travellers in their country as being an intelligent people. Intelligent is
by no means the word, nor is sharp nor cute; they are simply the most
extortionate thieves that the sun’s light ever shone on. Formerly the
necessaries of life were extraordinarily cheap here. Mercher, the Tigre
chief who acts as interpreter, tells me that, as an example, fowls could
be purchased at forty for a dollar. I venture to say that, at the present
moment, it is the dearest place in the habitable globe. I have seen three
eggs offered for a dollar. This was, however, too much to be stood, and at
present seven is the tariff; that is, as nearly as possible, eightpence
apiece for very little eggs. An ordinary-sized fowl costs a dollar; and
with great bargaining two very small and skinny ones can be obtained for
that sum. Two pumpkins can be bought for a dollar: for a quart of milk a
dollar is demanded, and I have seen it given. The commissariat give a
dollar for about seventeen pounds of grain: if we buy it for our horses in
the camp—which we are obliged to do, as there are no rations issued for
our baggage-animals—we have to give a dollar for about twelve pounds. The
price of a good mule before we came here was seven or eight dollars; this
had risen to thirty-two or thirty-three, at which the 3d Cavalry bought a
considerable number, and to thirty-seven, the average price at which
Captain Griffiths, of the Transport Train, purchased a good many. General
Merewether, however, by one of those masterly _coups_ for which he is so
distinguished, has suddenly raised the market price 25 per cent, by giving
fifty dollars each for a lot of forty, among which were some very
indifferent animals. After this, of course, fifty will be the current
price, until General Merewether makes another purchase for the public
service, after which there is no predicting the price at which they will
probably arrive. It is all very well to say that they are cheaper here
than they are in Egypt; that has, as far as I can see, nothing whatever to
do with the question, any more than it would be to say they are cheaper
than at the North Pole. The people were willing to sell them at
thirty-seven dollars for picked animals; why, then, spoil the market by
giving fifty? It is urged that we are in want of mules, and that, by
offering even more than they ask, we shall induce them to send in larger
quantities; but I cannot agree that it is so. We were before paying 700
per cent more than their ordinary price, and this would be sufficient
temptation to owners of any mules within a hundred miles—and good mules
are not common—to have brought them in. Every mule fit for the purpose
would have come in, and by paying 900 per cent we can obtain no more. One
source of irritation has been, I am happy to say, if not put down, at
least rebuked. After the parade the other day the Commander-in-chief rode
to the church, attended by most of the mounted officers. The usual demand
of a dollar a-head was made, which Sir Robert very properly refused to
pay, and through the interpreter said a few appropriate words to the
priest as to money-changers in the temple. He refused, he said, upon that
ground to allow the charge of a dollar a-head to be paid, but promised
that upon his return from Magdala he would present an altar-cloth at the
church.
I have not mentioned that oxen, for which even at the enormously-enhanced
prices at Senafe we paid six and a-half dollars, are here charged sixteen
and seventeen dollars; and this with the plains in many cases containing
thousands upon thousands. Of course it is a great question as to how far
we ought to put up with such extortion as this. It is certain that the
French, under similar circumstances, would not do so; but then the success
of the French against native populations has not upon the whole been
brilliant; their case therefore is no argument in its favour. If we chose
to take what we required, and to offer in payment the fair country price,
or even its double, of course we could do so, and could thrash all Tigre
if necessary; but, putting it in the mere pecuniary light, would it pay?
Much as I hate extortion, dearly as I should like to punish the nation of
thieves through whom we are passing, I yet do not think it would pay. It
is hard to be cheated by a half-naked savage; but it is better to put up
with it than to undergo the amount of labour, anxiety, and loss which
savages could in our present circumstances entail upon us. They are at
present driving a thriving trade by selling us part of the roofs of their
houses. This sounds strange, but is absolutely the fact. Between this and
Senafe—a distance of forty miles—not a single tree is to be met with which
could be used for telegraph-poles: the engineers were completely at a
nonplus. At last we struck upon the expedient of buying poles from the
natives, and an offer was made to give them a dollar for every six poles.
Since then Mr. Speedy, who has undertaken the negotiation, has a complete
levée of natives with poles. These poles are perfectly straight, and must
be fourteen feet long; they are slight, much slighter than ordinary
English hop-poles, and they are very thin towards the upper extremity. The
natives use them for the roofs of their houses; but where they get them
from, or what tree furnishes them, is at present a mystery; certainly I
have seen no tree since my arrival in this country which grows at all in
the same way. Some of these poles look freshly cut, but others are old and
have evidently been used in the roofs of houses. They would not be nearly
strong enough for an ordinary telegraph-wire, but can easily enough carry
the fine copper-wire used here.
Mr. Speedy has been requested by the Commander-in-chief to wear the native
attire; and his appearance, although no doubt very imposing to the native
mind, is yet extremely comic to a European eye. Imagine a gentleman six
feet and a half high, with spectacles, wearing a red handkerchief over his
head, and shading himself with a native straw umbrella. Round his neck he
wears the fur collar with tails, to which I have already alluded as part
of a chief’s insignia; over his shoulders is the native white-cloth
wrapping, with red ends; below this is a long coloured-silk garment; and
below all this the British trousers and boots. Mr. Speedy is a capital
fellow, and a general favourite with everyone; but his appearance at
present is almost irresistibly inducive of laughter.
The climate of this place is as near perfection as possible. It is not so
hot as Senafe during the day, although even here in a single bell-tent the
thermometer registered 110° to-day at eleven o’clock. But there is almost
always a fresh breeze; and excepting from nine to twelve, when the wind
generally drops, it is never too hot for walking. At night it is not so
cold as at Senafe; for although the glass goes down to 36° or 37°, there
is no wind at night and very little dew, so that one does not feel the
cold as one did at Senafe. It is really a delightful climate; and although
110° in a tent sounds hot, the sensation of heat is nothing approaching
that of a sultry July day in England. There is no game here, with the
exception of hares, which are very plentiful. Major Fanshawe, of the 33d,
went out the other afternoon with his gun, and returned in a couple of
hours with a bag of nineteen hares, an almost unprecedented amount of
sport for two hours’ shooting in an unpreserved country. The natives bring
in leopard-skins for sale: where they shoot them I cannot say. They do not
find any purchasers, for the amount of baggage allowed is so small, and
will be smaller beyond Antalo, that no one will burden themselves with a
pound of unnecessary weight.
The 33d went forward three days ago, and Sir Robert Napier himself starts
for Antalo on the 17th instant. If the 4th regiment arrive in time they
will accompany him. I close my letter rather hastily, as I have just heard
there is a mail expected to go three days before the regular packet.
The Commander-in-chief has, since he started from the sea, shown every
desire to forward our objects in every way. We were invited to be present
at the reception of the Tigre ambassador, and Sir Robert very kindly sent
in a _précis_ of the information received from Magdala. I am very glad,
for the sake of my readers as well as myself, that in future I shall have
no fear of either being kept in the dark or of being debarred from
accompanying any expedition which may be on foot. I am still more glad to
be able to say that the position of the foreign commissioners has been
also improved. They are now all forward here, and one of the Prussian
officers has been placed upon the Chief’s personal staff. This is much
more as it should be. Now that we are fairly moving forward, bets are
being freely exchanged as to the date of our arrival at Magdala. The first
of May is the favourite time. I hardly think we shall be there as soon as
that, but must delay the discussion of the pros and cons until my next.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Attegrat, February 17th.
Since I sent my letter off three days ago, nothing has occurred of any
great importance; at the same time there is scarce a day passes here
without some event of more or less interest taking place. A wing and the
head-quarters of the 4th regiment have marched in, and have taken the
place of the 33d regiment. The Beloochees are here, and a portion of these
have already pushed on to improve the road. On the 15th we had quite a
sensation in camp. Two elephants arrived, and 2000 or 3000 of the natives
flocked around in a very few minutes. At first they kept at a prudent
distance, but, emboldened by the sight of the Europeans standing round and
giving the animals pieces of biscuit, they gradually closed in, and talked
in tones of admiration and wonder, showing all their white teeth, as is
their custom. Presently, however, one of the elephants, not approving of
all this hubbub, wheeled suddenly round, his trunk high in the air, and
trumpeting loudly. An instant scattering of the natives took place, the
crowd flying in all directions as if an infernal-machine had exploded in
their midst. They gradually reassembled, but never again ventured to get
within familiar distance of the elephants. Yesterday the G-14 battery of
Artillery arrived, and created an admiration among the natives that our
mountain guns had quite failed to arouse. The guns are twelve-pounders,
and have been brought as far as this upon their wheels, a fact which
speaks equally for the practicability of the road and for the energy and
perseverance of its officers and men. In many places the guns had to leave
the road, and to be hauled up difficulties with tackle and handspikes. At
the descent into this valley, which I described in a former letter, the
road cut along the face of the hill was not of sufficient width for the
wheels, and the guns had to be lowered down the steep descent into the
valley bottom with tackle. Three hours were occupied in getting the six
guns down. They will probably go no further than Antalo upon their
carriages, but three will be thence taken on upon elephants; the other
three will, at any rate for the present, remain here. This camp is in
process of being turned into an entrenched position. The lines have been
laid out by Major Pritchard of the Engineers, and the 4th are at present
at work upon them. That regiment moves on to-morrow, but the next which
takes its place in camp will continue the work. The entrenchments do not
include the whole of the present camp, as the number of men permanently
stationed here will, of course, be much smaller than at present. The lines
will surround the commissariat stores and a portion of the water-pools;
they also run round the summit of a steep shelf of rocks in the rear of
the camp, and which, when thus strengthened, might be defended by 200 men
against 500 similarly armed and disciplined, and therefore against any
number of Abyssinians whatever. Even now that we have a strong force here,
the people are exceedingly bumptious, and I have little doubt that there
will be some row of greater or less importance when they see only a small
body of troops stationed here.
Scarcely a day passes that they do not raise their war-cry about something
or other. Some of the squabbles arise about our cutting grass; others
about wood; others about their insisting upon wandering through the camp;
and blows have been exchanged with fists and sticks upon all these and
several other points. The noble Abyssinian is quite ready to cut and sell
us any quantity of hay, and to charge us an exceedingly-remunerative price
for the same. But although we have promised, and, indeed, have paid, a
round sum for the privilege, they object strongly to our own men cutting
hay, although it is of no use whatever to themselves. Consequently, a
guard is always obliged to be sent on with the main body of grass-cutters.
Any small parties who may go out in search of forage nearer to the camp
than the regular grass plains are warned off, and driven back by the
natives. There have been numerous rows on this score, and in some cases
the natives have actually set fire to the grass rather than allow us to
cut it. If they dared they would not allow a blade of grass to be cut
except by themselves. The same questions arise as to wood. They will bring
in large quantities of firewood themselves for sale, but they very
strongly object to our men collecting it themselves, although there is
not, of course, a shadow of pretence to say that our collecting dry wood
can in any way damage them. There was a great hullabaloo yesterday on this
subject. Two men had gone out for dry wood, and a priest and two or three
natives came out and ordered them away. The priest told them that the
grove where they were collecting the wood was sacred, and therefore they
must not take it. The men of course did not understand a word he said, and
expressed their determination to carry off their wood. He then called upon
them as Christians to desist, and the men, being Hindoos, made some
gestures of contempt or abhorrence at the name of Christians. An attack
was then made upon them; but many of these Syces are remarkably strong,
active fellows, and in a very short time the Abyssinians found that they
had met with much more than their match. They set up their rallying-cry,
and a number more natives hurried up, and the Hindoos would have got the
worst of it had not another grass-cutter come up with a gun. The Hindoos
then retired, followed by a crowd of enraged Abyssinians. When they
reached the camp the Abyssinians attempted to follow them in, and blows
had to be freely exchanged before the point of their exclusion was
maintained. The priest alone was admitted, and instead of conducting
himself quietly he ran about shouting and gesticulating until one of the
camp policemen seized him, and, after a struggle, made him a prisoner.
When Sir Robert Napier, who was out riding, came into camp, he
investigated the whole matter; and, finding that the Syces had been in the
wrong by insulting the religion of the people, he ordered them to have a
dozen lashes each. But here the Abyssinians really showed themselves to be
Christians, for the priest and his witnesses, all of whom bore marks of
having suffered in the skirmish, knelt down, and said they would not rise
unless the culprits were forgiven, which accordingly they were. This
certainly was a remarkable trait. Here were men who conceived that
themselves and their religion had been insulted, and who had certainly
been well thrashed, really and truly, while their wounds were still fresh,
asking forgiveness for their foes. I fancy very few European Christians
would have done it. It is pleasant to find a redeeming-point in the
character of this nation of extortioners. It is also to be said for them
that they are a very merry people, and are constantly on a broad grin.
Quarrels among themselves are extremely rare; at least, I have not heard a
single dispute since I arrived in this country.
The Abyssinians, too, are men with a strong sporting tendency. They bet
freely on the speed of a horse or the accuracy of their aim. They bet,
too, with conditions under which very few Englishmen would make a wager.
They choose a judge, and the judge, whoever wins, takes the stakes, the
loser of course paying. This system of betting, where one may lose and
cannot win, is, as far as I am aware, without a precedent, and would do
more, if introduced into England, to put down gambling than all the laws
that Parliament could pass would do in a hundred years. Another thing to
be said for them is that those who know them most like them best, and a
stronger argument in their favour than this could hardly be used. Still,
undoubtedly, they are fond of fighting, partly perhaps for its own sake,
and partly because it would be manifestly impossible for them to put the
whole of the hard work of the place on the shoulders of the women and
children upon the plea of being warriors, and therefore privileged to do
nothing, unless they really did do a little fighting occasionally.
This morning there was another row, which at one time really threatened to
come to fighting. One of the natives came inside our lines when the men
were at work upon the entrenchments. The policeman—a soldier armed with a
stick—warned him back; but he refused to go. Having spoken several times,
the sentry pushed him. Whereupon the native drew his sword and rushed upon
the soldier, who met him, however, with a tremendous blow of his stick,
which knocked him backwards into the ditch with a broken head. The man set
up his war-cry, and the natives flocked up, shouting and brandishing their
spears. They refused to retire when ordered by the officer to do so, and
continued to threaten an attack until Colonel Cameron ordered fifty of his
men to load and fix bayonets, and told the natives that unless they
retired he should order his men to advance. This was sufficient; and the
place was speedily cleared. These little fracas, although trifling in
themselves, sufficiently show that the natives are an extremely
independent race, and are quite ready for a fight upon the smallest
provocation. At present we are so strong as to render any open attack upon
their part a hopeless proceeding; but when this post is left with only
four or five hundred men I should not be at all surprised if the natives
came to blows with us upon some trifling matter or other. The three cannon
which are to be left here will no doubt have a salutary effect. The
natives are astonished at them, and say that they are much bigger than
those of Theodore.
Three of the officers of the 4th regiment saw, the other day, at Fokado,
an operation which was described by Bruce, but which has been denied by
all subsequent travellers, and by the Abyssinians themselves. This was the
operation of cutting a steak from the body of a living ox. They came upon
the natives just as they were in the act of performing it. The unfortunate
bullock was thrown down, and its four legs were tied together. The
operator then cut an incision in the skin near the spine, just behind the
hip-joint. He blew into this to separate the skin from the flesh, and then
cut two other incisions at right angles to the first, and then lifted a
flap of skin four or five inches square. From this he cut out a lump of
flesh, cutting with the knife under the skin, so that the amount of flesh
taken out was larger than the portion uncovered. The operator then filled
up the hole with cow-dung, replaced the flap of skin, plastered it up with
mud, untied the feet of the poor animal, which had kept up a low moaning
while the operation was going on, gave it a kick to make it get up, and
the whole thing was over. I should mention that the operator cut two or
three gashes in the neighbourhood of the wound, apparently as a sign that
the animal had been operated upon in that part. The officers observed that
several of the other cattle of the same herd were marked in a precisely
similar manner. They returned in half an hour, and found the animal
walking about and feeding quietly. I have not mentioned that it bled very
little at the time the operation was being performed. It certainly is very
singular that, after so many years, Bruce’s story, which has been always
considered as a traveller’s tale, should have been confirmed. All
travellers have denied it. Mr. Speedy, who was a year among them, tells us
that he never saw or heard of its being done, and that the Abyssinians, of
whom he had inquired respecting the truth of Bruce’s statement, had always
most indignantly denied it, and indeed had asserted that it would be
entirely contrary to their religion, for that they strictly keep the
Mosaic law, to eat no meat unless the throat of the animal had been cut
and the blood allowed to escape. Anatomists have denied the possibility of
an animal when such an operation had been performed being able to walk
afterwards. Here, however, was the indisputable fact. The operation was
performed, and the ox did walk afterwards. It is true that it might not
have been done by Abyssinians proper. The party may have been some
wandering tribe belonging to the low country who might have come up for
trading purposes. It is very unfortunate that neither Mr. Speedy nor any
of the interpreters were at hand to find out the exact tribe to which
these savages belonged.
I am unable to give you any reliable account of Major Grant’s visit to the
King of Tigre. He was, I know, hospitably received, and the horsemen of
the King performed various feats, such as riding in and out between poles,
and cutting at them; but I am unable to say more, as Sir Robert Napier, no
doubt for some good reason of which I am ignorant, refused to allow us to
see Major Grant’s report, or to have a _précis_ of it given to us. It is
still reported that the King himself is coming to meet the General, and a
place two days on our march towards Antalo is mentioned as the appointed
place. We even hear that the King has set out from Adowa for that spot;
but I confess that until I see his sable Majesty I shall not have much
faith in his coming. Still, these very slippery men always do exactly the
thing which one would expect that they would not do; and on this theory
only it is quite possible that Kassa may appear _in propriâ personâ_. If
he does come it will no doubt be a very much more stately affair than the
pantomime I described in my last letter, and I hope that our elephants and
cannon will open his Majesty’s eyes to the fact that we are a people whom
it would be vastly safer to leave alone.
I have been over to-day to the weekly fair at Attegrat. I was also there
last Monday, but had no space to give to its description in my last
letter. A more amusing sight I have seldom or never seen. Some two or
three thousand people must have been present. The fair or market, as I
suppose it should be called, is held upon a flat rocky slope on the other
side of the village, and this is packed so close that one moves about
among the squatting and standing groups with difficulty. At one end is the
cattle-fair. The number each grazier brings into market is not large
(seldom over two or three), and there they stand in little quiet groups
surrounded by their master and several of his friends, and submitting to
be felt, pinched, and examined as well as the best-behaved English cow
would do. Here, too, are the donkeys, sturdy little beasts, not much
bigger than a Newfoundland dog, but which will carry nearly as great a
weight as a mule. I wonder our Transport Corps does not buy a lot of them
for carrying commissariat stores. They will take two bags each, that is
150 pounds’ weight, and require no saddles, for the bags are merely laid
upon their broad little backs and strapped there with a few strips of
hide; they require no grain, and very little hay, and cost only five or
six dollars. Any number of them might be purchased. These, like the oxen,
stand very quietly, and appear perfectly indifferent as to any possible
change in their ownership. They not unfrequently have young ones by their
side, little round rough beasts with disproportionately-long ears and
shaggy coats. The goats appear to take matters with less indifference.
Their masters endeavour to keep them in little circles, with their heads
towards the centre; but they are continually trying to escape from this
arrangement, and to make a bolt for it. They keep up a constant bleating
as a protest against the whole proceeding. Near to them is the
grain-market. Here are men and women with their grain-bags, made of skins
of goats sewn up, and with only an opening at the neck. They sit about
everywhere, while the buyers walk about among them and inspect the samples
with a gravity and intentness which would do no discredit to Mark-lane.
Their purchases probably will not exceed two or three pounds’ weight, but
they are as careful over the matter as a brewer would be who was going to
make a bid for a ship’s cargo. The grain is almost entirely barley, and
splendid barley too. There are beside, however, a variety of other grain,
of which I do not know the names. The natives distil a spirit from their
barley, which is said to be something between gin and hollands in flavour.
I have not yet tasted any. Very thick is the throng round a Parsee
belonging to the commissariat, who is buying up all he can get for
Government at a dollar for nineteen pounds. Near him is another little
crowd: here another commissariat _employé_ is similarly engaged in buying
up ghee—that is, clarified or boiled butter—for the native troops. It does
not look very nice, and what does not make the sight the pleasanter is,
that the women, when they have emptied the jars into the commissariat
casks, invariably wipe them out with their hands, and then plaster the
remainder upon their heads. An Abyssinian does not consider himself
properly dressed unless his hair is shining with oil, not put on or rubbed
on, but plastered on, and running down his neck as the sun melts it. The
idea is not, according to our notions, pleasant, but it is a matter of
taste. When an Abyssinian really wants to make a great effect he uses
butter, not ghee, and puts it on until his head is as white as that of a
London footman. Then he is conscious that he has indeed done it, and walks
with a dignity befitting his appearance. There were several swells of the
period so got up at the market, and as they stood under the shelter of
their straw umbrellas—for the sun would melt it and destroy the whole
effect—I could not but wonder at and admire the different forms which
human vanity takes.
Further on was the cloth mart. Here were women and men selling the black
blankets which almost all women here wear, in addition to the ornamented
skins, which form the only garments of the Senafe women. These blankets,
which are very large, are worn wrapped round the body, and secured on one
shoulder by a large iron pin. The blankets are coarse and thin, and have
but little warmth. Officers have, however, bought large numbers for their
servants, who feel the cold at night much. When we are stationary for a
few days the followers construct some sort of tents with gunny-bags and
clothes, but upon the march they have, of course, to sleep in the open
air. Near to the vendors of blankets for the women are the sellers of the
white-cotton cloth for the men. These are always men; I have seen no women
engaged in selling cloth. I have no doubt they carry it to the market, but
the men take the sale into their own hands. This is, perhaps, the busiest
part of the fair. But beyond this we come to the largest and by far the
most amusing portion of all. This is the miscellaneous market. Vegetables
and herbs occupy by far the largest share of this. Here are women and
girls with herbs of every sort and kind, of very few indeed of which I had
any previous knowledge. Here, too, are women with tobacco, very coarse,
and broken up roughly, instead of being cut. The tobacco, of course, is
carried in the skins, which appear to be the receptacles for everything in
this country. Here are men with salt, in shape and appearance exceedingly
like a mower’s whetstone. These serve as money, and are laid out upon the
ground at so many for a dollar, but if the salesman sees a European
approaching he will abstract a portion, and demand a dollar for less than
half of the number which should be given for that amount. Here are men
selling the blue string, which all Christians wear round their neck in
token of their faith. Here are men selling the great iron pins, with a
rough attempt at ornament upon their heads, which all women use to fasten
their blankets upon their shoulders. Here are women with strings of beads,
and pumpkins, and watercresses, and dried herbs, and chillies, and honey,
and garlic, and potatoes, and young onions for sale. A miscellaneous
catalogue, and sold quite as miscellaneously, for the goods are sold by
barter more than for money, and each vendor will bring in half-a-dozen
small baskets, which she places before her to contain the various articles
which she may receive in exchange. Thus, for her beads she may get some
grain, a few bulbs of garlic, and a bar or two of salt. Some of these,
again, she will barter for a pumpkin, a chicken, and some dried herbs; and
so the commerce is carried on. Imagine a large number of these dark-faced,
scantily-dressed people, very grave over their purchases, but very merry,
as is their wont, in their conversation with each other, the men generally
walking about, the women squatting behind their wares, always in groups,
and laughing, chattering, and looking after their children—strange little
potbellied black figures, with half of their heads shaved, and their sole
garment a very small piece of goatskin on their shoulder. Some of the
girls are, as I have already said, really pretty, with beautiful brown
eyes. They have no objection to be looked at and admired. They pretend, of
course, to be very shy, and half hide their faces, and look the other way;
but really are very amused and a good deal gratified when a European
pauses to look at them. It is singular how similar is the constitution of
the female mind in savage and in civilised countries. An English beauty
certainly does not betray any consciousness of being looked at and
admired, excepting, of course, if she be a milkmaid; but she is no doubt
equally conscious, and perhaps just as pleased—except that the sensation
is more a matter of course—as is the dark-eyed and dark-skinned Abyssinian
girl sitting in her scanty leathern garment and shell-ornamented wrapper
in the market at Attegrat.
I do not know when the rainy season begins; indeed, it is a moot point,
authorities varying in their dates from April to July; but I know we had a
thunderstorm here the other day which nearly washed us out of camp. It
began at three o’clock in the afternoon, and found us quite unprepared, as
we have had so many threatening-looking skies that we had ceased to
believe in rain. However, this time there was no mistake about it. It came
up in a dense black cloud from behind the mountain beyond Attegrat. The
thunder roared, the lightning was for a while terrific, and for about an
hour a tremendous storm of rain and hail poured down upon us. Being an old
campaigner, one of my first cares upon pitching my tent had been to have a
trench dug round it; but very many officers, relying upon the fine
weather, had neglected taking this precaution. Knowing what the state of
things would be, immediately the rain ceased I sallied out. The camp was
completely under water. As I have mentioned in a former letter, it is
pitched upon the gradual slope of a hill, and down this slope a perfect
stream of water came nearly two inches deep. As the rain held up, a few
figures might be observed peering out of their tents to examine the skies,
and as soon as it was quite certain that the rain was over, the camp,
which had five minutes before appeared perfectly deserted, was like an
ant-hill suddenly disturbed. Great was the devastation the flood had
wrought. Through many of the tents it had swept in a flood two inches
deep, soaking everything placed upon the ground. Here we saw the servants
bringing out a bed, which, having been placed upon the ground, was
drenched with water; here was another party bringing out hay with which
some particular man had carefully carpeted his tent; here was an officer
emptying out his trunks to see if the things at the bottom had suffered.
As I wandered about I met Major Minion, the principal commissariat-officer
here. He was hastening to the Chief for authority to issue first-class
flour instead of second to the troops, as a great deal of the first
quality had got wetted, and must be issued at once to prevent its being
spoiled. Of course the native followers and others who had no tents
suffered most of all; and the camp in a short time presented the
appearance of undergoing a general washing-day, so many were the garments
hung out to dry. Of course, in accordance with the old proverb of shutting
the door after the horse was stolen, there was at once a great demand for
picks and shovels, and everyone who had not already done so set to work at
digging a trench round their tents. The night after the storm was much
less cold than the preceding one had been, and the whole country looks
fresher and brighter for the washing. And now as to our most absorbing
topic, the advance. It takes place positively to-morrow. Sir Robert Napier
himself goes on, and is accompanied by the Artillery, 3d Native Cavalry,
five companies of the 4th King’s Own, and the remaining three companies of
the 10th Native Infantry. The Beloochees were also to have gone forward,
but there is not sufficient transport, and they will follow in a day or
two. The little party of Engineers also go forward with the photographic
and signalling apparatus. The two elephants will also form part of the
train. The march hence to Antalo is eight days’ journey, which are divided
as follows: Mai Wahiz, 13 miles; Ad Abaga, 15; Dongolo, 12; Agula, 14;
Dowlo, 19; Haig Kullat, 9; Afzool, 9; Antalo, 5: total, 96 miles. Colonel
Phayre, who has again gone ahead, reports that the road presents no great
difficulties; but it does not appear as if the first day’s march were by
any means an easy business, for the baggage-guard of the 33d regiment,
which left here at nine o’clock in the morning, did not arrive at its
destination until six o’clock on the following morning. The
Commander-in-chief rode out next day, and found the road really
impracticable at two or three places. He was exceedingly angry that the
corps which has gone ahead nominally to make this road should have left it
in such a state. A party of the Beloochees were at once set on, and it is
to be hoped that by to-morrow they will have made it passable. The party
of Bombay Sappers and Miners, who have done such good work in the pass,
have gone on to-day, with instructions to keep a day’s march ahead of the
Chief. They will improve, as far as they can, any very difficult places;
but as they will have to progress as fast as the troops, they will of
course be able to do very little. The last two days’ march even Colonel
Phayre reports to be exceedingly difficult, as, instead of the flat sheets
of sandstone over which much of the preceding day’s journey passes, we
here have to cross sheets of bare limestone, upon which horses can stand
with difficulty. He states that it will be necessary to strew soil or sand
upon the rocks to make them at all passable. It is evident, therefore,
that we shall have some serious difficulties to encounter even between
this and Antalo; still, we may expect to be at that town by the end of the
month. From thence to Magdala it is 160 miles, or thereabouts; for it is
impossible to reckon within twenty miles in a country where the mountains
and gorges necessitate such constant windings. I mentioned in my last
letter that bets were freely offered and taken that we arrive at Magdala
by the 15th of April. The whole question is one of provision and
transport; and the most casual examination of the question will show that
it will be a very long time before the provision for the onward march can
be collected at Antalo. I related in my letters a month since how hard a
task it was to feed the troops at Senafe and along the pass, and to
accumulate provisions in our advance to Attegrat. Senafe is only five
days’ march from Zulla; Antalo is sixteen; and, allowing for the mules to
stop one day at Senafe, and one at Attegrat, to rest, which would be
absolutely necessary, it is eighteen days from Zulla. We shall have twice
as many troops to feed at Antalo as we had at Senafe; and as it is three
times as long a journey, it will require six times as many
transport-animals to feed the troops at Antalo now to what were required
to feed the former force at Senafe. In addition to this, we shall have a
body of troops at Attegrat, and another at Senafe, to feed. The Transport
Train is more efficient now than it was a month since, but it is not
greatly more numerous, as the number of fresh arrivals is almost balanced
by the number of mules going daily into hospital, broken down with
over-work, bad feeding, and sore backs brought on by the pack-saddles. The
fact of the road being now practicable for carts to Senafe, is also an
assistance to the Transport Train; but I confess that I cannot see how
they will manage to provision all the line, much less to accumulate
stores. It is, we have just seen, eighteen days from Zulla to Antalo.
Supposing that the mules go regularly up and down, stopping two days at
each end to rest, it will take them forty days to make the circuit.
Putting the number of available transport-animals at 16,000, which is over
the mark, there would be only four hundred a-day to start from the
sea-coast. When it is remembered that these four hundred animals would
have to carry their own food for those places at which grain cannot be
obtained, that they have to carry the rations for their drivers for the
forty days, that they have to provision the different minor posts,
together with Senafe and Attegrat, it will be seen that the quantity of
provisions which will reach Antalo daily will be by no means excessive.
And yet, before we can move forward from Antalo, on a journey which, going
and returning, and with a pause of a week at Magdala, can hardly be
calculated as under two months, we must have accumulated there a
sufficient amount of provisions for the whole time we may be absent; and
this not only for the troops and animals who go, but for the force which
will remain there during our absence. We must also have a supply
accumulated at the posts along the road, as we shall take so large a
portion of the transport-animals in our further advance, that we must be
sure that a stock has accumulated sufficient to last some time. I hear
that the number of mules which will go forward with us from Antalo will be
about 6000, with two months’ provisions for the column and a certain
amount for themselves. Following out the calculation I have made, we prove
mathematically that we never can accumulate this 6000 mule-loads at
Antalo. Mathematical proofs, fortunately, occasionally are falsified by
facts. It was mathematically proved that no steamer could ever cross the
Atlantic. The feat was, however, somehow accomplished; and I have no doubt
but that, in the teeth of mathematics, we shall somehow or other
accumulate provisions at Antalo, and shall march on to Magdala; but it
must be some time first. I think the 1st of May to be the very earliest
date at which we can hope to leave Antalo. Of course much will depend upon
the fruitfulness of the country in the immediate vicinity of that town. If
we can only obtain sufficient grain to feed our animals, and to lay in a
store of provender for them for the advance, it will greatly lessen our
difficulties. As far as we have already come, such has not been the case.
Even the extreme prices we have given have barely purchased sufficient
grain for the daily supply, and animals upon the route have to be fed upon
grain brought from Bombay. Still, we must hope for better things. The date
of our advance depends almost entirely upon the state of the grain-market
at Antalo. We start to-morrow morning at half-past six, and that means
that we must be up and moving before five. I must therefore close this
letter, but shall write again in time to save the post from Ad Abaga,
where I believe we shall halt for a day.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Ad Abaga, Feb. 20th.
I cannot say that starting a convoy of baggage-mules off at half-past six
in the morning is a pleasant operation. The order was “that all animals
not off by half-past six must wait until after the departure of the column
at seven;” that is, allowing for delays, that they would not be able to
start until eight. I acceded to the suggestion of my travelling-companion
that we should get our mules off early. At five we were up, completed our
packing, had a cup of chocolate and a speedy wash, and then struck our
tent, which was wet through with the heavy dew. Folding this up and
getting it into a sack meant to contain it only when dry, was a long
operation, trying to the temper and very destructive to the finger-nails.
However, it and all our final preparations, including the loading the
animals, were completed in time, and we were fairly _en route_ at twenty
minutes past six. We have long since come to the conclusion that the only
way to get our baggage along is to be our own baggage-guard, and one or
other of us, generally both, accompany it the whole distance. In this way
we got into camp in the afternoon, from an hour and a half to two hours
earlier than if we had trusted it only to the servants and drivers, and
had we ridden on at our own pace we should only have had to wait doing
nothing, and without a shelter, for three or four hours. On the present
occasion my friend started with the baggage and I remained behind to see
the column start. It was a pretty sight, and must have astonished the
natives not a little. First came the 3d Native Cavalry, about three
hundred strong, in their soldierly blue-and-silver uniforms. This regiment
has had no easy time of it since their arrival at Attegrat, for we are
exceedingly short of cavalry, and since the Scinde Horse went on, the 3d
have had to furnish all the guards and escorts. For some days they had
only eighteen men left in camp. I hear that two hundred horses have
arrived at Zulla as remounts in the place of those they have lost by the
disease. The strength of the regiment will then be raised to its original
number of nearly five hundred sabres. I mentioned in a letter, some time
since, that this regiment had been looked upon with some disfavour by the
authorities for having started from Bombay without the baggage-animals
with which, according to the terms of their agreement, they should have
furnished themselves. This fault they have done their best to remedy by
purchasing every mule they could get. They have now nearly made up their
number, and upon the present march only had to draw thirty-five
transport-animals, which they hope in a few days to be able to dispense
with. Next to the 3d Native Cavalry came the Artillery, who had, at the
last moment, received orders to take four guns instead of three. The guns
were all drawn by eight horses. The greater part of the horses of this
battery are very light grays, and two of the guns are horsed entirely by
grays. They are in admirable condition, and look exceedingly well. Next
followed the little party of Engineers. Behind them came the 4th King’s
Own, in their light-brown, or rather dust-coloured suits, with their band
playing the “Red, White, and Blue.” Colonel Cameron sets an excellent
example to his men and officers by having his horse led, and by always
marching at their head. The line was closed by the 10th Native Infantry,
their band playing “Nelly Bligh.” After the troops came the head of a long
line of baggage-animals. Having seen the column pass, I rode on and
rejoined my baggage.
The road, as usual, leads over the plateau, with occasional steep ascents
and descents. Two of these ascents turned out quite impracticable for
artillery, and the road as made reflects great discredit upon those who
went on in command of the pioneer force to make the way. The roads are
made with short, sharp zigzags, where it is impossible for the horses to
draw. Had not the artillery been accompanied by a strong force of infantry
it would have been impossible to have got the guns up. As it was, the guns
were pulled up the straight places by the horses aided by the men, and
then the horses were taken out, the guns unlimbered, and the gun was
dragged up first, round the curve, by the infantry with ropes, and the
limbers were taken up afterwards. The work of getting the guns up one of
these ascents occupied over two hours. Sir R. Napier is naturally
extremely angry, as, had he not been informed by the officer in advance
that the road was perfectly practicable, he would of course have sent on a
strong working-party some days previously. I reached Mai Wahiz at
half-past twelve, the 3d Cavalry having got in half-an-hour before me. In
the afternoon we had another severe thunderstorm, with heavy rain, which
fortunately only lasted about half-an-hour. Our camp at Mai Wahiz, instead
of being, as usual, on a plain, or rather a slight rise near the plain,
was placed upon a hill. I hear that in future we are always to encamp on a
hill, or at any rate, as far as possible, in a defensible position. This
shows that our Chief places exceedingly little faith in any protestations
the Tigre king may make, and that he thinks that, even if he does come in
to the durbar at this place, yet that he is not to be trusted out of
sight. Everything at Mai Wahiz is very scarce, and forage dearer than
ever. I had to pay two dollars for about eighteen pounds of barley for my
baggage-animals, that is, just sixpence a pound. Hay is equally dear. The
commissariat served out no hay to the transport-animals, and all that they
had after a hard day’s work, with the prospect of another equally hard on
the morrow, was three pounds of grain each.
From the foot of the hill we rode for some distance along a wide valley,
with water in several places, and a good deal of cultivated ground. Then,
after three or four miles of undulating plain we arrived at our
camping-ground at a little after three o’clock. The natives here must be
either a more warlike people than those whose villages we have passed
since entering the country, or they must have much more warlike
neighbours. For the villages are almost always surrounded by strong walls,
and one or two were perched on eminences, and defended by walls and
towers. One very curious castle we passed strongly resembling the old
baronial castles one meets with in southern Scotland and the north of
England. This was situated upon the edge of a precipice, and the rocks
went sheer down from three sides of its walls for fifty or sixty feet. It
must be impregnable in a country like this, where cannon are all but
unknown. Another fort, which certainly looked of European construction,
and if not must unquestionably have been built from a picture of a
European fort, was perched upon the top of the mountain near where we
descended into the valley. The precipice at its foot was at least a
thousand feet down, but curiously enough the fort was in a sort of hollow,
higher rocks at the distance of only a hundred yards on either side
commanding it. If a European designed it, he certainly did not choose its
position. It was a round fort, of perhaps fifty feet high, but it was
difficult to judge its height from our position on the plain so much below
it. Its diameter was about equal to its height. It had regular lines of
loopholes, and appeared to have been built by some robber-chief to enable
him to swoop down upon the caravans of traders journeying up and down the
road we had just come. This camp is at about the same elevation as that at
Mai Wahiz, and the climate is even more charming than that of Attegrat,
for the heat is less during the day, and the cold last night was not at
all equal to that which we experienced there. The _on dit_ is that the
King cannot arrive to-day, but will come to-morrow, and that we shall move
out early and pitch our camp upon a plain six miles from here, and there
receive him properly.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Dongolo, Feb. 26th.
The King of Tigre has turned out to be a living entity and not a mythical
being, as we had begun to consider him. He was to have paid us a visit at
Attegrat, but he sent us an ambassador in his place, and no one thought
that we should ever hear any more of the King. However, he sent to say
that he would meet us upon a plain near Ad Abaga, and we journeyed there,
rather incredulous but still hopeful. The King was to have been at the
appointed spot upon the day after we had reached Ad Abaga; but messengers
sent out brought news that, although it was currently reported that he had
started from Adowa, he had certainly not arrived anywhere in the
neighbourhood. As it was most important that we should see the King, and
remain upon friendly terms with him, and as it was certain that if he had
started to meet us, and found that we had gone on without stopping to see
him, he would feel grievously affronted, the Commander-in-chief determined
to wait. Fortunately, any delay we might experience could be of no
importance to us, as it will be impossible to move forward from Antalo
until a large stock of provisions are accumulated there, and whether we
waited a week at Ad Abaga or at Antalo was perfectly immaterial. Wait
accordingly we did for three days, before any reliable news reached us. At
last we heard for certain, as we believed, that the King was at Hanzein,
twelve miles off. This was on Saturday, and the messenger said that of
course the King would not move on Sunday, but that he would come in on
Monday morning to Mai Dehar, the appointed meeting-place.
On Sunday Major Grant, Captain Moore, and Mr. Speedy set out to meet the
King, and accompany him to the meeting-place. They rode out to Hanzein,
and found a considerable body of armed men there, and some of the princes.
They were told that the King was five miles further on, and five good
miles they rode, and, again inquiring for his Majesty’s whereabouts, found
that the miles must have been Irish ones, for that the King was still five
miles further on. They decided to return, and at Hanzein had another
interview with the men in authority there. These worthies tried very hard
to induce them to concede, on the part of Sir Robert Napier, that he would
come as far as Hanzein to meet the King. Their object in this was, of
course, to enhance the dignity of the King in the eyes of his own people,
by making us come as far out of our way as possible to meet him; Major
Grant, however, altogether refused to concede this point. He stated that
we had already waited four days, and that unless the King moved forward at
once, Sir Robert Napier would proceed upon his journey without seeing him.
Major Grant then started with Major Pritchard of the Engineers, who had
gone out to Hanzein with Lieutenant Morgan and his party of signallers, to
return to camp. As it was dark when they started, they of course lost
their way, and wandered about for some hours, leading their horses, which
had two or three awkward falls. They arrived in camp at two o’clock in the
morning. They did not pass any of the signallers’ posts on their way, and
consequently Lieutenant Morgan and his men remained up all night, to flash
the news across the hills of the hour of the King’s starting from Hanzein.
Captain Moore and Mr. Speedy remained at Hanzein until the next day, and
were hospitably, if not agreeably, entertained, with a repast, consisting
of a large dish of half-baked bread, over which melted fat had been poured
with a liberal hand. While they were occupied in endeavouring to find a
morsel less saturated with fat than the rest, two or three of the chiefs
showed them how the food should be eaten, by thrusting some exceedingly
dirty hands into the mess, rolling up a large ball, and cramming it into
their mouths. Captain Moore underwent a strong internal struggle, but
conquered his desire to rush into the open air, and nobly shut his eyes
and followed the example. Mr. Speedy—whose residence in Abyssinia has
rendered him the reverse of dainty in matters of food—had already set-to
with the grave complacency of a man who enjoys his repast.
On Monday a messenger came in who reported that the King had really
arrived at Hanzein, and would come on to Mai Dehar early next morning. A
native in our pay having verified this report, orders were issued for a
move at daylight the next morning. The party was to consist of the four
guns of Murray’s battery, a squadron of 3d Native Cavalry, four companies
of the 4th Regiment, one company of the 10th Native Infantry, the party of
Engineers with their signalling and photographing apparatus, and two
elephants. Although Mai Dehar was only five miles off, the troops were
ordered to take their tents and baggage, as it was uncertain at what hour
the proceedings might be over; and as the next march on to this place was
only ten miles, they would be able to march straight through the next day,
and would therefore lose no time by sleeping at Mai Dehar.
By seven o’clock we were all out of Ad Abaga, and by half-past nine the
tents were pitched at Mai Dehar, which was not more than a four-mile march
distant. Mai Dehar is a basin of about half a mile in diameter, with
gradually-sloping sides, and possesses no picturesque effect whatever. A
small stream runs through it, and the whole basin is covered with a long
thick growth of hay. Orders were at once issued that no fires should be
lighted or pipes allowed until the grass was all cut in the immediate
vicinity of the tents, and for some little distance round the horses.
This, of course, was a work which occupied some time; and at about eleven,
before the fires were fairly alight, Mr. Speedy, who had gone straight on
to meet the King, rode into camp with news that he had left him half an
hour before, and that in a very few minutes he would arrive. In ten
minutes a dark mass of figures showed upon the crest of the opposite rise
of the valley, and presently a tent of bright scarlet colour rose in their
midst, and showed that the King was present among them. Mr. Speedy again
rode off to say that the Commander-in-chief would move forward to meet him
in an hour. By that time the men had breakfasted, and at half-past twelve,
when the bugle sounded the assembly, all were ready for any work they
might be called on to do. They were formed in line a few hundred yards
behind the tent, which had been pitched near the little stream for the
durbar. Major Grant, Captain Moore, and Mr. Speedy now rode forward again
towards the King’s tent, accompanied by an escort of 3d Native Cavalry.
Several officers who were not on duty, but who had come over on leave from
the camp at Ad Abaga, also rode upon the flank of the cavalry, and among
them I took my place.
The native army was ranged in line on both sides of the royal tent; they
were not formed in any regular order, but stood thickly together, with the
extremities of their line advanced in the form of the crescent of a young
moon. There was no pressing or noise; all stood perfectly quiet as we
advanced, and it was evident at once that we were in the presence of a
greatly more formidable body of men than we had given Abyssinia credit for
possessing. The only sound that broke the silence was the beating of a
number of drums. These I afterwards had an opportunity of examining, and
found them to be of the same shape, and as nearly as possible the same
size, as our own kettledrums. Instead of being of metal, they were of thin
wood, and were covered with skins with the hair on in the place of
parchment. They were carried one on each side of a mule. There were six
mules so laden, and the drums were beaten, some with small sticks, some
with large and heavy ones. These last served as big drums, and kept time
to the constant beating of the small ones. They played a sort of tune
which, if rather monotonous, was by no means unmusical. The principal
drummer had a red umbrella held over his head—a distinction enjoyed by no
other person except his Majesty himself. When we had arrived within forty
or fifty yards of the King’s tent we halted. Major Grant and his party
alighted from their horses and entered the royal tent, and the cavalry
were drawn up in line parallel to the road the King would pass down on his
way to the stream. Major Grant’s mission was to inform the King that Sir
Robert Napier was ready, and would advance to meet him as soon as he saw
the King had left his tent. Some personages in authority now gave some
orders, and a body of four or five hundred men took their places a short
distance in front of the royal tent. Some of these men were on foot, some
mounted; the great majority were armed with guns of some kind, and in
addition carried shield and sword. The remainder had lances. There was a
far greater variety of costume, and much more brilliancy of colour, among
their body than we had any notion of seeing in Abyssinia. The majority, of
course, had the whitey-brown cotton cloth of the country, with generally
the red ends and fur tippets with long ends which are distinctive of a
warrior of rank. Many, too, had a lion’s mane over their shoulders, which
is a sign that they have slain many enemies in battle. Very many too had
on long shirts of state, reaching to the knees, and made of
richly-brocaded silks, generally green, blue, or red, with yellow flowers.
Some, the greatest dandies of all, wore mantles of velvet, violet being
the prevailing colour. These reached a little below the waist, and were
then cut into long tails of peculiar pattern, which, moreover, was always
similar. These, who gave orders, and who were probably generals, were not
bareheaded, as were all the rest of the Abyssinians, but had a coloured
silk-handkerchief over and around the head, Bedouin fashion, and falling
down upon the neck, with a sort of fillet or coronet of metal, which
looked like tin, but may have been silver, round their foreheads. Of this
body, which was evidently composed of chiefs and warriors of distinction,
about equal numbers were mounted and on foot. Very many of the mules
carried double, which is here considered by no means an _infra-dig._
method of travelling. In front of this body of men the band of drums took
up their station, and in the rear five or six men blowing an instrument
somewhat resembling a clarionet in appearance, except that it has only one
note. Some of them were, however, pitched a tone above the others, so that
the general result, although not so musical as that of the drums, was yet
not discordant.
The King now came out of his tent, and mounted a mule. A dozen or so
princes and personal attendants rode or walked near him, and two
attendants walked one on each side, leaning against the mule, and
supporting him, as it were, in his saddle. One held a large Magenta-silk
umbrella over the King’s head. Kassa is a man of seven or eight and
twenty. He was plainly dressed in a swathing of native cloth, the only
distinction between himself and an ordinary warrior being that, in place
of a broad scarlet end, it had a sort of Cashmere pattern. The princes had
similar borders to their robes. The King wore a fur tippet, and the cloth
was wrapped round and round him, so that his arms were not visible, and he
looked a mere bunch as he sat upon his mule. The cloth was brought up
round his chin and mouth. He was bareheaded; his hair was plaited in lines
from the forehead to the back of the head, in the peculiar manner I have
before described, and which exactly resembles that upon some of the
Assyrian wall-paintings in the British Museum. These plaits are each tied
at the end, and form a little bunch of tails at the back of the neck.
Kassa has a mild and rather irresolute face, and was evidently nervous at
the unaccustomed ceremony he was about to go through. I believe that his
face does not belie his character, and that he is quite guided by three or
four of his principal advisers. Puppet kings are not confined to
Abyssinia. Major Grant rode by the side of the King, and conversed with
him through the medium of Mercher, the interpreter. The mule ridden by the
King, and those of the principal personages, all had the gay green-and-red
embossed leather trappings I described as adorning the mule ridden by the
ambassador who came in to Attegrat. There were several priests in the
train, distinguished as usual by their turbans and the whiteness of their
robes. In my description of the King’s dress I have said nothing of his
leggings or shoes, for the reason that he, as well as everyone of his
nation, had bare legs and feet. Immediately the King had started, I
closed-in with the unattached officers behind him, and the 3d Native
Cavalry came on behind us. In the rear of them, and keeping a perfect
line, came the main body of native troops—horsemen in front, footmen
behind them. The whole effect was extremely picturesque, and, as seen from
the opposite side of the valley, must have been most striking. As soon as
we were in motion, we saw Sir Robert Napier approaching from the opposite
camp. He rode in a howdah upon an elephant with scarlet trappings; behind
followed the other elephant, and his staff rode around him. The troops
remained in a line at some little distance in rear of the durbar tent, the
10th Native Infantry being drawn up as a guard of honour in front of the
tent. When we were about three-quarters of the distance down the slope
upon our side of the hill, the body-guard in front of the King halted, and
fell back upon each side, leaving a road, through which the King and his
personal following rode. The 3d Native Cavalry followed, but the natives
formed line again in the rear and halted. Sir Robert Napier arrived first
at the stream, but the elephant refused to cross, and the General then
alighted and mounted his horse, and again advanced to meet the King, who
had by this time crossed the stream. Sir Robert and the King shook hands,
and then rode together to the durbar tent. There everyone dismounted, and
as many as the tent would accommodate entered. I was fortunate enough to
be one of these. The King and the Commander-in-chief took seats in two
chairs. Five of the principal princes sat upon the ground. The King’s
shield-and-spear-bearer stood behind him, and several other native
attendants stood near. About a dozen European officers ranged themselves
round the sides of the tent. At the moment of entering the tent, the guard
of honour and the artillery fired a salute, which caused a great commotion
among the horses, and I have no doubt rather startled and alarmed the King
of Tigre’s army, which had all remained upon the other side of the stream.
Throughout the day the greatest discipline prevailed upon this point, not
a single man crossing the stream, with the exception only of the King’s
personal attendants.
The conversation between Sir Robert Napier and the King was interpreted by
Mercher and by his brother, who formed part of the King’s retinue. Both
these brothers are Tigre chiefs, who were curiously enough sent to Bombay
to be educated, and to learn the English language. The conversation was of
the most formal kind. Sir Robert expressed his hope that the King was not
fatigued with his journey. The King replied that he was never tired when
he came to see his friends. Here the conversation languished a little, and
then Sir Robert expressed the pleasure that we English, who sent
missionaries to all parts of the world, experienced at finding a Christian
nation here in the midst of Africa. To this the King replied, that he did
not wish to see strangers in his country, but that if strangers came he
preferred that they should be Christians. This was a decided damper; but
Sir Robert, after a pause, rallied nobly, and said that we had a most
friendly feeling for all the Abyssinians, with the exception only of the
bad men who held our countrymen captive. The King replied that Theodore
was our common enemy, and that he hoped we should punish him as he
deserved. The General then inquired the names of the princes present, and
found that one was an elder brother, and two were uncles of the King.
These were all intelligent-looking men, with fine faces for Abyssinians.
The King’s elder brother is a much more resolute and determined-looking
man than the King. These men, as well as the King, we could now see, upon
their sitting down and getting their arms a little free from the wrappings
of cloth, had very large golden armlets, or rather wrist-ornaments, of
exactly the same shape as a lady’s gauntlet. Sir Robert now said that he
wished to present the King with some presents, to demonstrate our
friendship. These were a double-barrelled rifle by Purday, some handsome
Bohemian glass vases, and the horse upon which he himself rode when he met
the King. By the way, I question much if the King will ever trust himself
upon the horse, which is a high-spirited and rather restive animal, and
which upon our leaving the tent completely overpowered the native to whom
it had been delivered, and had finally to be taken up to the royal tent by
its own syce. The meeting now was over, that is, it was over as a public
meeting, and all retired from the tent except two or three confidential
officers on either side. What had preceded was merely a formal opening,
and the interview was now really interesting. I am, of course, unable to
give the details, but the general substance was that the King now entirely
threw aside his reserve, and said that he hoped for our support in the
disputes which will arise upon Theodore’s defeat. Sir Robert Napier
“assured the King of our friendship, but stated that his Queen had sent
him here solely with the design of rescuing our countrymen, but that she
had given him strict orders on no account to take any part in the
unfortunate dissensions which were taking place in the country. We have,
as we marched onward to this place, seen everywhere the signs of these
unfortunate wars, in the fields lying uncultivated, and in the deserted
villages, and he hoped to hear that with the destruction of the power of
Theodore, this most unfortunate state of things would cease. At the same
time he assured the King that he might rely that if we could give him no
support we should also abstain from giving any assistance whatever to his
rivals.” Kassa afterwards, in answer to a request of the Chief, promised
that he would send messengers to the principal towns upon our route,
ordering the inhabitants to do all in their power to furnish us with
provisions and supplies. After the interview was over, the King and
princes were supplied with wine and spirits, not, however, without some
difficulty, for there are very few bottles of wine remaining in the camp
of the advancing column. There was then a pause of an hour or two, after
which our troops were paraded, and went through a few manœuvres before the
King. These were not of much interest, as no powder was expended, and the
ground, being full of deep holes, hidden by long grass, was most
unfavourable for the movements of either artillery or cavalry. The action
of the Armstrongs was also explained to the King. After this the troops
returned to camp, and Sir Robert Napier and his staff crossed the stream
with the King to pay a return visit to the royal tent. The natives, who
had been clustered by the stream, all rose at his approach, and the drums
struck up their strange music. We were now enabled, riding as we were
among a dense throng of natives, to judge more accurately of their number
and appearance than we had hitherto been able to do. The general opinion
was, that there must have been about three thousand, three-quarters of
whom were armed with guns. They were a fine, active-looking set of men,
and in a rough country would make formidable antagonists even for trained
soldiers. These men are known to be brave, and are fairly armed, but
Theodore’s army has always defeated them. Theodore’s army must, therefore,
have been by no means despicable antagonists; and although that army has
now dwindled to four or five thousand men, it is probable that that four
or five thousand are the most desperate characters and the most warlike
warriors of his original force. Strong as Magdala naturally is, and
garrisoned by a few thousand such men as these, it may possibly be a hard
nut even for a British army to crack.
Arrived at the King’s tent, which is of considerable size, Sir Robert
Napier entered with the King, princes, and as many of his staff as the
tent would accommodate, and took seats upon the carpeted ground. Here
refreshments, small flat bread, and native liquors of fermented honey and
herbs, and native spirits, were served round. Sir Robert Napier was
declared by the King to be a good warrior, and the King presented him with
his own lion-mane tippet, his own sword, shield, and spear, the mule he
had himself ridden at the interview, with its saddle and trappings, and a
silver gauntlet. After about half an hour the Commander-in-chief took his
leave.
As I rode up towards the tent I was smoking a cigar, and this attracted
the greatest attention and astonishment from the natives who were crowding
round. It was evident they had never seen a cigar before. I gave away
several to the chiefs, who, however, were quite in the dark as to what to
do with them when they had got them. I offered them my cigar to light
those I had given them from; but they had no idea what to do with it, and
were on the point of putting it into one of their mouths, when I rescued
it, and struck a light with a vesuvian. This astonished them even more
than the cigar. However, they lit their cigars, and smoked them with
manifest content, occasionally lending them to their friends for a whiff.
Numbers of applications then poured in upon me, which, however, I was
obliged to refuse, for cigars are very precious articles here. I left when
Sir Robert Napier did, as it was nearly six o’clock, and I wished to get
back to Ad Abaga, where I had left my tent and baggage, before it became
too dark to follow the track.
The opinion of the King and his principal warriors respecting our troops
is similar to that expressed by the natives at the review at Attegrat,
namely, that our troops would be invincible upon a plain, but that they
would have no fear of us upon a mountain side. Our cannon are not so large
as they had expected to see; but they said that they had heard great
things of our rockets, which rush through the air with a tremendous noise,
and destroy those who are not killed by their explosion by a noxious
vapour which is fatal to man and beast. They are thoroughly convinced that
we have great power of enchantment; and this will probably do more to
retain their neutrality than any fear of our arms would do. They say that
by enchantment we have tamed the elephants; by enchantment we have kept
the rain from falling near the sea-coast, and interrupting our work in the
pass; by enchantment we have made the locusts disappear the moment we came
up on to the high country; and therefore that were we offended, we should
by enchantment also prevent rain from falling over the whole country, and
thus create a dreadful famine in the land.
As the natives are impressed by enchantment, and are not at all impressed
by our soldiers, I should propose that in any future war of the same kind
there should be an officer appointed under the title of magician to the
forces, and that he should have subordinate officers as assistant
magicians and deputy-assistant magicians. The duty of these officers
should be to exhibit signs and wonders. Mr. Anderson might perhaps be
induced to undertake the control of the machine tricks and general magic;
Mr. Home would do the spiritual business, and could astonish the native
mind with the sight of elephants floating in the air, or could terrify a
negro potentate by tweaking his nose at a durbar by invisible fingers. One
of the deputy-assistant magicians should be a pyrotechnist, whose duty
would be to light up the camp with unearthly fire, and to place strange
portents in the midnight sky. Certainly, had this department been
organised before the expedition began, and had a few of its officers been
present, we might have dispensed with several regiments, and the cost of
the expedition would have been greatly lessened, however munificent the
remuneration of the chiefs of the department might have been. Should
Government adopt this suggestion, and I have no doubt they will do so, I
shall expect a valuable appointment in the corps.
On the day after the last mail left we were favoured with a _précis_ of
the letters from Magdala which had arrived three days previously. They
contained nothing of any great importance. Gobayze and Menelek were both
near King Theodore; so near, indeed, that the camp-fires of the former
could be seen from Theodore’s camp. They were both evidently afraid to
attack him; but Gobayze had sent him an insulting message, and Theodore
had at once put the unfortunate herald to death. Theodore was making very
slow progress; and it was thought that he would not arrive until the end
of March at Magdala. He was ten hours’ ride from that fortress, which
would mean about twenty-five miles. Even if he travels at half the
reported rate of speed, he will be there before us. The opinion is general
now that we shall have a fight at the end of our journey.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Doullo, February 29.
We arrived here yesterday afternoon, after three days’ marching. On the
26th the troops went from Mai Dehar to Dongollo, fifteen miles; on the
27th to Agula, nine miles; and on the 28th to Doullo, fifteen miles. The
road has lain across a much more undulating country than that over which
we have previously passed. On the first day’s march we had one very long
and steep descent. This tried the mules; and many were the upsets of
packs, many the tired animals who lay down, and refused to move until
unsaddled, upon the narrow ledge. Fortunately, however, although long and
steep, it was straight, and so the artillery got down with comparative
ease and without any accident. The camp was in a valley, where the water
was very good, and where there was one pool of deep water nearly 200 yards
long, which afforded excellent bathing. There were a good many fish in it,
and several were caught of over a pound in weight. This is curious, as it
shows that the Abyssinians are by no means skilful fishermen; for Mr.
Speedy tells me that during his residence in the country he never saw nor
heard of a fish more than three inches long being caught.
The next day’s march was a short and rather easy one. The last was not
only long, but it had some very long and difficult ascents and descents;
indeed, it was one succession of hills for the whole distance. The country
has throughout been thinly populated. We have come across several ruined
villages, which have probably been destroyed in the constant wars which
are raging in this country. The churches, however, have generally been
respected; and whenever a really fine clump of trees is to be seen, there
is always a church to be found in their shade. Where the villages have
been destroyed, the churches are of course deserted, and are more or less
falling into ruins. This camp is pitched in a wide valley, and we are
procuring more supplies than usual from the natives. Yesterday we bought
1500lb. of grain, and to-day we are obtaining an even larger supply.
Grass, however, is comparatively scarce, and the water is by no means
good. Cattle, as usual, are in abundance. We are going on again to-morrow,
and shall reach the camp beyond Antalo in two days. I hear very good
accounts of the state of the supplies there, and am told that we have
bought, in addition to grain, &c., considerable quantities of flour and
bread.
This is by far the most satisfactory intelligence we have yet received
since we landed in Abyssinia, and if these supplies continue to come in,
it will very greatly shorten the duration of our campaign. The great
question is to accumulate supplies sufficient for us to march to Magdala.
As long as we have to consume the supplies the mules bring up, the process
of accumulation must be a very long one. Flour and meat are the only two
articles of diet which are of material weight. The preserved vegetables,
tea, sugar, and salt, amount together to under six ounces per diem per
man; and one mule would therefore carry the rations of 500 men of these
articles. When we reach Antalo and join the advanced force our number will
not exceed 1200 Europeans, and 50 mules will carry three weeks’ rations
for them, exclusive of meat, which we can always purchase, flour, and rum.
At present the ration of rum is one drachm a day, but it is possible that
at any moment this may be stopped; and it is at all events probable that
no rum will be carried beyond Antalo. If, therefore, we can purchase flour
and meat along the march, and the Europeans of the advance force number
3000, we shall only require six mules a day to carry their rations, or 186
mules for a month’s supply. Of course this calculation will not hold good
for our journey, as it is most improbable that we shall succeed in getting
flour or bread along the road; but if we can only buy sufficient
quantities for our consumption while we are stopping at Antalo, it will be
an immense relief to the transport-train. The native bread is not at all
bad. It is baked in cakes about an inch thick and eight inches in
diameter. It is dark in colour, and sometimes sour; but I have tasted some
as good bread as one could wish to eat. The price I have paid here is a
dollar for five of these loaves, weighing about a pound and a half each.
Wood is very scarce, a dollar being charged for four bundles of sticks
weighing under ten pounds a bundle.
The pause of to-day is made partly to enable the artillery to repair a
wheel of one of their store-wagons, which broke in coming down the last
descent, partly to rest the animals, which now, after four days’ work,
greatly needed a day’s rest. We require more cavalry with us. The 3d
Native Cavalry have had tremendously hard work; what with marching and
picket-duty, the men never get more than two nights in the week in bed,
and sometimes not more than one. It is surprising how the animals, with so
great an amount of work and with insufficient food, keep in such good
condition as they are at present. All the animals will, however, be
improved by a short stay at Antalo.
The weather has very much changed since we left Ad Abaga. We have a strong
and really cold north-wind blowing all day, and between five and eight
o’clock of an evening it is most cutting. At night it drops; and the
temperature is then not so cold as it was either at Senafe or Attegrat.
The natives generally are affected with coughs and colds; and the amount
of coughing which goes on at night in the vicinity of our tent is both
astonishing and disagreeable.
Sir Charles Staveley came up from Zulla, and joined us on the day of our
leaving Ad Abaga. He has taken command of the advanced brigade. I hear
that, owing to the quantities of stores taken up by the trains which
accompanied General Collings’s column and our own, the supplies at Senafe
and other places along the line were very low; so much so, that the troops
who were ordered up have been kept back at Zulla until further stores
could be accumulated. I trust that by this time a large stock has been
collected at Senafe, as Captain Griffiths, who commanded the portion of
the transport-train which went forward with General Collings’s column, has
just passed downward with his mules to fetch up another supply.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Antalo, March 4th.
When I wrote, four days since, from Doullo, I mentioned that we had news
of flour and other stores being purchased in considerable quantities at
Antalo, and that if supplies continued to come in, the prospects of the
expedition would be altogether changed. But I certainly did not anticipate
that we should be able to advance from here under three weeks or a month.
Two days before we arrived here, indeed, there were rumours of a much
earlier move than had been anticipated; and an order was issued that in
all probability we should be compelled to go forward without either rum,
tea, or sugar. Of course everyone is prepared to make great sacrifices,
and to submit to every hardship which may be absolutely necessary. Every
reduction of kit, the dismissal of the native followers, and the
diminution of carriage, has been received not only without a murmur, but
with actual satisfaction by everyone. The reductions were felt to be
necessary; for in no other way would it be possible to penetrate this
inhospitable country. It was considered probable that beyond Lât we should
have to go without tents, and with only a blanket and one change of
clothes; and I have not heard an expression of repugnance or complaint at
the prospect: but this order to proceed without rum, tea, or sugar, was
received with the gravest dissatisfaction by men and officers of all
ranks. It was not as a matter of comfort that it was objected to, but as a
matter of health. Rum is an article difficult of carriage, and can be
dispensed with; sugar also might be done without; but tea is upon a
campaign like this an absolute necessity, if the men are to have no rum.
It is not that the tea is nice, for it certainly is not; it is positively
nasty. It bears no resemblance whatever to the herb we drink in England as
tea; at the same time it is an absolute essential. The mornings and nights
are very cold; the troops are on the move at half-past five in the
morning, when everything is saturated with dew; they are hard at work all
day; their picket-duty is very severe; and to give them with their
breakfast in the morning and their supper at the end of their day’s work
nothing but cold water to drink, was simply to send the whole army into
hospital. Were the water good, the results might not have been so
disastrous, but it is almost always drawn from stagnant pools, and is the
reverse of wholesome. Officers generally drink the water only after
filtering, but the men never think of taking the trouble. Boiling the
water is no doubt even superior in its effect to filtering it; but the men
would certainly not boil the water if they had nothing to put in it. They
would drink nothing but impure water, which in a country where the changes
in temperature are so great and so sudden as they are here, would most
certainly bring on dysentery in a very short time. The privation of their
rum would in itself be much felt among the men. They have all been some
years in India, where rum forms part of a soldier’s regular ration. They
are accustomed to its use, and no doubt would feel somewhat its sudden
privation. Had they been troops fresh from England, it would have mattered
comparatively little. Our adjutant-general, Colonel Thesiger, is a total
abstainer; I believe that is the polite expression for a teetotaller. Of
course his theory is, that men are much better without spirits; and the
present will be a great opportunity for testing the effects of a Maine
Law. I believe, however, that officers and men would give up their rum and
their sugar without a murmur where tea is but allowed them; but I am sure
that bad water alone will lay up half the troops. Nor will there be any
saving in carriage by leaving tea behind. We shall have to take a greater
weight of medicines than we should of the tea. The reason given for thus
leaving behind what everyone feels to be, bad as it is, the most precious
portion of our stores, was, that we can procure any amount of native
carriage, but that the natives will only carry flour and grain, and refuse
to undertake the carriage of rum, sugar, and tea, partly because of the
greater responsibility, and partly because of the shape of the barrels and
casks, which are inconvenient to pack upon the little oxen and donkeys.
Everyone asks, Have we, then, no carriage of our own? Have we no available
transport-mules besides those carrying the tents? One mule will carry from
150 to 200 pounds weight, which would give 500 men their day’s ration of
tea. The advance brigade will not contain much over 3000 men, and
consequently fifty mules will carry two months’ rations of tea for them;
and it is an extraordinary thing if, out of the 15,000 baggage-animals in
the transport-train, fifty cannot be spared to carry an article which
everyone feels to be all-important both for the health and comfort of the
troops. I am sure that Sir Robert Napier himself consented with the
greatest reluctance to the proposition, and that he shares in the general
satisfaction which is experienced at the report that the commissariat find
that some of the natives are consenting to take on tea, if it is packed in
skins or in stout bags, and that therefore a proportion of tea will at any
rate be taken on.
I began this letter by saying that the news of the purchase of flour and
grain would, if true, completely change the whole prospect of the
expedition. I am happy to say that the news we heard is now more than
verified, and that the commissariat are purchasing at the rate of 12,000
lbs. or 14,000 lbs. of flour a day. In addition to this, they are buying
sufficient bread for the daily consumption of the troops. Very large
convoys of native baggage-animals have also come in during the last few
days, and we find ourselves with two months’ provision of all kinds, and
four months’ provision of flour already in hand for the whole of the
advanced division. This is a more forward state of things than I expected
to have seen in another two months, and entirely alters the prospect of
the campaign. Had we found the same dearth of food here which we
experienced all along the line, we must have waited so long that it would
have been an impossibility to have returned before the rain. Now there is
a chance of our so doing.
Sanguine spirits even mention the 1st of April as the probable day for
reaching Magdala. If we are there at the end of the first week in April,
we shall, should Theodore await us and no hitch occur, start upon our
return march by the 15th, pass through this place by the 7th of May, and
be at Zulla in another month, that is, before the rains begin. I have,
however, seen so many unforeseen obstacles, so many unavoidable delays
occur since we first landed, that I cannot put any faith in this sudden
express speed. When we arrived here two days since, the intention was that
we should march on the 6th. I hear that our advance is now postponed, at
any rate, until the 9th; and I should not be surprised if we were here for
a week after that date. The fact is, no one knows anything whatever about
the roads in front of us. All travellers, with one exception, who have
journeyed here have turned to the right at Antalo, and have gone down the
valley to Socota. The one exception is Dr. Krapf, and his report of the
road is far too vague to be of any practical utility. It only requires a
look to the southward of this camp to give us a notion of the country we
are going to travel through. A chain of rugged mountains with peak rising
beyond peak extends in an unbroken line. Over or through them we have
somehow to get, and at present we know next to nothing about them.
A pioneer force of two companies of the 33d, some of the Beloochees, some
Punjaub pioneers, sappers, and miners, and the Scinde horse have gone on
ahead to make roads, and the reports we have at present received from them
are the reverse of favourable.
Lât is our next halting-place; and until we hear that the road to that
place is practicable for mules, it is no use advancing from here, where we
are living upon the country and consuming no stores.
I now return to the narrative of our march here. From Doullo to Icullot
was only an eight-miles’ march across a by-no-means difficult country. The
next march on to this place was twelve miles, and the country was very
undulating; but such an excellent road had been made by the advanced
brigade that the mules had no difficulty whatever in crossing it. This
road was better than anything we have traversed since we left Senafe. The
Commander-in-chief, however, did not go by the same route, but turned off
to visit Chalicote, a considerable town lying a little distance out of the
line of march.
Chalicote is more prettily situated than any town we have hitherto seen.
It lies in a well-wooded valley. The church is in precisely the same style
as that at Attegrat, with frescoes drawn apparently by the same hand. I so
fully described the church at Attegrat, that any details respecting this
would be superfluous.
The Chief was accompanied by some of his staff, and by Mr. Holmes, of the
British Museum, who had hoped to acquire some old manuscripts there,
especially as he had heard of one said to be of great value, and bound in
silver gilt. It turned out, however, to be quite modern; and up to the
present time Mr. Holmes, although he has been indefatigable in his search,
has not succeeded in finding any manuscript of great antiquity; he has,
however, heard of some at a place a little distant from our line of march,
which he hopes to acquire upon our return, and which, if they correspond
to the description given of them, will be of very great value. It was
hardly to be expected that, skirting as the line of march does upon the
very edge of the table-land of Abyssinia—a portion of the country remote
from the principal towns, and exposed to the constant devastation of
border warfare—any remains of very great antiquity would be met with. Had
our course led through Axoum, which was the capital of that strange Greek
possession of which Adulis or Zulla was the seaport, we might have
expected some interesting discoveries to have taken place. There is yet a
possibility that we may see Axoum; for although, if there is any chance of
getting out of the country before the rainy season, we shall of course
make every effort to get back in time, there is a rumour that, if we are
obliged to pass the wet season here, a portion of the force will go back
by Axoum and Adowa.
This camp is called Antalo, but it is a mere name of courtesy, like that
of a good many English railway-stations. It is nearly six miles from the
town of Antalo, going by the most direct and most difficult road; eight
miles fully by the more accessible path. The position of Antalo was
certainly selected more with a view to its defensibility than for its
convenience. It lies upon a small undulating plain six or seven hundred
feet above the general level of the valley, and at the foot of a very
lofty and precipitous hill which rises nearly sheer up fifteen hundred
feet above it. This hill is accessible only at one or two places, and
walls are built across them; so that it forms a safe retreat for the
inhabitants of Antalo in the event of their being attacked by a superior
force. This hill fortress is called Amba Antalo. A position such as this
is no unnecessary protection in this part of the country, for Antalo lies
at the very edge of the territory of the warlike Gallas. These tribes,
whenever their harvest is a bad one, gather together and make a foray upon
the villages of the plain, and sweep off crops and cattle. Everywhere on
the plain are ruined villages, which attest the frequency and ferocity of
these forays; and Antalo itself has evidently, and at no very distant
time, contained four times as large a population as it does at present. I
rode over there the day before yesterday to the weekly fair.
I described fully the market at Attegrat in a former letter; and as this
was precisely the same scene upon a rather larger scale, I have little to
add to what I then said. Very large quantities of flour were brought in,
and the commissariat secured a considerable supply. Numbers of mules,
donkeys, and cattle were also there. The small-goods market too was
crowded, and herbs and grain of all sorts—onions, chillies, cloth, and
most of the other articles I mentioned as having seen at Attegrat—were
here, with the exception only of pumpkins, of which I did not see a single
specimen. I, however, bought three pounds of coffee, which I look upon as
a great prize, as it will be a change from the excessively bitter herb
termed by courtesy tea. The commissariat have purchased a considerable
quantity of coffee, and I am told we shall find it much more plentiful as
we go forward. This will be a very great boon for the men.
I think that the people here are more merry and full of fun than those at
Attegrat; they enter, or rather attempt to enter, into conversation much
more freely, and really seem anxious to do anything for one. I had at
least a dozen of them yesterday all talking together, and endeavouring to
make out what I wanted to find out about some small packets of lead-ore
which were used as a medium of exchange. It was a rich flaky ore,
containing quite eighty per cent of lead, and marking paper freely. I was
very desirous of finding out which part of the country it came from; but
neither my pantomime nor the united endeavours of the lookers-on to
understand me availed to elicit the required information.
During my progress through the country I have not seen any sign of mineral
ground, with the exception of some very rich samples of ironstone. During
the last three or four days’ march the formation has changed several times
from sandstone to a hard blue limestone, and _vice versâ_. On the faces of
these bare hills it would be easy even at a distance to detect the change
of colour or the rising ridges which generally indicate the existence of a
vein of mineral; but, as I have said, although I have carefully examined
the country as I passed through it, I have seen no mineral indication
whatever.
To return to the fair. The scene, as at Attegrat, was very amusing; and
the attitude of the groups—the women sitting about everywhere with their
baskets, the men leaning upon their spears, the cattle standing about in
groups—the whole scene reminded me strongly of an Irish fair, barring only
the absence of the friendly pig, with his agonised shriek of expostulation
and disgust.
Antalo consists of four or five villages, each standing upon the summits
of small rises. They were formerly connected together, and even now are
surrounded by ruined huts. The last blow Antalo suffered was three years
ago, when it was attacked by the Gallas, incited and led by a rebel
against Kassa, named Waldo Yasus. Both Antalo and the villages on the
plains suffered greatly at that time; and a terrible attack of cholera,
which swept over the country shortly afterwards, completed their ruin. The
houses have all high conical roofs, thatched with rushes. Each house has a
courtyard surrounded by a high wall. The women here are less picturesque
in dress and less pleasing in feature than those of Attegrat. Their
morality is lax in the extreme. “A virtuous woman is a crown to her
husband:” I fear there are very few crowned heads in Abyssinia. I had left
my horse at the foot of the ascent from the plain up to Attegrat, and had
walked the last two miles. It was a very hot day, and one of our first
inquiries upon reaching the fair was for “tedge.” We were conducted to
what answered to a public-house. Here we entered, and passing through a
sort of outer passage, found ourselves in almost outer darkness. It was
some time before we could see sufficiently to avail ourselves of the
invitation to be seated, but presently descried two seats or couches,
built up of stone and covered with skins. The room was semicircular in
form, and very lofty, going up to the thatched roof, which was lined with
bamboo; on either side were small chambers, which appeared devoted to
miscellaneous purposes; for after we had been some minutes in the place,
and were able to see a little, we made out that a donkey was standing
placidly at the door of one of these chambers, and that a goat and a
fireplace were the principal articles of furniture in the other. The walls
of the room were smoothly plastered, and as an abode it no doubt possessed
the advantage of coolness, even in the hottest weather. Tedge, as I have
before said, is a liquor made from fermented honey and water, with herbs,
and tastes like a mixture of small beer and lemonade made from mouldy
lemons, and was brought in in a flask very like a Lucca oil-flask, but
rather flatter, and with a larger neck. From the neck of this flask we
drank by turns; and as it did not hold more than half a pint, and as we
were four in number and the day was hot, we demanded more. It seems that
no more was strained; so a large jar was brought, the wife of the
proprietor put a fold of her very dirty garment over its mouth, and
strained the liquor through it into the flask, and we drank it. In calmer
moments and in other climes, it is probable that we should not have done
so—probable even that a feeling of sickness would have overpowered us. I
am happy to say, however, that the army in Abyssinia has altogether
overcome any feeling of squeamishness. I have seen some rum drank in which
several cockroaches had committed suicide; and I have assisted to eat
honey which was black with ants whose appetites had caused their untimely
death. As for cooking, I confess that I avoid the cooking-fires. I have
seen sights which have tried my philosophy to the utmost, and am now quite
content to eat the very excellent dinners our servants prepare from
rations, and not to think of the processes the meat has undergone. My
tent-companion and myself pride ourselves much upon our cooks. They are
two Goa Portuguese, and are, we flatter ourselves, beyond all comparison
the best cooks in camp. Their soups are excellent, their cutlets the best
I ever tasted, their preserved potatoes, baked in cakes, delicious. They
sent up birds in as good a style as I can get them in a London club. Their
pumpkin-pie—when we could get pumpkins—was the talk of camp; the fame of
their baked sheep’s head, with brain cutlets, came to the ears of Sir
Robert Napier himself. Imagine, then, our feelings, when the stern decree
was emanated—all native servants whatever are to be sent away; each
officer is to carry 75 lb. of luggage, including bed, cooking-utensils,
and plates and dishes; and three officers are to be allotted to each
bell-tent. Heads of departments only are to be allowed a bell-tent between
two. At first we had believed that this order did not apply to us; that
having our own baggage-animals, and providing our forage, &c. at our own
cost, and the tent being our own property, we thought that it was a matter
which concerned no one but ourselves as to what or who we took on with us.
But we were deceived. Quartermaster-generals, eager to effect the greatest
possible cutting down, had their eyes upon the special correspondents and
the scientific gentlemen who accompany the camp; and we were officially
informed that we must be amenable to the same rules as others. We pointed
out that we found our own carriage, and therefore that the weight we
carried mattered to no one; but were sternly informed that if we purchased
grain for our animals, there was so much the less available for the public
service. To a certain extent this was true; and so we said that we were
ready to go on with the weight that other officers were allowed, but that
the tent in the first place was our own, and that it would be quite
impossible for three men to write in a tent together. We were ready,
therefore, to carry less than the permitted 75 lbs. of baggage, in order
to have half a tent each; so that our total kit, including tent, would not
exceed the prescribed 140 lbs. Our friends in the quartermaster department
were quite unable to grant us this request, and it was only upon a
personal application to Sir Robert Napier that we gained our point, as,
upon our stating the case, he at once consented to our retaining our own
tent to ourselves. The next question was that of servants. “All servants
to be sent back, a grass-cutter only being allowed for each horse.” At
first we thought we should be obliged to send our servants back.
Fortunately, however, a grass-cutter is allowed for each horse; and as we
have each two horses, we have retained our cooks under the title of
grass-cutters for our second horses. We are not singular in our
management, and there are very few staff-officers who have not managed in
some such manner to retain their servants. The fact is, that a rule of
this sort bears very much more hardly upon a staff-officer, or a civilian
living as we are, than it does upon a regimental officer. A
soldier-servant is allotted to each officer upon application, and
regimental officers who pick handy men from their own companies, and who
live three in a tent, have their three soldier-servants between them as
usual. It is far otherwise with a staff-officer: he may obtain a
soldier-servant from a regiment; but that soldier does not know him, and
will not work for him as he will for his own officer. In the next place,
the soldier has certain regimental work to do, which will take him away
from his master’s tent for a considerable portion of the day; and lastly,
a staff-officer is liable to be sent away on duty from the camp where the
regiment to which his servant belongs is stationed. In our own case a
soldier-servant would be useless; we might wish at any moment to push on
to the pioneer force, or to accompany the Commander-in-chief upon a short
expedition, and we should then be left without any servant whatever. At
any rate, the order is generally evaded. Were it not that two months must
elapse before a copy of this letter can come out to us, I should not speak
so freely upon this point, as we should be having a special committee of
officers of the quarter-master-general’s department assembling to consider
the question of “evasion of the general order relating to servants by
officers and civilians attached to the army.”
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Antalo, March 7th.
I am happy to say that Major Minion, of the commissariat, arrived here
early this morning with a large convoy, carrying among other stores a
large quantity of rum; and it is now finally decided that a certain
quantity of both rum and tea shall be served out daily to the troops on
the advance. This happy state of things has been principally brought about
by the energetic remonstrances of all the medical officers, and by their
representation of the disastrous effect which the sudden privation of tea
and rum would have upon the health of the troops, especially under the
circumstances of the water being so bad. Sir Robert Napier himself was, I
know, most averse to so extreme a measure; and nothing but the most urgent
feeling of the necessity of pushing on in the lightest and most speedy
manner could have induced him to consent to it; and I am sure that he is
as pleased as anyone that he is able to continue the issue of what are
really essentials to the soldiers.
It is still intended that we shall march on the 9th instant; indeed,
orders were issued for a forward movement for both yesterday and to-day.
The orders were, however, countermanded, for the road is not practicable
for more than one day’s march. As to the state of the road beyond, we
receive contradictory reports. Colonel Phayre, with his usual happy,
sanguine way of seeing things, states, I hear, that it is not a very bad
road; while the engineer officer, on the other hand, reports that it will
require a great deal of work to make it practicable for baggage-animals,
especially for the elephants with the guns. The reason why the order was
given for the troops to march forward at once was, that Colonel Phayre
sent in to say that Waldo Yasus, the destroyer of Antalo, had sent in to
say that he should oppose our passage. It caused quite an excitement for a
time. But I learn to-day that Brigadier-general Field, who commands the
pioneer forces, has sent in a letter to say that the whole thing is a
mistake, and that Waldo Yasus is perfectly friendly, and that some of the
Scindees have already gone on.
M. Munzinger, whose name I have frequently had occasion to mention as
French consul at Massowah, and as accompanying the force as political
adviser and interpreter, has gone on ahead on a mission to Gobayze. M.
Munzinger has been some years in the country; he has married an Abyssinian
woman, and owns villages and land near here. He is therefore well known to
the natives, speaks their language, and is in every respect very well
fitted for an expedition of this sort. On the other hand, there is some
dissatisfaction among members of the staff, who say that an officer ought
to have been selected for a mission of such importance, and should of
course have been accompanied by an interpreter. It is urged, too, that the
French look with great jealousy at our proceedings, and that their
interests are totally opposed to our own; and that therefore a gentleman,
however eligible in other respects, who is a French official should not
have been intrusted with so important a mission. From all I have heard of
M. Munzinger, I think there need be no objection upon the latter score;
but I confess that I agree with those who think that a British
officer—Major Grant, for instance—ought to have gone as our ambassador, or
at least should have accompanied M. Munzinger. M. Munzinger was, I
believe, sent forward by Colonel Merewether without Sir Robert Napier’s
knowledge. As M. Munzinger went forward, he had an interview with Waldo
Yasus, who expressed some little fear that we, as the friends of Kassa,
might intend to attack his amba, or fort, which stands on a lofty rock
immediately beside the defile through which we pass. M. Munzinger,
however, tranquillised him upon that score, and assured him that we should
in no way interfere with any dissensions in the country. Waldo expressed
himself as perfectly satisfied. M. Munzinger has now nearly reached Lake
Ashangi, and his report of the road is decidedly favourable.
The gentleman to whom this expedition is most greatly indebted, and who
has done infinitely more with the natives than the whole of our so-called
politicals and interpreters put together, is Mr. Speedy. I have already
mentioned that Mr. Speedy was sent for from New Zealand to accompany the
expedition, Sir Stafford Northcote having strongly recommended him to Sir
Robert Napier. The summons arrived somewhat unexpectedly to Mr. Speedy,
for he had already written to Colonel Merewether volunteering his
services, which had been declined by that officer. Mr. Speedy, however,
came off in three days after he received General Napier’s communication.
His services here have been simply invaluable. Almost every useful
negotiation with the natives has been conducted by him. He speaks the
language exceedingly well, and is unwearied in his work. He hears
complaints, receives chiefs, and is in fact at present our great medium of
communication with the natives. He may be said to have completely
extinguished the little light of our former politicals. Unquestionably he
would have been the man to have sent to Gobayze; but even had not Colonel
Merewether sent off his emissary, M. Munzinger, without consulting Sir
Robert Napier, the Commander-in-chief would not have parted with Mr.
Speedy, who is now his right-hand in all his communications with the
natives. Among the other stores which have arrived to-day is some tobacco.
The quantity is quite insufficient for the wants of the troops during
their advance; but even a small supply per man will be a very great boon,
for at present there is hardly any tobacco left among them. Even the
officers’ supplies are beginning to run short, and they as well as the men
will soon be reduced to smoke the country tobacco, which is a disgusting
mixture of tobacco and cow-dung formed into flat cakes.
The generals of the advanced force are Brigadier-general Field (who has
only just been promoted), who commands the pioneer force;
Brigadier-general Schneider, who has the first brigade; and
Brigadier-general Wilby the second. Brigadier-general Collings, who has
hitherto commanded the advanced brigade, is to be left behind here. This
has naturally given rise to very strong comment. General Collings is far
senior in the service to any of the men who have been thus chosen for the
post of honour, and he has seen probably as much active service as the
other three officers together. He is in every respect an excellent soldier
and a most popular man; and there is a general feeling that his being thus
passed over is a most undeserved slight, to put it in the mildest form.
There is another reason why he should have certainly formed part of the
advance. The first division is composed almost entirely of Europeans; and
yet two out of the three officers chosen are Indian officers who have
never commanded an English soldier during the whole of their service.
General Collings has not, as far as I have heard, in any way neglected his
duty; and his case is a matter of regret and sympathy with every officer
with whom I have spoken—I mean, of course, outside the charmed pale of the
official circle.
The general health of the troops continues excellent. There have been a
few cases of dysentery, but the hospitals are all but empty.
Antalo is low, that is, in comparison with some of the places we have
marched through: it is little over 6000 feet above the sea, that is, 3000
feet lower than Ad Abaga. The nights are consequently much milder than
those we have lately experienced. The sun is hot between eight and ten in
the morning; but at the latter hour a breeze springs up, which continues
to blow with violence all day, and renders the heat of the sun, which
would otherwise be great, bearable and even pleasant. The spirit of the
troops is no less good than their health. Men who were marching up with
the first wings of the 4th and 33d would suffer anything from sore feet
rather than say a word on the subject, lest they should be left behind.
One case of this illustrates the feeling even more strongly. The day upon
which we marched out from Attegrat, three of the men of the 4th in some
way obtained some liquor, and were convicted of drunkenness upon the line
of march. This is a serious military offence, punishable by fifty lashes;
but Colonel Cameron told them that, as they were all good-conduct men, he
would only punish them by sending them back to the wing behind. The men
all came forward and requested as a favour to be flogged instead of being
left behind. Nothing could speak in stronger terms for the spirit of the
troops than this. I am glad to say that, in consideration of their
previous good conduct, Colonel Cameron felt himself enabled to pardon
them. This fact, in itself, is a better answer to those who argue for the
abolition of corporal punishment in the army than a hundred pamphlets
would be. The only cogent reason of any force which the objectors to
corporal punishment can allege is, that it degrades a soldier in his own
eyes, and that he is good for nothing afterwards. Now, this is not the
case. I have at various times spoken to hundreds of soldiers on the
subject, and their answer is almost invariably the same: “It is not the
punishment in which is the disgrace; it is the crime. If a man is flogged
for stealing, he gets it thrown in his teeth afterwards that he has been
flogged for being a thief; but if he gets a drop too much, and perhaps is
impudent to a sergeant or officer, he may be flogged, but he will never
have it brought up against him as a disgrace afterwards.” The present
instance proves this. These three soldiers, all good-conduct men, who had
seen seven years of service, all considered that there would be much
greater disgrace in being sent to the rear than in being flogged.
There is not very much shooting in this neighbourhood; a few guinea-fowls
and grouse, and an occasional hare, have been bagged, but even these are
scarce. As for the wild-beasts, of which we were to see so much, they
simply are not. The rhinoceroses, who were to dispute the passage of the
defiles; the alligators and hippopotami, who were to lurk around the
watering-places, and to render the fetching a jug of water a service of as
great danger as was the drawing a goblet from the enchanted fountain in
our dear old fairy tales,—all these monsters are unknown here. We hear of
lions, indeed, but somehow they are never found in the parts of the
country we traverse. The hyena and jackal are the only animals met with
which could, even by courtesy, be called wild-beasts. These, indeed,
swarm; and their numerous holes are a serious hindrance and danger to
riders; beyond this they are harmless, and one would as soon think of
shooting a fox as a jackal. Sportsmen are seriously disappointed; almost
everyone has brought out either rifle or gun, and many have carried both.
Now, when our luggage is limited to seventy-five pounds, the weight of
even one rifle, with its bullet-mould and a good stock of lead and powder,
is a very material consideration; and, after the sacrifice of many little
comforts to retain the rifle, it is very hard to find that it is quite
useless. There is still a faint hope that we may find large game near the
Ashangi Lake; but, considering that it is over 5000 feet above the sea, I
can hardly think it is likely that we shall find any large game there,
except perhaps elephants. The owners of fowling-pieces are better off.
There have been few camping-grounds where a good shot might not get a
guinea-fowl or two in an hour’s ramble; and a guinea-fowl well cooked is
one of the best game birds I know. Powder and shot are very valuable;
indeed, they cannot be bought at any price, unless one is fortunate enough
to find some one who, in the readjustment of his baggage, finds that he
cannot possibly carry on all his stock of ammunition.
The plains here are singularly devoid of flowers: I never travelled in any
country, indeed, where there was such a complete absence of wild-flowers;
excepting, of course, the little watered dells, which I have described in
previous letters. There is one solitary sort of flower, however, which I
have met with in the plains in the neighbourhood, and which differs from
any I ever saw before: it is a pea. The flower is of the size and colour
of the “everlasting-pea;” but, instead of growing as a climber, the flower
grows upon its own stalk from the ground. These flowers grow in clusters;
but there are no leaves or stems, with the exception of the flower-stalk
itself, three or four inches in height. The flower has a scent exactly
resembling that of a violet, but less powerful: the seed is contained in a
long, narrow pod, like that of a wallflower.
Scorpions are rather abundant here; and so, I am sorry to say, are white
ants. It is not that one has any peculiar objection to white ants. They
are certainly repulsive-looking insects, with their flabby white bodies
and their big yellow heads, but that is of little consequence; and if they
would but content themselves with walking about the tents and climbing
over everything, as do other ants, together with spiders of every size,
and a few beetles, one would not wish to interfere with their pleasures.
Unfortunately they will not amuse themselves in this harmless way: they
shun the light, and work in darkness, and their work consists in eating
holes in the bottom of one’s portmanteau, or in the waterproof-sheet under
one’s bed, or one’s saddles, or books, or anything else which may come
handy to them.
Now, as we are going to leave most of our portmanteaus and luggage here
until we return, this propensity of theirs becomes a grave inconvenience.
I fancy that we shall find our luggage, when we return, in a very
dilapidated condition. There is only one satisfaction,—our clothes are
rapidly getting into a state beyond which even white ants can effect
little further damage.
The remaining wing of the 4th Regiment arrived two days ago, and the
second wing of the 33d marched in this morning. We have therefore all the
troops now collected in readiness for the forward move, with the exception
only of a portion of the Beloochees, the 3d Dragoon Guards, and the
elephants with the six-inch mortars; together with the elephants to carry
Murray’s guns. All these will, it is said, be here in two or three days.
There is another thing of some slight importance lacking: this is money.
The commissariat have purchased such enormous quantities of flour and
other stores, that the money brought up is exhausted. Fortunately another
treasure-convoy is expected in a day or two.
This morning, at a quarter to six, General Staveley had all the troops out
for a field-day. A deserted village upon a rising ground was attacked and
carried in excellent style; but the manœuvres would have no interest to a
general reader beyond those of any garrison field-day.
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
Antalo, March 11th.
When Colonel Phayre went ahead on the day of our arrival at Antalo, and
reported that the road was rather bad, but not impracticable, every one
looked at the range of peaks ahead of us and had serious misgivings. An
order was issued for our march upon the 7th, and a party of pioneers were
sent on to clear away any slight obstacles which might occur. The report
of their commanding officer as to the state of the road was most
unfavourable, and a wing of the 33d were sent out to assist. In
consequence of the reports which came in, the march was postponed to the
9th, and Captain Macgregor, of the quartermaster’s department, was sent
out to report. On the evening of the 8th a joint report from this officer
and Captain Goodfellow, of the Engineers, was received. It stated, “that
they knew nearly every pass in India, but that in their experience they
had met nothing whatever to compare to this defile, and that the Sooro
pass was child’s-play in comparison. With the 800 men at work, it would,
they calculated, take another ten days’ labour to make it practicable for
mules.” All this time Colonel Phayre was still in front, but his reports
gave us no idea of the true state of things. In the mean time we were
receiving reports from Mr. Munzinger, who, as I stated in my last, had
gone ahead to see Gobayze, and he said that the road, although difficult
in places, was by no means bad. Of course, on the receipt of the reports
of Captains Macgregor and Goodfellow, the march was again postponed.
Everyone was indignant. Sir Robert Napier, I have reason to know, was more
indignant than anyone, for his heart is set upon getting onward as fast as
possible. On the 9th arrived an officer from the front, with the
astounding intelligence that he had just ridden down the other road, which
was known to exist; that it was six miles shorter; it passed over the
mountain range at a point 1500 feet lower than the other, and presented
throughout its whole distance no serious difficulties whatever. This it
appeared, was the very route that Munzinger had travelled, and the
discrepancies between his accounts and the real state of things were at
once explained. At first the news was received with absolute incredulity.
It seemed impossible that the quartermaster-general could have kept the
troops at work for a week upon an impracticable road, when a good one lay
ready at hand. The road, too, which Colonel Phayre had not explored is
called the Royal road, which in itself was sufficient to show that it was
the best and most frequented of the two. But the fact was, our political
officer had heard that a rebel chief had a fortress upon this road; the
same chief whom I mentioned in my last as having been reported by Colonel
Phayre as opposing our way. The man really is perfectly friendly, and was
at first rather more afraid of us than our quartermaster-general was of
him. However, the mere fact of his being there was assumed to be a good
reason for our not taking the road. And so a precious week has been
wasted, and all the labour thrown away. The new road is, of course, not
yet passable for the elephants with the heavy guns, but Sir Robert will
push on with the 4th Regiment and the steel guns, and the 33d and the
pioneer force will set to work and get it in order for the rest of the
force as soon as possible. It is not often that we find a pioneer force
engaged in making a road after the head-quarters and part of the army have
gone by. Our first march is only eight miles. The distance thence up the
pass is nineteen. I believe that the troops will do it in two days, but
that Sir Robert Napier, with an escort, will go straight through to
Attala, in order to judge for himself of the real state of things.