, with all the heels close
to the pole, like the spokes of a wheel, the thing was simply impossible.
In many of the tents the men’s feet would have been a yard higher than
their heads. However, there were few grumblings at the discomfort; but I
can answer that I for one was greatly pleased when I saw daylight break,
to get up from my uncomfortable sliding couch. We were ordered to start at
eight, but the men’s things were still so wet that the march was postponed
for two hours, to allow the blankets and greatcoats to be dried in the
wind and sun.
Our next march was again only seven miles to a place called Muja, not that
there was a village of any kind there, or indeed at eighteen out of twenty
places we have stopped at. To suppose that the natives have a name for
every field is absurd. Two speculations have been started as to how the
quartermaster-general’s department always obtain a name for our
camping-ground—the one is that they say something to a native, and the
first word he utters they put down at once for the station; the other is
that they draw a certain number of vowels and consonants from a bag, drop
them on the ground, and see what word they form. It is certain that
scarcely a name corresponds with those set down in maps, and instead of
calling these flats and plains by any name the first native may tell them,
it would be much more sensible, and would render it much more easy for an
English reader to follow our course, if our quartermasters were to take
some good map, and fix upon the name which most nearly corresponds with
the position of our camps.
The seven-miles road down to Muja was not difficult, but was one of the
most dangerous we have passed over. The path for the whole distance wound
along on the face of a deep ravine. It was often little more than a foot
wide, and was formed sometimes upon rock, and sometimes on black earth,
which had been dried hard by the wind and sun before we passed along it,
but which if wet would have been perfectly impassable. Had a storm come on
when we were upon it, we must have stopped to unload the animals. As it
was, only one stumbled and went over the edge, and was of course killed.
We have had a good many casualties lately among the animals. The Scinde
Horse, too, have lost several horses, but this is hardly surprising from
the way in which they ride them. A Scinde horseman, and I believe most of
the native cavalry, have an idea that it shows good horsemanship to ride a
horse up and down very steep places. It would be a great saving of
horseflesh if an order were issued that all native cavalry should dismount
and lead their horses up, if not down also, long or steep hills. Our
camping-ground at Muja was flat and turfy, but it had the disadvantage of
being a great height above water. Sir Robert Napier himself upon his
arrival rode a couple of miles farther in search of some site more
convenient for watering the animals, but he was unsuccessful in doing so.
The camping-ground had also the disadvantage of a very great scarcity of
wood.
Our view from Muja was very striking. Six miles in front, and a thousand
feet below us, lay the valley of the Tacazze. Beyond arose a straight line
of mountains, more steep and formidable than anything we have hitherto
seen. The slope at their feet was comparatively easy, but it increased
rapidly, and a wall of perpendicular rock of upwards of a hundred feet
high ran along the crests without the slightest apparent break. The range
looked like a mighty natural barrier to our further progress into
Abyssinia. However, we knew that the exploring-party was upon the plateau
on the summit, having gone up by the native road. Our order for the morrow
was, that we were to march early down to the Tacazze; that we were to
encamp in the valley, and that the troops were to set to work to make the
road up the ghaut practicable for our ascent upon the following day. At
eight o’clock in the evening, however, Captain Fawcett, of the
quartermaster’s department, rode into camp with a letter from Colonel
Phayre, evidently written in great consternation of mind, and saying that
Mr. Munzinger, who is with Gobayze’s army, was missing, and had no doubt
fallen into Theodore’s hands—that Theodore himself, with his army, had
crossed the Bachelo river, and was advancing to attack us; and urging that
more troops should be sent on.
Of course there was great excitement in the camp at this news. We were
only thirty-five miles in a straight line from Magdala, only twenty-three
from the Bachelo, and as Theodore, with his lightly-weighted natives would
march nearly straight, it was probable that we should be attacked on the
next night. In another hour an order was issued, which showed that Sir
Robert Napier, as well as ourselves, looked upon this information as most
important. The column was only to halt for two or three hours at the
Tacazze, while a strong working-party made the road to some extent
passable. We were then to march up it, and to encamp upon the plateau for
the night.
It was evident that the Commander-in-chief felt the importance of gaining
the summit of the precipitous range opposite before Theodore got to its
top to prevent our so doing. All the evening our talk was of Sniders and
night-attacks, and every _pro_ and _con_ was warmly discussed. At seven
the troops started, and in two hours and a half reached the Tacazze. The
Tacazze is here an insignificant stream, very inferior to many of those we
have previously crossed. Indeed, it is more a succession of pools than a
stream, and yet as one crossed it, one could not forget that this was one
of the fountain-heads of the mighty Nile—that it was this little
streamlet, which, swollen by a thousand tributaries, rushes every July
into the main river, raising its level many feet, and fertilising all
Egypt with the rich Abyssinian soil it carries down.
We went on half-a-mile farther across the valley to a point where the
commissariat had collected a dépôt of grain. Here the mules were unloaded,
fed and watered, and the troops had breakfast, while strong
fatigue-parties of the Beloochees, Punjaubees, and 4th went up the hill to
work upon the road, under the direction of Captains Goodfellow and
Lemessurier of the Engineers. In three hours afterwards the signallers on
the top of the hill waved us word that the road was passable, and we
started for a climb of a clear two thousand five hundred feet. It was hard
work, but the road was surprisingly free from difficulties or dangers
until we reached within two or three hundred feet of the top. Then there
were some exceedingly nasty bits, but upon the whole it was nothing like
what we had anticipated, and not to be compared to many places we have
before passed.
As we reached the top, Colonel Cameron called upon the 4th for three
cheers, telling them that thrashing Theodore would be nothing to the task
of climbing that hill. The men responded heartily but feebly; breath, not
inclination, being wanting. They then marched cheerily on across a plateau
level for another mile, in high spirits at the brush they were looking
forward to with Theodore. We soon found, as I had imagined that we should
do, that this anticipation was destined for the present to be
disappointed.
Munzinger was not missing, and never had been. He had gone out for a ride,
and his servant said, on being questioned, that he did not know where he
was. Theodore had not crossed, and apparently had not the least idea of
crossing the Bachelo, but was still making every effort to get his guns
into Magdala.
We had no sooner reached the plateau than we became conscious of a very
great change in the temperature. The wind blew bitterly cold, and not a
single tree or even bush of the smallest size was visible for the purposes
of firewood. There were numerous native cattle grazing on the hill-sides,
and the men at once set to work to pick up dried cow-dung, which the
natives habitually use for fuel; others busied themselves in cutting peat;
and the fires were soon lighted under the cooking-pots. At six o’clock we
had our usual heavy rain, lasting for two hours; but fortunately before it
set in the tents were safely pitched. Only, therefore, the men on duty got
wet. The night was most piercingly cold. To say that ice formed upon water
gives no idea whatever of the cold. A strong March east wind blew with a
force which penetrated to the very bones. I can safely say that never in
my life did I feel the cold so much as I have the two last nights. The
troops, especially the natives, of course feel it still more severely.
Rheumatic pains are beginning to be generally felt, and a week of this
work will fill the hospital-tents. The cold will tell more severely when
the stock of rum is exhausted. Each regiment brought up some with their
fifteen days’ supplies, and this is not yet exhausted; but the
commissariat supply is finished, and we have had none now for four days.
The sugar has been also exhausted, and the tea was running very short. I
am happy to say, however, that a fresh supply has arrived to-day; for cold
water only in such a climate as this would be the reverse of cheering.
It was arranged that we should halt here for two days, to allow General
Staveley to come up with the force under him. Yesterday, early, news was
brought in to the Chief that the uncle of Wagshum Gobayze was coming in to
pay a visit, and Major Grant and Captain Moore went out to meet him. The
Adjutant-general carelessly omitted to notify the pickets of the coming of
the envoy; and accordingly, when the outlying sentry of the 4th regiment
saw a body of 700 or 800 horsemen advancing, he naturally supposed that it
was the enemy. He very properly called out the picket, who loaded their
Sniders, and went out in skirmishing order to meet the enemy. In another
quarter of a minute they would have opened fire, when an officer of the
4th came running up and stopped them. Had he been a minute later the
consequences would have been most disastrous. Every shot would have told
upon the dense body of horsemen, and the twenty men, in the minute or two
which must have elapsed before the cavalry could have reached them, would
have done terrible execution; and even had the cavalry charged, would, by
falling into a small square, not improbably have defended themselves
against the whole force. But the lives so sacrificed would have been only
the beginning of misfortunes. Nothing would ever have convinced Gobayze
that the affair was the result of a mistake, and we should have had him
for our foe as well as Theodore. And with Wagshum’s army hovering around
us, cutting off our baggage-train and attacking small parties, our
position would be indeed a precarious one.
Wagshum Gobayze’s uncle arrived with his body of cavalry at the other side
of the little stream which borders our camp, and here halted for a few
minutes. The troops were in the mean time paraded in front of their
respective lines. Gobayze’s troops, of whom there were 700 or 800 present,
drew up in a long line and dismounted, every man sitting down in front of
his horse. They were by far the most formidable body we have seen since
our arrival in this country. They were really cavalry, and rode small but
very strong and serviceable horses. They were armed with shield and spear.
I do not of course mean that these troops could stand for a moment against
a charge of regular cavalry. It is probable that a hundred of the Scinde
Horse or of the 3d Cavalry would scatter them like chaff; but for rough
work, for dashing down a mountain side and attacking a convoy, they would
be most formidable enemies. Their horses are all unshod, are marvellously
surefooted, and will go at a gallop over places where an English horse
could scarcely walk. We were greatly surprised at the sight of this body
of cavalry, for heretofore we had not seen an animal which could even by
courtesy be called a horse since we landed in Abyssinia.
Leaving the main body of the force behind, the envoy advanced, escorted by
the 3d Cavalry, who had gone out to meet him, and attended only by a dozen
or so of his personal followers. As he passed through the lines the
regiments saluted and the bands played. The envoy was an
intelligent-looking man, dressed in a crimson-silk dressing-gown, brocaded
with yellow; over this he wore the universal Abyssinian white-cloth
wrapping, and had a white turban upon his head. By his side rode the
officers who had gone out to meet him and Mr. Munzinger. The envoy could
not be received in a public durbar, as the previous ambassadors have been,
for Sir Robert Napier has now only a small tent of some eight to ten feet
square. I am unable to say, therefore, what took place at the interview,
except that the envoy expressed very considerable dread of Theodore, who,
he said, had 10,000 men, and would unquestionably fight us at Magdala.
At the conclusion of the interview the envoy was presented with a horse
and a double-barrelled gun. While the interview was going on we amused
ourselves by inspecting the envoy’s shield, which was carried by an
attendant, and was a very magnificent affair indeed. The shield itself was
of course of rhinoceros hide, and upon it was a piece of lion’s skin, with
numerous raised bosses of gilt-filigree work, which appeared to me to be
of Indian workmanship. It was one of the ten royal shields, all precisely
similar, which exist in Abyssinia. The attendants were mostly fine,
well-built fellows, as were the general body of cavalry, and of superior
physique to any men we had hitherto seen. I should mention that all the
horses have a strap going from the forehead down to the nose, upon which
are two or more round plates of metal with a sharp spike in them, exactly
resembling, but smaller, those worn upon the foreheads of the horses of
the knights of old. The 4th, the Scinde Horse, and a body of 3d Native
Cavalry, were drawn up in front of the tent, and saluted as the envoy
left. There is no doubt that Theodore will be no despicable foe, and the
further we go the more evident this becomes. Gobayze’s army is said to be
20,000 strong; and if, as I understand, those we saw to-day were a fair
sample of them, they would be certainly formidable antagonists. And yet
Gobayze has been watching Theodore for months, and did not dare to attack
him, even when encumbered by his artillery and baggage. Gobayze indeed
confesses that his army would have no chance with that of Theodore. The
army of the latter, then, when garrisoning a position of such immense
natural strength as that of Magdala, will be formidable even to an army of
4000 British troops. There can be no doubt that we shall capture the
place; but the British public must not be surprised if we do not do it
directly we arrive.
Sir Charles Staveley arrived to-day with his force, which slept last night
at a halting-place at the foot of the ghaut. I am glad to say that the
general has so far recovered from his attack of rheumatism as to be able
to sit on his horse for a portion of the journey. He brought with him the
whole of the 33d, six companies of the Punjaub Pioneers, Twiss’s steel
battery, the 3d Native Cavalry, and the Naval Rocket Brigade. The 45th
regiment, the 3d Dragoon Guards, and the second wing of the Beloochees are
all coming up by forced marches, and, as well as the elephants with G 14
Battery, will arrive here in three days. This afternoon the Naval Brigade
went out to exhibit rocket practice. There was not room in the valley for
the practice, and they therefore went up on to a hill, and fired at
another hill about 2000 yards distant. There are twelve mules, each with a
tube, and there is a supply of ninety rockets to each tube: there are four
men to each tube, beside the man who leads the mule. At the word “unload!”
the tubes, which are about three feet in length, are quickly taken off the
mules and arranged in line. Each tube is provided with a sort of stand,
with a marked elevator, by which it can be adjusted to any required angle.
The order at first was to fire at ten degrees of elevation; and upon the
word “fire!” being given, one after another of the rockets (which have no
stick) rushed from the tube, and buzzed through the air to the top of the
opposite hill. Three rockets were fired to this elevation, and then three
from an elevation of five degrees. A very strong wind was blowing, and it
was difficult therefore to form any opinion of the accuracy of aim
attainable. The bolts as they shot through the air certainly did not
appear to swerve in the slightest from their original line; and there is
no doubt that this novel instrument of war will strike terror into the
hearts of the garrison of Magdala.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Scindee, April 5th.
When I wrote from Santarai we were twenty-five miles in a direct line from
Magdala. After marching thirty-five miles we are at exactly the same
distance. In fact, we have marched along the base of a triangle, of which
Magdala forms the apex. We have been obliged to do this to arrive at the
one practicable point for crossing the tremendous ravine of the Djedda.
For the whole of this distance we have marched along a nearly level
plateau ten thousand feet above the sea. The sun by day has been
exceedingly hot, the wind at night piercingly cold, and we have had heavy
thunderstorms of an afternoon. The extremes of temperature are very great,
and it is indeed surprising that the troops preserve their health as they
do. I have seen the thermometer register 145° at eleven o’clock, and go
down to 19° at night. The plateau land has been bare and monotonous in the
extreme, not a single shrub, however small, breaks the view, and the only
variety whatever has been, that whereas in most places the soil is a black
friable loam, at others it is so covered with stones of all sizes that the
soil itself is scarcely visible, and travelling is difficult and painful
in the extreme. Our first march was twelve miles in length to Gazoo, which
is the name of a stream running for nearly the whole distance parallel to
our line of march. At Gazoo, the very serious news reached us that the
arrangements for the native transport had broken down, and that no
supplies were on their way up. This was what I had, when we started from
Lât for our rush forward, foreseen was exceedingly likely to happen, and
our position at once became a very precarious one. We had only six days’
provision remaining. Magdala was five days’ march distant. It was now
certain that no fresh supplies could possibly arrive until long after
those we have with us are exhausted. It is hardly probable that we shall
find any provisions upon our way, for to-morrow we shall come upon
Theodore’s track, and it is said that he has burnt and plundered the whole
country in the neighbourhood of his line of route. It is very doubtful
whether we shall obtain enough food for our animals; even now, when in a
cultivated country which has not been ravaged, forage is very scarce, and
the animals are upon the very shortest allowance which will keep life
together. The prospect, therefore, was gloomy indeed, and there was a
rumour that the Chief had made up his mind to halt, and to send the whole
of the animals back to bring up provisions. This idea, however, if it was
ever entertained, was abandoned; those energetic officers, Major Grant and
Captain Moore, were sent back to endeavour to arrange the hitch in the
native carriage; the ration of biscuit was reduced from a pound to
half-a-pound per diem, and the army moved on. Fortunately news came up
that the natives were bringing in a thousand pounds of flour a-day to the
commissariat station which had been established at the Tacazze, and with
these and our half-rations we might hold on for some time.
The next day’s march was sixteen miles, to Ad Gazoo, through a country
precisely similar in character to that passed on the preceding day, except
that it was more cultivated. The villages, indeed, were everywhere
scattered, and although small were snug and comfortable-looking, the
little clusters of eight or ten huts, with their high conical thatched
roofs, looking very like snug English homesteads with their rickyards.
Here, as indeed through the whole of the latter part of our journey, the
people came out to gaze on the passing army of white strangers.
Picturesque groups they formed as they squatted by the wayside. In the
centre would probably be the priest, and next to him the patriarch and the
chief of the village. Round them would sit the other men, and behind these
the women and girls would stand, the latter chattering and laughing among
themselves, or to the younger men, who stood beside them. Here, too, would
be the mothers, some with their little fat babies in their arms, some with
two or three children hanging round them, and peeping bashfully out at the
strange white men. Some of the women would generally have brought goats,
or a pot of honey, or a jar of milk or ghee, or a bag of grain to sell,
but they soon forgot to offer them in their surprise at the strange
attires and beautiful horses of the strangers.
From Ad Gazoo we yesterday moved our camp to this place, a distance of
only two miles, Sir Charles Staveley bringing up his division to the camp
we had left, so that the whole force is now well together in case of an
attack. An affair took place yesterday evening, the consequences of which
might have been very serious. Ashasta, Gobayze’s uncle, who visited us at
Santarai, again came into camp with a couple of hundred followers. Care
had been taken this time to prevent the possibility of his being fired
into by the pickets, and when his visit was over he was escorted by an
officer beyond the lines. After he had left us, he went to a village not
far distant, where he billeted half of his men. With the remainder he
started for another village; but upon his way he passed close to an
outlying picket of General Staveley’s brigade, consisting of a corporal
and four men of the 3d Native Infantry. These men of course knew nothing
of his having come from our camp, and shouted to the party to keep their
distance. The natives, who, as I have before said, have a strong
impression that we cannot fight, replied by derisive cries and by
brandishing their lances. The corporal, naturally supposing that it was a
party of Theodore’s cavalry, ordered one of his men to fire, which was
answered by a couple of shots on the part of the natives. The corporal
then gave the word to the others to fire, and then to charge, and the
little party, sword in hand, went gallantly at the numerous party of their
supposed enemy. Ashasta, seeing that it was a mistake, ordered his men to
retreat, which they did, pursued by the picket, who came up with some of
the hindmost of the party. They pursued for some distance, and then
halted. Two of the natives were killed in the affair, one with a bullet,
one by a sword-thrust, and two others were wounded. At the sound of the
firing Staveley’s brigade was called out under arms, and considerable
excitement prevailed for some time. Late in the evening, when the matter
was understood, M. Munzinger went out to explain to Ashasta how it had
happened; and as the men killed were not chiefs, and human life does not
go for much in Abyssinia, our apologies were accepted, and Ashasta came
into camp again to-day. Thus what might have been a very serious business
is happily arranged. The men upon picket are in no way to blame; in fact,
they behaved with great gallantry, and must have opened the eyes of the
natives to the fact that we can fight when we like. Technically, they were
somewhat to blame in charging, as the rule is that a picket should never
advance, but should fire and hold its ground when possible, or retire upon
its supports if threatened by an overwhelming force.
The Naval Rocket Brigade now form a portion of this camp. They are an
admirable body of men, and do great credit to Captain Fellowes, their
commanding officer. They support the fatigues and hardships with the
good-temper peculiar to naval men. They march, contrary to what might have
been expected, even better than the soldiers, and never fall out, even on
the most fatiguing journeys. They are a great amusement to the troops, and
their admonitions to their mules, which they persist in treating as ships,
are irresistibly comic. I saw a sailor the other day who was leading a
mule, while a comrade walked behind it. A stoppage occurred, but he went
right on into the midst of a number of soldiers.
“Hallo, Jack!” they said good-humouredly, “where are you coming?”
“Coming?” Jack said, “I ain’t coming anywhere. I am only towing the craft;
it’s the chap behind does the steering.”
It is always so with them. The head-rope is always either the “tow-rope”
or “the painter.” They starboard or port their helm, “tack through a
crowd,” or “wear the ship round” in a most amusing way. They have of
course shore-titles for the occasion, but do not always answer to them.
The other day I heard an officer call out, “Sergeant-major!”
No answer.
“Sergeant-major!” This time louder.
Still no reply.
A third and still louder hail produced no response.
“Boatswain, where the devil are you?”
“Ay, ay, sir!” was the instant answer from the man, who was standing close
by, but who had quite forgotten his new rank of sergeant-major.
Of an evening, if we have a halt, Jack sometimes dances. The band of the
Punjaubees—between whom and the sailors there is a great friendship,
although of course they do not understand a word of each other’s
language—comes over to the sailors’ camp, and plays dance-music; and
half-a-dozen couples of sailors stand up and execute quadrilles, waltzes,
and polkas.
The scene is a very amusing one. The Punjaubees do not stand, but sit in a
circle, and play away with the greatest gravity; very well they play too,
for they are beyond all comparison the best band out here. The sailors
dance without the least idea that there is anything comic in the business;
while round stand a crowd of amused soldiers and of astonished natives of
the country, to whom the whole performance is a profound mystery.
The Punjaub Pioneers still maintain the high opinion they have earned by
their hard work. They are indeed a splendid regiment, and reflect the
greatest credit upon Major Chamberlain, their popular commanding-officer.
Major Chamberlain’s case is a particularly hard one. He was promoted to
the rank of major during the mutinies, and was subsequently, for his great
services, recommended no less than three times for his colonelcy. The
Indian Government, however, refused, on account of his recent promotion.
Eleven years have since elapsed, and that objection must long ere this be
done away with; and yet Major Chamberlain is only Major Chamberlain still.
It is to be hoped that at the end of this campaign a tardy recognition
will be made of his services.
It was Major Chamberlain and his Punjaubees who found water at a short
distance from Zulla. He asserted, and very rightly, that as there was
water at Koomaylo, it must find its way down to the sea somehow, and so he
set his men to work to dig. Down he went steadily, amidst the laughter and
chaff of his friends in the Engineers. Still he persevered, and at nearly
sixty feet from the surface he struck water. An abundant supply is now
obtainable from this well, and by this service alone he has amply earned
his promotion.
The difficulties of writing since we left Lât have been greater than ever,
and the manual operation of inditing an epistle is a most serious
business. Of course there is nothing resembling a chair or a table,—not
even a box. The only way to write is lying upon the ground, and putting
one’s paper upon one’s pillow. Now my pillow is not a comfortable one for
sleeping upon, much less for writing. It is composed of a revolver, a box
of cartridges, a telescope, a bag of dollars, a packet of candles, a
powder-flask, a bag of bullets, a comb, a pair of stockings, and a
flannel-shirt,—in fact, all my worldly belongings. A most useful kit, no
doubt, but uncomfortable as a pillow, inconvenient as a writing-table.
However, one gets accustomed to anything; and if this campaign lasts
another month or two, we shall not improbably have learnt to dispense with
much more important articles than tables and chairs; for we have only the
clothes we stand in, and these are already giving unmistakable signs of
approaching dissolution.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Dalanta, April 5th.
We are now getting to names which are somewhat familiar to us. The river
Djedda, which the troops crossed yesterday, and the plain of Dalanta,
where we are encamped to-day, were both mentioned frequently in the
letters from the captives. The river Djedda was the place where Theodore
was detained so long making a practicable road for his guns, and where he
was represented as encouraging his men at their task by working with his
own hands. Dalanta was the province or tract which was spoken of as in
rebellion against him for a considerable time previously, but which
submitted as soon as he had crossed the Djedda.
After I had sent off my letter of the 3d, intelligence arrived that
Theodore had broken up his camp before Magdala, and was moving to attack
us. I need hardly say that the news was untrue. The Chief, however, was
bound to act upon it, and consequently we were ordered to march at seven;
and instead of halting, as previously intended, upon the edge of the
ravine of the Djedda, we were to cross and encamp on the other side, so as
to avoid the possibility of having to take such a strong position. Colonel
Milward, who had marched the evening before with the Punjaubees, and two
companies of the 4th, was ordered to cross early, and General Staveley was
to bring up his force to the edge of the ravine. We started punctually at
the time ordered, and marched across a precisely similar country to that
we had traversed for the few previous days. Some miles before we reached
the edge of the Djedda the whole aspect was changed. The yellow stubble
and hay, which had before stretched away upon both sides, was all burnt,
and the ground was covered only with a black ash. The flocks and herds
which had dotted the country were gone, and scarcely a human being was to
be seen over the black expanse. The snug homesteads and villages had
disappeared, and in their places were bare walls and heaps of stones. I
rode up to one of these. On the floor lay the half-charred thatch of the
roof; among it were portions of broken pots and baking effects. Here was a
long round stone, which was used as a rolling-pin to make the flat bread;
there was a large vessel of baked earth and cow-dung which had once held
flour or milk. A rat scuttled away as I looked in. There was not a living
soul in what had once been a large village. This was indeed the desolation
of war. Presently we saw rising, apparently a few feet above the plain, at
a distance of five or six miles, a long perpendicular wall of rock. This,
we knew, was the upper edge of the opposite side of the Djedda. The ground
then sank a little in front of us, and, riding along the slight
depression, we suddenly turned a corner, and below us lay the wonderful
gorge of the Djedda. Its width from edge to edge was four or five miles,
its depth to the stream 3800 feet. It was a wonderful ravine. As far as
eye could see either way, the upper part upon sides appeared like two
perpendicular walls of perhaps a third of its total depth. Then, on either
side, was a plain or shoulder of from a mile to a mile and a half in
width, with a gradual slope towards the stream. The lower portion was
again extremely steep, but still with a gradual descent, and not mere
walls of rock like the upper edges. It was easy to imagine the whole
process of the formation of this gorge. Originally it must have been an
arm of the sea; a gulf of five miles across, and with perpendicular cliffs
upon either side, and its depth the level of the broad shoulders. Then the
land rose, and a great river ran through the centre of what was now a
noble valley, gradually eating its way down until its bed attained its
present enormous depth. It was this ravine which had been the cause of the
immense detour we have had to make. Forty miles back, at Santarai, we were
said to be as close to Magdala as we were when we stood prepared to
descend into the Djedda. But the perpendicular walls barred our progress,
and we have marched along nearly parallel to its course until we have
reached the one spot where a break in its iron walls allow of our descent.
By this route Theodore marched, and when we saw the road he had made for
us, we felt for the first time since our arrival really grateful to the
Abyssinian tyrant.
It is really a wonderful road, almost as good as could have been made by
our own engineers; the only difference being that they would have thrown a
layer of earth over the loose stones to bind them together, and to afford
a firm and level surface. The road is really constructed with great
engineering skill. Blasting-tools have been freely used wherever the rock
required it. Every wind and turn, every shoulder and slope, has been taken
advantage of in order to make zigzags, and render the descent more
gradual. It is true that in places it is fearfully steep—an incline of one
and a quarter to one—which, to convey the idea more popularly, is about
the slope of the bank of a railway-cutting. The leaving the road in its
present state, with loose stones, may have been done with an object, for
upon a solid road of this angle it would have been next to impossible to
have kept heavy cannon on wheels from running down, whereas upon a very
loose and heavy road the matter was comparatively easy. The length of the
descent is four miles and a half, that of the ascent three miles and a
half. Two miles and a half of the former, and a mile and a half of the
latter, are across and partially along the shoulders, where the slope was
very slight. In consequence, it may be said that actually three thousand
feet of depth were on either side attained in two miles, which would give
an average incline of one in three. The road is from twenty to thirty feet
in width; generally it is made through basalt, which, in cooling, had
crystallised, so that its surface resembles a mosaic pavement, and this
readily breaks up. Parts, however, are cut through a hard stone, and
portions through a conglomerate, which must have tried to the utmost the
tools and patience of Theodore’s army. How he achieved the task with the
means at his disposal I am at a loss to understand; and the road has
certainly raised Theodore very many degrees in the estimation of our men.
Upon every level space in the camping-ground of his army, there are their
fireplaces, and innumerable little bowers of five feet high and little
more in diameter, in which his troops curled themselves up when their
day’s work was over. It was a long and very weary descent. Going down a
steep place is comparatively easy when one carries no load; but when one
has over fifty pounds upon the back it is extremely trying. At last we
reached the bottom, a stony waste of a quarter of a mile wide, with a few
large trees growing upon what in the rainy season are, no doubt, islands.
The bed of the stream is perfectly dry, except that here and there, at
intervals of a quarter of a mile or so, were pools of water, very soft and
unpleasant to the taste, and full of tadpoles. The troops when they
arrived here were a good deal done up, having already marched thirteen
miles, and it was hoped that the Chief would order a halt for the night.
He, however, considered it essential that the plateau should be gained
that evening, and Milward’s corps, whose rearguard left the river as we
descended to it, supported. The troops were ordered to halt and rest until
four o’clock, and to have their dinners, and the mules were to be
unloaded, fed, and watered.
It was three o’clock before the baggage began to arrive in the valley, and
it was evident that it would not be all down until dark, and that much of
it could not reach the plateau above that night. Three of us, therefore,
resolved upon sleeping where we were, and upon going on at daybreak. We
accordingly pitched our tents under a tree, saw our horses picketed and
fed, and dinner in course of preparation, and then went out for a walk to
explore the valley. The temperature was very many degrees warmer than upon
the plateau above, and the flora was more than proportionately luxuriant.
Here I find, among hundreds of other plants of whose names and properties
I am unfortunately ignorant, the wild verbena and heliotrope, also the
cucumber. Unfortunately the cucumbers had only just begun to form, and
were scarcely as large as gherkins, or we might have had an unexpected
addition to our fare. I also found quantities of the rare palm-fern
growing in crevices of the rocks. It was altogether a splendid field for a
botanist, and I think it a great pity that a learned botanist did not
accompany the expedition instead of a geographer, who, although a most
distinguished savant, can but tell the world nearly the same particulars
of the narrow strip of country through which we are travelling as must
occur to any ordinary observer. Had this gentleman merely taken advantage
of the protection given by our presence in the country to travel generally
through it, he might have no doubt added largely to our store of
information; but keeping to the line of route followed by the army, he
can, with the exception of ascertaining the precise heights over which we
travel, tell us really next to nothing. I believe, however, that this
staying with the army is in no degree the fault of the gentleman in
question, but of the military authorities, who here appear to have the
idea that a civilian is a sort of grown-up baby, who must be kept strictly
under their own eyes, or else that he will infallibly get into mischief,
and either come to harm himself, or else be the cause of that dreadful and
mysterious thing—complications. Had King Kassa, at the time he visited us,
been applied to by the Commander-in-chief, he would, no doubt, have
afforded every facility to the geographer and archæologist to have
wandered as they pleased among his dominions, and the latter especially
might have visited the interesting cities of Adowa and Axum, and made
discoveries of an important and interesting nature, instead of wasting his
time on the summit of the bleak Abyssinian mountains.