Get a new washerman, and an old barber.
The washerman knows the defects of the village (i.e., he learns
a good deal about the private affairs of the various families,
when receiving and delivering the clothes).
When a washerman gets sick, his sickness must leave him at the
stone. The stone referred to is the large stone, on which the
washerman cleans cloths, and the proverb denotes that, however
sick a washerman may be, his work must be done.
Dhoddi.--Dhoddi, meaning a court or back-yard, cattle-pen, or
sheep-fold, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Devanga,
Koppala Velama, Kama Sale, Mala, and Yanadi.
Dhoddiyan.--A name given by Tamilians to Jogis.
Dhollo.--Dhollo is recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
the same as Doluva. A correspondent informs me that Dhollo is said
to be different from Doluva.
Dhoma (gnat or mosquito).--An exogamous sept of Mala.
Dhondapu (Cephalandra indica).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. The fruit
is one of the commonest of native vegetables, and cooked in curries.
Dhoni (boat).--An exogamous sept of Mila and Oruganti Kapu. In a
paper on the native vessels of South India by Mr. Edge, published in
the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the dhoni is described as
"a vessel of ark-like form, about 70 feet long, 20 feet broad, and
11 feet deep, with a flat bottom or keel part, which at the broadest
place is 7 feet.
"The whole equipment of these rude vessels, as well as their
construction, is the most coarse and unseaworthy that I have ever
seen." The dhoni, with masts, is represented in the ancient lead and
copper coinage of Southern India.
Dhor.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, a few (164) individuals were
returned as "Dher, a low caste of Marathi leather workers." They were,
I gather from the Bombay Gazetteer, Dhors or tanners who dwell in
various parts of the Bombay Presidency, and whose home speech, names
and surnames seem to show that they have come from the Maratha country.
Dhudala (calves).--An exogamous sept of Thumati Golla.
Dhudho (milk).--A sept of Omanaito.
Dhuggani (money).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Dhuliya.--Dhuliya or Dulia is a small class of Oriya cultivators,
some of whom wear the sacred thread, and employ Boishnobs as their
priests. Marriage before puberty is not compulsory, and widows can
remarry. They eat flesh. The dead are cremated. [94] The name is
said to be derived from dhuli, dust, with which those who work in the
fields are covered. Dhuliya also means carriers of dhulis (dhoolies),
which are a form of palanquin.
Didavi.--A sub-division of Poroja.
Digambara (space-clad or sky-clad, i.e., nude).--One of the two main
divisions of the Jains. The Digambaras are said [95] to "regard
absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the
advance of civilisation has compelled them to depart from the practice
of their theory."
Divar.--See Deva.
Diyasi.--An exogamous sept of Dandasi. The members thereof show special
reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets),
garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom
at a wedding are placed outside the house, so that they may be exposed
to it.
Dolaiya.--A title of Doluva and Odia.
Dolobehara.--The name of headmen or their assistants among many Oriya
castes. In some cases, e.g., among the Haddis, the name is used as
a title by families, members of which are headmen.
Doluva.--The Doluvas of Ganjam are, according to the Madras Census
Report, 1891, "supposed to be the descendants of the old Rajahs by
their concubines, and were employed as soldiers and attendants. The
name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit dola, meaning army." The
Doluvas claim to be descended from the Puri Rajahs by their concubines,
and say that some of them were employed as sirdars and paiks under
these Rajahs. They are said to have accompanied a certain Puri Rajah
who came south to wage war, and to have settled in Ganjam. They
are at the present day mainly engaged in agriculture, though some
are traders, bricklayers, cart-drivers, etc. The caste seems to be
divided into five sections, named Kondaiyito, Lenka, Rabba, Pottia,
and Beharania, of which the first two are numerically the strongest
and most widely distributed. Kondaiyito is said to be derived from
kondo, an arrow, and to indicate warrior. The Kondaiyitos sometimes
style themselves Rajah Doluvas, and claim superiority over the other
sections. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "Oriya
Zamindars get wives from this sub-division, but the men of it cannot
marry into the Zamindar's families. They wear the sacred thread,
and are writers." In former days, the title writer was applied to
the junior grade of Civil Servants of the East India Company. It is
now used to denote a copying clerk in an office.
Various titles occur among members of the caste, e.g., Bissoyi,
Biswalo, Dolei, Jenna, Kottiya, Mahanti, Majhi, Nahako, Porida,
Ravuto, Samulo, and Sani.
The ordinary caste council system, with a hereditary headman, seems
to be absent among the Doluvas, and the affairs of the caste are
settled by leading members thereof.
The Doluvas are Paramarthos, following the Chaitanya form of
Vaishnavism, and wearing a rosary of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) beads. They
further worship various Takuranis (village deities), among which
are Kalva, Bagadevi, Kotari, Maheswari, and Manickeswari. They are
in some places very particular regarding the performance of sradh
(memorial ceremony), which is carried out annually in the following
manner. On the night before the sradh day, a room is prepared for
the reception of the soul of the deceased. This room is called pitru
bharano (reception of the ancestor). The floor thereof is cleansed with
cow-dung water, and a lamp fed with ghi (clarified butter) is placed
on it by the side of a plank. On this plank a new cloth is laid for
the reception of various articles for worship, e.g., sacred grass,
Zizyphus jujuba leaves, flowers, etc. In front of the plank a brass
vessel, containing water and a tooth brush of Achyranthes aspera root,
is placed. The dead person's son throws rice and Zizyphus leaves into
the air, and calls on the deceased to come and give a blessing on the
following day. The room is then locked, and the lamp kept burning
in it throughout the night. On the following day, all old pots are
thrown away and, after a small space has been cleaned on the floor
of the house, a pattern is drawn thereon with flour in the form of
a square or oblong with twelve divisions. On each division a jak
(Artocarpus integrifolia) leaf is placed, and on each leaf the son
puts cooked rice and vegetables. A vessel containing Achyranthes
root, and a plank with a new cloth on it, are set by the side of
the pattern. After worship has been performed and food offered,
the cloth is presented to a Brahman, and the various articles used
in the ceremonial are thrown into water.
Domb.--The name Domb or Dombo is said to be derived from the word
dumba, meaning devil, in reference to the thieving propensities
of the tribe. The Dombas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [96] "are a
Dravidian caste of weavers and menials, found in the hill tracts of
Vizagapatam. This caste appears to be an offshoot of the Dom caste
of Bengal, Behar, and the North-Western Provinces. Like the Doms,
the Dombas are regarded with disgust, because they eat beef, pork,
horse-flesh, rats, and the flesh of animals which have died a natural
death, and both are considered to be Chandalas or Pariahs by the
Bengalis and the Uriyas. The Dombs weave the cloths and blankets
worn by the hill people, but, like the Pariahs of the plains, they
are also labourers, scavengers, etc. Some of them are extensively
engaged in trade, and they have, as a rule, more knowledge of the
world than the ryots who despise them. They are great drunkards." In
the Census Report, 1871, it was noted that "in many villages, the
Doms carry on the occupation of weaving, but, in and around Jaipur,
they are employed as horse-keepers, tom-tom beaters, scavengers,
and in other menial duties. Notwithstanding their abject position
in the social scale, some signs of progress may be detected amongst
them. They are assuming the occupation, in many instances, of petty
hucksters, eking out a livelihood by taking advantage of the small
difference in rates between market and market."
"The Dombs," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [97] "are an outcast jungle
people, who inhabit the forests on the high lands fifty to eighty or a
hundred miles from the east coast, about Vizagapatam. Being outcast,
they are never allowed to live within a village, but have their own
little hamlet adjoining a village proper, inhabited by people of
various superior castes. It is fair to say that the Dombs are akin
to the Panos of the adjoining Khond country, a Pariah folk who live
amongst the Khonds, and used to supply the human victims for the
Meriah sacrifices. Indeed, the Khonds, who hold them in contemptuous
inferiority, call them Dombas as a sort of alternative title to
Panos. The Paidis of the adjoining Savara or Saora country are also,
doubtless, kinsmen of the Dombs. [The same man is said to be called
Paidi by Telugus, Dombo by the Savaras, and Pano by the Khonds. It
is noted in the Census Report, 1881, that the Pano quarters in Khond
villages are called Dombo Sai.] In most respects their condition is
a very poor one. Though they live in the best part of the Presidency
for game, they know absolutely nothing of hunting, and cannot even
handle a bow and arrow. They have, however, one respectable quality,
industry, and are the weavers, traders, and money-lenders of the hills,
being very useful as middlemen between the Khonds, Sauras, Gadabas,
and other hill people on the one hand, and the traders of the plains
on the other. I am informed, on good authority, that there are some
Dombs who rise higher than this, but cannot say whether these are,
or are not crosses with superior races. Most likely they are, for
most of the Dombs are arrant thieves. It was this propensity for
thieving, in fact, which had landed some hundreds of them in the jail
at Vizagapatam when I visited that place, and gave me an opportunity
of recording their measurements." The averages of the more important
of these measurements are as follows:--
cm.
Stature 161.9
Cephalic length 18.8
Cephalic breadth 14.3
Cephalic index 75.6
Nasal index 86.5
It is noted by the Missionary Gloyer [98] that the colour of the
skin of the Dombs varies from very dark to yellow, and their height
from that of an Aryan to the short stature of an aboriginal, and that
there is a corresponding variation in facial type.
For the following note on the Dombs, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana
Rao. They are the weavers, traders, musicians, beggars, and
money-lenders of the hills. Some own cattle, and cultivate. The
hill people in the interior are entirely dependent on them for their
clothing. A few Domb families are generally found to each village. They
act as middlemen between the hill people and the Komati traders. Their
profits are said to be large, and their children are, in some places,
found attending hill schools. As musicians, they play on the drum and
pipe. They are the hereditary musicians of the Maharaja of Jeypore. A
Domb beggar, when engaged in his professional calling, goes about
from door to door, playing on a little pipe. Their supposed powers
over devils and witches result in their being consulted when troubles
appear. Though the Dombs are regarded as a low and polluting class,
they will not eat at the hands of Komatis, Bhondaris, or Ghasis. Some
Dombas have become converts to Christianity through missionary
influence.
In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the following sections of the
Dombs are recorded:--Onomia, Odia, Mandiri, Mirgam, and Kohara. The
sub-divisions, however, seem to be as follows:--Mirigani, Kobbiriya,
Odiya, Sodabisiya, Mandiri, and Andiniya. There are also various septs,
of which the following have been recorded among the Odiyas:--Bhag
(tiger), Balu (bear), Nag (cobra), Hanuman (the monkey god), Kochchipo
(tortoise), Bengri (frog), Kukra (dog), Surya (sun), Matsya (fish),
and Jaikonda (lizard). It is noted by Mr. Fawcett that "monkeys, frogs,
and cobras are taboo, and also the sunari tree (Ochna squarrosa). The
big lizard, cobras, frogs, and the crabs which are found in the paddy
fields, and are usually eaten by jungle people, may not be eaten."
When a girl reaches puberty, she remains outside the hut for five
days, and then bathes at the nearest stream, and is presented with
a new cloth. In honour of the event, drink is distributed among her
relatives. Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim
his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. When a proposal of marriage
is to be made, the suitor carries some pots of liquor, usually worth
two rupees, to the girl's house, and deposits them in front of it. If
her parents consent to the match, they take the pots inside, and drink
some of the liquor. After some time has elapsed, more liquor, worth
five rupees, is taken to the girl's house. A reduction in the quantity
of liquor is made when a man is proposing for the hand of his paternal
aunt's daughter, and, on the second occasion, the liquor will only be
worth three rupees. A similar reduction is made in the jholla tonka,
or bride price. On the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied
by his relations, to the bride's home, where, at the auspicious moment
fixed by the Desari, his father presents new cloths to himself and
the bride, which they put on. They stand before the hut, and on each
is placed a cloth with a myrabolam (Terminalia) seed, rice, and a few
copper coins tied up in it. The bridegroom's right little finger is
linked with the left little finger of the bride, and they enter the
hut. On the following day, the newly married couple repair to the home
of the bridegroom. On the third day, they are bathed in turmeric water,
a pig is killed, and a feast is held. On the ninth day, the knots in
the cloths, containing the myrabolams, rice, and coins, are untied,
and the marriage ceremonies are at an end. The remarriage of widows
is permitted, and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his
elder brother.
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that "some
of the Dombus of the Parvatipur Agency follow many of the customs
of the low-country castes, including menarikam (marriage with the
maternal uncle's daughter), and say they are the same as the Paidis
(or Paidi Malas) of the plains adjoining, with whom they intermarry."
The corpses of the more prosperous Dombs are usually cremated. The
wood of the sunari tree and relli (Cassia fistula) may not be used
for the pyre. The son or husband of a deceased person has his head,
moustache, and armpits shaved on the tenth day.
Domb women, and women of other tribes in the Jeypore Agency tracts,
wear silver ear ornaments called nagul, representing a cobra just
about to strike with tongue protruded. Similar ornaments of gold,
called naga pogulu (cobra-shaped earrings), are worn by women of some
Telugu castes in the plains of Vizagapatam.
The personal names of the Dombs are, as among other Oriya castes,
often those of the day of the week on which the individual was born.
Concerning the religion of the Dombs, Mr. Fawcett notes that "their
chief god--probably an ancestral spirit--is called Kaluga. There is
one in each village, in the headman's house. The deity is represented
by a pie piece (copper coin), placed in or over a new earthen pot
smeared with rice and turmeric powder. During worship, a silk cloth,
a new cloth, or a wet cloth may be worn, but one must not dress in
leaves. Before the mangoes are eaten, the first-fruits are offered
to the moon, at the full moon of the month Chitra."
"When," Gloyer writes, "a house has to be built, the first thing is to
select a favourable spot, to which few evil spirits (dumas) resort. At
this spot they put, in several places, three grains of rice arranged in
such a way that the two lower grains support the upper one. To protect
the grains, they pile up stones round them, and the whole is lightly
covered with earth. When, after some time, they find on inspection
that the upper grain has fallen off, the spot is regarded as unlucky,
and must not be used. If the position of the grains remains unchanged,
the omen is regarded as auspicious. They drive in the first post,
which must have a certain length, say of five, seven, or nine ells,
the ell being measured from the tip of the middle finger to the
elbow. The post is covered on the top with rice straw, leaves, and
shrubs, so that birds may not foul it, which would be regarded as
an evil omen. [In Madras, a story is current, with reference to the
statue of Sir Thomas Munro, that he seized upon all the rice depôts,
and starved the people to death by selling rice in egg-shells at one
shell for a rupee, and, to punish him, the Government erected the
statue in an open place, so that the birds of the air might insult
him by polluting his face.] In measuring the house, odd numbers play
an important part. The number four (pura, or full number), however,
forms the proper measurement, whereby they measure the size of the
house, according to the pleasure of the builder. But now the Dissary
(Desari) decides whether the house shall be built on the nandi, dua, or
tia system, nandi signifying one, dua two, and tia three. This number
of ells must be added to the measurement of the house. Supposing that
the length of the house is twelve ells, then it will be necessary to
add one ell according to the nandi system, so that the length amounts
to thirteen ells. The number four can only be used for stables."
"The Dumas," Gloyer continues, "are represented as souls of the
deceased, which roam about without a home, so as to cause to mankind
all possible harm. At the birth of a child, the Duma must be invited
in a friendly manner to provide the child with a soul, and protect it
against evil. For this purpose, a fowl is killed on the ninth day,
a bone (beinknochen) detached, and pressed in to the hand of the
infant. The relations are seated in solemn silence, and utter the
formula:--When grandfather, grandmother, father, or brother comes,
throw away the bone, and we will truly believe it. No sooner does the
sprawling and excited infant drop the bone, than the Dumas are come,
and boisterous glee prevails. The Dumas occasionally give vent to
their ghostly sounds, and cause no little consternation among the
inmates of a house, who hide from fear. Cunning thieves know how to
rob the superstitious by employing instruments with a subdued tone
(dumpftönende), or by emitting deep sounds from the chest. The yearly
sacrifice to a Duma consists of a black fowl and strong brandy. If
a member of a family falls ill, an extraordinary sacrifice has to
be offered up. The Duma is not regarded only as an evil spirit, but
also as a tutelary deity. He protects one against the treacherous
attacks of witches. A place is prepared for him in the door-hinge, or
a fishing-net, wherein he lives, is placed over the door. The witches
must count all the knots of the net, before they can enter. Devil
worship is closely connected with that of the Duma. The devil's
priests, and in rare cases priestesses, effect communion between
the people and the Dumas by a sort of possession, which the spirit,
entering into them, is said to give rise to. This condition, which is
produced by intoxicating drink and the fumes of burning incense, gives
rise to revolting cramp-like contortions, and muscular quiverings. In
this state, they are wont to communicate what sacrifices the spirits
require. On special occasions, they fall into a frenzied state,
in which they cut their flesh with sharp instruments, or pass long,
thin iron bars through the tongue and cheeks, during which operation no
blood must flow. For this purpose, the instruments are rubbed all over
with some blood-congealing material or sap. They also affect sitting
on a sacred swing, armed with long iron nails. [Mr. G. F. Paddison
informs me that he once saw a villager in the Vizagapatam district,
sitting outside the house, while groans proceeded from within. He
explained that he was ill, and his wife was swinging on nails with
their points upwards, to cure him.] The devil called Jom Duto,
or messenger of the going, is believed to be a one-eyed, limping,
black individual, whose hair is twisted into a frightfully long horn,
while one foot is very long, and the other resembles the hoof of a
buffalo. He makes his appearance at the death-bed, in order to drag
his victim to the realm of torture."
Children are supposed to be born without souls, and to be afterwards
chosen as an abode by the soul of an ancestor. The coming of the
ancestor is signalised by the child dropping a chicken bone which
has been thrust into its hand, and much rejoicing follows among the
assembled relations. [99]
Mr. Paddison tells me that some Dombs are reputed to be able to pour
blazing oil over their bodies, without suffering any hurt; and one
man is said to have had a miraculous power of hardening his skin, so
that any one could have a free shot at him, without hurting him. He
further narrates that, at Sujanakota in the Vizagapatam district,
the Dombs, notwithstanding frequent warnings, put devils into two
successive schoolmasters.
Various tattoo devices, borne by the Dombs examined by Mr. Fawcett,
are figured and described by him. "These patterns," he writes,
"were said to be, one and all, purely ornamental, and not in any way
connected with totems, or tribal emblems." Risley, however, [100]
regards "four out of the twelve designs as pretty closely related to
the religion and mythology of the tribe; two are totems and two have
reference to the traditional avocations. Nos. 11 and 12 represent a
classical scene in Dom folk-lore, the story of King Haris-Chandra, who
was so generous that he gave all he had to the poor and sold himself
to a Dom at Benares, who employed him to watch his cremation ground at
night. While he was thus engaged, his wife, who had also been sold for
charitable purposes, came to burn the body of her son. She had no money
to pay her fees, and Haris-Chandra, not knowing her in the darkness,
turned her away. Fortunately the sun rose; mutual recognition followed;
the victims of promiscuous largesse were at once remarried, and Vishnu
intervened to restore the son to life. Tatu No. 11 shows Haris-Chandra
watching the burning-ground by moonlight; the wavy line is the Ganges;
the dots are the trees on the other side; the strokes on either side
of the king are the logs of wood, which he is guarding. In No. 12
we see the sun rising, its first ray marked with a sort of fork,
and the meeting of the king and queen."
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that
"throughout the Jeypore country proper, the Dombus (and some Ghasis)
are by far the most troublesome class. Their favourite crime is
cattle-theft for the sake of the skins, but, in 1902, a Dombu gang in
Naurangpur went so far as to levy blackmail over a large extent of
country, and defy for some months all attempts at capture. The loss
of their cattle exasperates the other hill folk to the last degree,
and, in 1899, the Naiks (headmen) of sixteen villages in the north of
Jeypore taluk headed an organized attack on the houses of the Dombus,
which, in the most deliberate manner, they razed to the ground in some
fifteen villages. The Dombus had fortunately got scent of what was
coming, and made themselves scarce, and no bloodshed occurred. In the
next year, some of the Naiks of the Ramagiri side of Jeypore taluk
sent round a jack branch, a well-recognised form of the fiery cross,
summoning villagers other than Dombus to assemble at a fixed time
and place, but this was luckily intercepted by the police. The Agent
afterwards discussed the whole question with the chief Naiks of Jeypore
and South Naurangpur. They had no opinion of the deterrent effects
of mere imprisonment on the Dombus. 'You fatten them, and send them
back,' they said, and suggested that a far better plan would be to
cut off their right hands. [It is noted, in the Vizagapatam Manual,
1869, that in cases of murder, the Rajah of Jeypore generally had the
man's hands, nose, and ears cut off, but, after all that, he seldom
escaped the deceased's relatives.] They eventually proposed a plan
of checking the cattle-thefts, which is now being followed in much
of that country. The Baranaiks, or heads of groups of villages, were
each given brands with distinctive letters and numbers, and required
to brand the skins of all animals which had died a natural death or
been honestly killed; and the possession by Dombus, skin merchants, or
others, of unbranded skins is now considered a suspicious circumstance,
the burden of explaining which lies upon the possessor. Unless this, or
some other way of checking the Dombus' depredations proves successful,
serious danger exists that the rest of the people will take the
matter into their own hands and, as the Dombus in the Agency number
over 50,000, this would mean real trouble." It is further recorded
[101] that the Paidis (Paidi Malas), who often commit dacoities on
the roads, "are connected with the Dombus of the Rayagada and Gunupur
taluks, who are even worse. These people dacoit houses at night in
armed gangs of fifty or more, with their faces blacked to prevent
recognition. Terrifying the villagers into staying quiet in their huts,
they force their way into the house of some wealthy person (for choice
the local Sondi, liquor-seller and sowcar, [102] usually the only
man worth looting in an agency village, and a shark who gets little
pity from his neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men,
rape the women, and go off with everything of value. Their favourite
method of extracting information regarding concealed property is to
sprinkle the houseowner with boiling oil."
Dommara.--The Dommaras are a tribe of tumblers, athletes, and
mountebanks, some of whom wander about the country, while others
have settled down as agricultural labourers, or make combs out of
the wood of Elæodendron glaucum, Ixora parviflora, Pavetta indica,
Ficus bengalensis, etc., which they sell to wholesale merchants. They
are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [103] "a nomad class of acrobats,
who, in many respects, recall the gipsies to mind, and raise the
suggestion that their name may possibly be connected with the Doms of
Northern India. They speak Telugu, Marathi, and Hindustani, but not
generally Tamil. They are skilful jugglers, and both men and women
are very clever tumblers and tight-rope dancers, exhibiting their
feats as they travel about the country. Some of them sell date mats
and baskets, some trade in pigs, while others, settled in villages,
cultivate lands. In social position they rank just above the Pariahs
and Madigas. They profess to be Vaishnavites [and Saivites]. Infant
marriage is not practiced. Widow remarriage is freely allowed,
and polygamy is common. Their marriage tie is very loose, and their
women often practice prostitution. They are a predatory class, great
drunkards, and of most dissolute habits. The dead are generally buried,
and [on the day of the final death ceremonies] cooked rice is thrown
out to be eaten by crows. In the matter of food, they eat all sorts of
animals, including pigs, cats, and crows." When a friend was engaged
in making experiments in connection with snake venom, some Dommaras
asked for permission to unbury the corpses of snakes and mungooses
for the purpose of food.
The Dommaras are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, summed up as being
buffoons, tumblers, acrobats, and snakecharmers, who travel from place
to place, and earn a precarious living by their exhibitions. In the
Madras Census Report, 1901, Domban, Kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer), and
Arya Kuttadi, are given as synonyms of Dommara. The Kuttadi are summed
up, in the Tanjore Manual, as vagabond dancers, actors, pantomimists,
and marionette exhibitors, who hold a very low position in the social
scale, and always perform in public streets and bazaars.
By Mr. F. S. Mullaly [104] the Dommaras are divided into Reddi or
Kapu (i.e., cultivators) and Aray (Maratha). "The women," he writes,
"are proficient in making combs of horn and wood, and implements used
by weavers. These they hawk about from place to place, to supplement
the profits they derive from their exhibitions of gymnastic feats. In
addition to performing conjuring tricks, rope-dancing and the like,
the Dommaras hunt, fish, make mats, and rear donkeys and pigs. The
head of the tribe is called the Mutli Guru. He is their high priest,
and exercises supreme jurisdiction over them both in spiritual and
temporal matters. His head-quarters is Chitvel in the Cuddapah
district. The legend regarding the office of the Mutli Guru is
as follows. At Chitvel, or as it was then known Mutli, there once
lived a king, who called together a gathering of all the gymnasts
among his subjects. Several classes were represented. Polerigadu,
a Reddi Dommara, so pleased the king that he was presented with a
ring, and a royal edict was passed that the wearer of the ring and
his descendants should be the head of the Dommara class. The ring then
given is said to be the same that is now worn by the head of the tribe
at Chitvel, which bears an inscription in Telugu declaring that the
wearer is the high-priest or guru of all the Dommaras. The office
is hereditary. The dwellings of the Dommaras are somewhat similar
to those of the Koravars and Joghis, made of palmyra leaves plaited
into mats with seven strands. These huts, or gudisays, are located on
the outskirts of villages, and carried on the backs of donkeys when
on the march. Stolen cloths, unless of value, are not as a rule sold,
but concealed in the packs of their donkeys, and after a time worn. The
Dommaras are addicted to dacoity, robbery, burglary, and thefts. The
instrument used by them is unlike those used by other criminal classes:
it is of iron, about a foot long, and with a chisel-shaped point. As
cattle and sheep lifters they are expert, and they have their regular
receivers at most of the cattle fairs throughout the Presidency."
It is noted, in the Nellore Manual, that the Dommaras "are stated by
the Nellore Tahsildar to possess mirasi rights in some villages; that I
take to mean that there is, in some villages, a customary contribution
for tumblers and mendicants, which, according to Wilson, was made in
Mysore the pretext for a tax named Dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki. This
tax, under the name Dombar tafrik, was levied in Venkatagiri in
1801." In the Madura district, Dommaras are found in some villages
formerly owned by zamindars, and they call themselves children of
the zamindars, by whom they were probably patronised.
Being a criminal class, the Dommaras have a thief's language of their
own, of which the following are examples:--
Bidam vadu, Dommara.
Poothi, policeman.
Marigam, pig.
Goparam, seven.
Dasa-masa, prostitute.
Kopparam, salt.
Kaljodu, goldsmith.
The Dommaras are said to receive into their community children of other
castes, and women of doubtful morals, and to practice the custom of
making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes).
The Telugu Dommaras give as their gotra Salava patchi, the name
of a mythological bird. At times of marriage, they substitute a
turmeric-dyed string consisting of 101 threads, called bondhu, for
the golden tali or bottu. The marriage ceremonies of the Are Dommaras
are supervised by an old Basavi woman, and the golden marriage badge
is tied round the bride's neck by a Basavi.
A Dommara, whom I interviewed at Coimbatore, carried a cotton bag
containing a miscellaneous assortment of rubbish used in his capacity
as medicine man and snake-charmer, which included a collection of
spurious jackal horns (nari kompu), the hairs round which were stained
with turmeric. To prove the genuineness thereof, he showed me not only
the horn, but also the feet with nails complete, as evidence that the
horns were not made from the nails. Being charged with manufacturing
the horns, he swore, by placing his hand on the head of a child who
accompanied him, that he was not deceiving me. The largest of the horns
in his bag, he gravely informed me, was from a jackal which he dug out
of its hole on the last new moon night. The possessors of such horns,
he assured me, do not go out with the pack, and rarely leave their
holes except to feed on dew, field rats, etc. These spurious horns
are regarded as a talisman, and it is believed that he who owns one
can command the realisation of every wish. (See Kuruvikkaran.) An
iron ring, which the Dommara was wearing on his wrist, was used as a
cure for hernia, being heated and applied as a branding agent over the
inguinal region. Lamp oil is then rubbed over the burn, and a secret
medicine, mixed with fowl's egg, administered. The ring was, he said,
an ancestral heir-loom, and as such highly prized. To cure rheumatism
in the big joints, he resorted to an ingenious form of dry cupping. A
small incision is made with a piece of broken glass over the affected
part, and the skin damped with water. The distal end of a cow's horn,
of which the tip has been removed, and plugged with wax, does duty for
the cup. A hole is pierced through the wax with an iron needle, and,
the horn being placed over the seat of disease, the air is withdrawn
from it by suction with the mouth, and the hole in the wax stopped
up. As the air is removed from the cavity of the horn, the skin rises
up within it. To remove the horn, it is only necessary to readmit air
by once more boring a hole through the wax. In a bad case, as many as
three horns may be applied to the affected part. The Pitt Rivers Museum
at Oxford possesses dry-cupping apparatus, made of cow horn, from
Mirzapur in Northern India and from Natal, and of antelope horn from an
unrecorded locality in India. In cases of scorpion sting the Dommara
rubbed up patent boluses with human milk or milk of the milk-hedge
plant (Euphorbia Tirucalli), and applied them to the part. For chest
pains he prescribed red ochre, and for infantile diseases myrabolam
(Terminalia) fruits mixed with water. In cases of snake-bite, a black
stone, said to be made of various drugs mixed together, and burnt,
is placed over the seat of the bite, and will, it was stated, drop
off of its own accord as soon as it has absorbed all the poison. It
is then put into milk or water to extract the poison, and the fluid
is thrown away as being dangerous to life if swallowed. As a remedy
for the bite of a mad dog, a plant, which is kept a secret, is mixed
with the milk of a white goat, pepper, garlic, and other ingredients,
and administered internally. A single dose is said to effect a cure.
At Tarikeri in Mysore, a wandering troupe of Are (Maratha) Dommaras
performed before me. The women were decorated with jewels and
flowers, and carried bells on their ankles. The men had a row of bells
attached all round the lower edge of their short drawers. Before the
performance commenced, a Pillayar (Ganesa) was made with cowdung,
and saluted. The entertainment took place in the open air amid the
beating of drums, whistling, singing, and dialogue. The jests and
antics of the equivalent of the circus clown were a source of much
joy to the throng of villagers who collected to witness the tamasha
(spectacle). One of the principal performers, in the waits between his
turns, played the drum, or took a suck at a hooka (tobacco pipe) which
was passed round among the members of the troupe. The entertainment,
in which both men and women took part, consisted of various acrobatic
feats, turning summersaults and catherine wheels, stilt-walking,
and clever feats on the tight rope. Finally a man, climbing up a
lofty bamboo pole, spun himself rapidly round and round on the top
of it by means of a socket in an iron plate tied to his loin cloth,
into which a spike in the pole fitted.
Dondia.--A title of Gaudo.
Donga Dasari.--Dasari (servant of the god), Mr. Francis writes, [105]
"in the strict sense of the word, is a religious mendicant of the
Vaishnavite sect, who has formally devoted himself to an existence
as such, and been formally included in the mendicant brotherhood
by being branded on the shoulders with Vaishnavite symbols." Far
different are the Donga, or thief Dasaris, who receive their name
from the fact that "the men and women disguise themselves as Dasaris,
with perpendicular Vaishnava marks on their foreheads, and, carrying
a lamp (Garuda kambum), a gong of bell-metal, a small drum called
jagata, and a tuft of peacock feathers, go begging in the villages,
and are at times treated with the sumptuous meals, including cakes
offered to them as the disciples of Venkatesvarlu. [106]"
In an interesting article on the Donga Dasaris, Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri
writes as follows. [107] "Quite opposed to the gudi (temple) Dasaris
are Donga Dasaris. They are the most dreaded of the criminal classes
in the Bellary district. In the early years of their settlement in
Bellary, these Donga Dasaris were said to have practiced kidnapping
boys and girls of other castes to strengthen their number, and even
now, as the practice stands, any person can become a Donga Dasari
though very few would like to become one. But, for all that, the
chief castes who furnished members to this brotherhood of robbery
were the scum of the Lingayats and the Kabberas. Of course, none
of the respectable members of these castes would join them, and
only those who were excommunicated found a ready home among these
Donga Dasaris. Sometimes Muhammadan budmashes (bad-mash, evil means
of livelihood) and the worst characters from other castes, also
become Donga Dasaris. The way an alien is made a Donga Dasari is as
follows. The regular Donga Dasaris take the party who wants to enter
their brotherhood to the side of a river, make him bathe in oil, give
him a new cloth, hold a council, and give a feast. They burn a twig
of the sami (Prosopis spicigera) or margosa (Melia Azadirachta) tree,
and slightly burn the tongue of the party who has joined them. This
is the way of purification and acceptance of every new member,
who, soon after the tongue-burning ceremony, is given a seat in the
general company, and made to partake of the common feast. The Donga
Dasaris talk both Telugu and Kanarese. They have only two bedagas
or family names, called Sunna Akki (thin rice) and Ghantelavaru
(men of the bell). As the latter is a family name of the Kabberas,
it is an evidence that members of the latter community have joined the
Donga Dasaris. Even now Donga Dasaris intermarry with Kabberas, i.e.,
they accept any girl from a Kabbera family in marriage to one of their
sons, but do not give one of their daughters in marriage to a Kabbera
boy. Hanuman is their chief god. Venkatesa, an incarnation of Vishnu,
is also worshipped by many. But, in every one of their villages, they
have a temple dedicated to their village goddess Huligavva or Ellamma,
and it is only before these goddesses that they sacrifice sheep or
fowls. Vows are undertaken for these village goddesses when children
fall ill. In addition to this, these Donga Dasaris are notorious for
taking vows before starting on a thieving expedition, and the way these
ceremonies are gone through is as follows. The gang, before starting on
a thieving expedition, proceed to a jungle near their village in the
early part of the night, worship their favourite goddesses Huligavva
or Ellamma, and sacrifice a sheep or fowl before her. They place one
of their turbans on the head of the sheep or fowl that was sacrificed,
as soon as the head falls on the ground. If the turban turns to the
right, it is considered a good sign, the goddess having permitted
them to proceed on the expedition; if to the left, they return home
that night. Hanuman is also consulted in such expeditions, and the
way in which it is done is as follows. They go to a Hanuman temple
which is near their village, and, after worshipping him, garland
him with a wreath of flowers. The garland hangs on both sides of
the neck. If any flowers on the right side drop down first, it is
considered as a permission granted by the god to start on plundering
expeditions, and, conversely, these expeditions are never undertaken
if any flowers happen to drop from the left side first. The Donga
Dasaris start on their thieving raids with their whole family, wife
and children following. They are the great experts in house-breaking
and theft, and children are taught thieving by their mothers when
they are five or six years old. The mother takes her boy or girl
to the nearest market, and shows the child some cloth or vessel,
and asks it to bring it away. When it fails, it is thrashed, and,
when stroke upon stroke falls upon its back, the only reply it is
taught to give is that it knows nothing. This is considered to be
the reply which the child, when it grows up to be a man or woman,
has to give to the police authorities when it is caught in some
crime and thrashed by them to confess. Whenever the Donga Dasaris are
caught by the police, they give false names and false castes. They
have a cipher language among themselves. The Donga Dasari woman is
very loose, but, if she go astray with a Brahman, Lingayat, Kabbera,
Kuruba, Upparava, or Rajput, her tongue is burnt, and she is taken
back into the community. Widow remarriage freely prevails. They avoid
eating beef and pork, but have no objection to other kinds of flesh."
Donga Odde.--The name for Oddes who practice thieving as a profession.
Dongayato.--A sub-division of Gaudo.
Dongrudiya.--A sub-division of Mali.
Dora.--Dora, meaning lord, has been returned as the title of numerous
classes, which include Boya, Ekari, Jatapu, Konda Dora, Mutracha,
Patra, Telaga, Velama, and Yanati. The hill Kois or Koyis of the
Godavari district are known as Koi Dora or Doralu (lords). I am told
that, in some parts of the Telugu country, if one hears a native
referred to as Dora, he will generally turn out to be a Velama;
and that there is the following gradation in the social scale:--
Velama Dora = Velama Esquire.
Kamma Varu = Mr. Kamma.
Kapu = Plain Kapu, without an honorific suffix.
In Southern India, Dorai or Durai (Master) is the equivalent of the
northern Sahib, and Dorasani (Mistress) of Memsahib.
It is noted by Sir A. J. Arbuthnot [108] that "the appellation by which
Sir Thomas Munro was most commonly known in the Ceded districts was
that of Colonel Dora. And to this day it is considered a sufficient
answer to enquiries regarding the reason for any Revenue Rule, that
it was laid down by the Colonel Dora."
Dorabidda, or children of chiefs, is the name by which Boyas, who
claim to be descended from Poligars (feudal chiefs) call themselves.
Dravida.--A sub-division of Kamsala. South Indian Brahmans are called
Dravidas.
Dubaduba.--Recorded, at times of census, as an Oriya form of
Budubudukala.
Duddu (money).--An exogamous sept of Mala.
Dudekula.--The Dudekulas are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [109] as
"Muhammadans who have taken to the trade of cotton-cleaning (dude,
cotton; ekula, to clean). By the Tamils they are called Panjari or
Panjukotti, which have the same significance. Though Muhammadans,
they have adopted or retained many of the customs of the Hindus around
them, tying a tali to the bride at marriage, being very ignorant of
the Muhammadan religion, and even joining in Hindu worship as far as
allowable. Circumcision is, however, invariable, and they are much
given to the worship of Muhammadan saints. In dress they resemble the
Hindus, and often shave off the beard, but do not leave a single lock
of hair upon the head, as most Hindus do. Over three hundred Hindus
have returned their caste as either Dudekula or Panjari, but these
are probably members of other castes, who call themselves Dudekula
as they are engaged in cotton-cleaning."
The Dudekulas are described by Mr. W. Francis [110] as "a Muhammadan
caste of cotton-cleaners, and rope and tape-makers. They are either
converts to Islam, or the progeny of unions between Musalmans and the
women of the country. Consequently they generally speak the Dravidian
languages--either Canarese or Telugu--but some of them speak Hindustani
also. Their customs are a mixture of those of the Musalmans and the
Hindus. Inheritance is apparently according to Muhammadan law. They
pray in mosques, and circumcise their boys, and yet some of them
observe the Hindu festivals. They worship their tools at Bakrid and
not at the Dasara; they raise the azan or Muhammadan call to prayers
at sunset, and they pray at the tombs of Musalman saints." In the
Vizagapatam district, the Dudekulas are described as beating cotton,
and blowing horns.
For the following note on the Dudekulas of the Ceded Districts, I am
indebted to Mr. Haji Khaja Hussain. They claim Bava Faqrud-din Pir
of Penukonda in the Anantapur district as their patron saint. Large
numbers of Muhammadans, including Dudekulas, collect at the annual
festival (mela) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of
a fatiha. This, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of
the Koran, which is repeated when prayers are offered for the souls
of the departed. For this ceremony a pilau, made of flesh, rice and
ghi (clarified butter) is prepared, and the Khazi repeats the chapter,
and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation.
The story of Faqrud-din Pir is as follows. He was born in A.H. 564
(about A.D. 1122), and was King of Seistan in Persia. One day, while
he was administering justice, a merchant brought some horses before him
for sale. His attention was diverted, and he became for a time absorbed
in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses. Awakening from his
reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander when he
was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. He summoned
a meeting of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of
them what was the penalty for his conduct. They unanimously decreed
that he should abdicate. Accordingly he placed his brother on the
throne, and, becoming a dervish, came to India, and wandered about
in the jungles. Eventually he arrived at Trichinopoly, and there met
the celebrated saint Tabri-Alam, whose disciple he became. After his
admission into holy orders, he was told to travel about, and plant
his miswak wherever he halted, and regard the place where it sprouted
as his permanent residence. The miswak, or tooth-brush, is a piece
of the root of the pilu tree (Salvadora persica), which is used by
Muhammadans, and especially Fakirs, for cleaning the teeth. When Bava
Faqrud-din arrived at Penukonda hill, he, as usual, planted the miswak,
which sprouted. He accordingly decided to make this spot his permanent
abode. But there was close by an important Hindu temple, and the idea
of a Muhammadan settling close to it enraged the Hindus, who asked
him to leave. He not only refused to do so, but allowed his disciples,
of whom a number had collected, to slaughter a sacred bull belonging
to the temple. The Hindus accordingly decided to kill Faqrud-din and
his disciples. The Raja collected an armed force, and demanded the
restoration of the bull. Faqrud-din ordered one of his disciples to
bring before him the skin, head, feet and tail of the animal, which
had been preserved. Striking the skin with his staff, he exclaimed
"Rise, Oh! bull, at the command of God." The animal immediately rose
in a complete state of restoration, and would not leave the presence
of his preserver. Alarmed at this miracle, the Hindus brandished their
swords and spears, and were about to fall on the Muhammadans, when a
dust-storm arose and blinded them. In their confusion, they began to
slay each other, and left the spot in dismay. The Raja then resolved to
kill the Muhammadans by poisoning them. He prepared some cakes mixed
with poison, and sent them to Faqrud-din for distribution among his
disciples. The saint, though he knew that the cakes were poisoned,
partook thereof of himself, as also did his disciples, without any
evil effect. A few days afterwards, the Raja was attacked with colic,
and his case was given up by the court physicians as hopeless. As a
last resort, he was taken before Faqrud-din, who offered him one of
the poisoned cakes, which cured him. Falling at his feet, the Raja
begged for pardon, and offered the village of Penukonda to Faqrud-din
as a jaghir (annuity). This offer was declined, and the saint asked
that the temple should be converted into a mosque. The Raja granted
this request, and it is said that large numbers of Hindus embraced
the Muhammadan religion, and were the ancestors of the Dudekulas.
The Dudekulas, like the Hindus, like to possess some visible symbol
for worship, and they enrol great personages who have died among the
number of those at whose graves they worship. So essential is this
grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is erected in
the name of some saint. Such a thing has happened in recent times in
Banganapalle. A Fakir, named Alla Bakhsh, died at Kurnool. A Dudekula
of the Banganapalle State visited his grave, took away a lump of earth
from the ground near it, and buried it in a village ten miles from
Banganapalle. A shrine was erected over it in the name of the saint,
and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at
it. An annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers
of Muhammadans and Dudekulas.
Some Dudekulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be
Hindu, are really Muhammadan. For example, Kambannah is a corruption
of Kamal Sahib, and Sakali, which in Telugu means a washerman, seems
to be an altered form of Sheik Ali. Though Dudekulas say that they are
Muhammadans of the Sheik sect, the name Sheik is only occasionally
used as a prefix, e.g., Sheik Hussain or Sheik Ali. Names of males
are Hussain Sa, Fakir Sa, and Khasim Sa. Sa is an abbreviated form of
Sahib. One old Dudekula stated that the title Sahib was intended for
pucka (genuine) Muhammadans, and that the Dudekulas could not lay claim
to the title in its entirety. Instead of Sa, Bhai, meaning brother,
is sometimes used as a suffix to the name, e.g., Ghudu Bhai. Ghudu,
meaning ash-heap, is an opprobrious name given to children of those
whose offspring have died young, in the hope of securing long life to
them. The child is taken, immediately after birth, to an ash-heap,
where some of the ashes are sprinkled over it. Some Dudekulas adopt
the Hindu termination appa (father), anna (brother), or gadu, e.g.,
Pullanna, Naganna, Yerkalappa, Hussaingadu, Hussainappa. Typical names
of females are Roshamma, Jamalamma, and Madaramma. They have dropped
the title Bibi or Bi, and adopted the Hindu title amma (mother).
The ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth
day after its birth. The choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly
female member of the family. In some cases, the name of a deceased
ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. If a child dies
prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name,
which is avoided by the family. Very frequently a father and son,
and sometimes two or three brothers, have the same name. In such a
case prefixes are added to their names as a means of distinguishing
them, e.g., Pedda (big), Nadpi (middle), Chinna (little). Sometimes
two names are assumed by an individual, one a Hindu name for every
day use, the other Muhammadan for ceremonial occasions.
The Dudekulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on
the Khazi, by whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has
to be carried out. The Dudekula, like other Muhammadans, is averse
to taking animal life without due religious rites, and the zabh,
or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. One who
is about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning
his teeth and washing his mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and
feet. He should then face the west, and an assistant holds the animal
to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. Water is poured into
its mouth, and the words Bismilla hi Alla hu Akbar uttered. The
operator then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins
are divided. In remote villages, where a Khazi is not available,
the Dudekulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been sanctified by
the Khazi repeating over it the same words from the Koran as are used
when an animal is slaughtered.
The first words which a Muhammadan child should hear are those of the
azan, or call to prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after
birth. This ceremony is observed by those Dudekulas who live in towns
or big villages, or can afford the services of a Khazi. It is noted
by Mr. Francis that the Dudekulas raise the azan at sunset. A few,
who have been through a course of religious instruction at a Madrasa
(school), may be able to do this. A Muhammadan is supposed to raise
the azan five times daily, viz., before sunrise, between noon and 3
P.M., between 4 and 6 P.M., at sunset, and between 8 P.M. and midnight.
At the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the Dudekulas do not,
like other Muhammadans, perform the aguiga ceremony, which consists
of shaving the child's head, and sacrificing a he-goat. Children are
circumcised before the tenth year. On such occasions the Muhammadans
generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and pan-supari
(betel leaf and areca nuts). The Dudekulas simply send for a barber,
Hindu or Muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a
Khazi, if one happens to be available. When a girl reaches puberty,
the Dudekulas invite their friends to a feast. Other Muhammadans,
on the contrary, keep the fact a secret.
At the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pan-supari are taken by
the future bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he
seeks in marriage, the female members of both families, and the girl
herself, are present. This fact shows the absence of the Muhammadan
gosha system among Dudekulas. A Muhammadan wedding lasts over five or
six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the Dudekulas, completed
within twenty-four hours. On the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau
is prepared, and a feast is held at the bridegroom's house. On the
following morning, when it is still dark, the bridegroom, accompanied
by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with beating
of drums and letting off of fireworks. The procession arrives at the
bride's house before sunrise. The Khazi is sent for, and the mahr is
settled. This is a nominal gift settled on the wife before marriage
by the bridegroom. On the death of a husband, a widow has priority of
claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. Two male
witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union,
and to the amount of the mahr. The Khazi, being an orthodox Muhammadan,
treats the Dudekula bride as strictly gosha for the time being, and,
therefore, selects two of her near relatives as witnesses. The lutcha
(marriage badge), consisting of a single or double string of beads,
is brought in a cup filled with sandal paste.
The Khazi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to
the bride with his blessing. It is tied round her neck by the female
relations of the bridegroom, and the marriage rites are over.
The usual Muhammadan form of greeting among Muhammadans is the familiar
"Peace be with you." "And with you be peace." When a Dudekula greets
a Muhammadan, he simply bows, and, with members of his own community,
uses a Telugu form of salutation, e.g., niku mokkutamu.
The Dudekulas, male and female, dress exactly like Hindus, but,
as a rule, the men do not shave their beard.
Disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled
by a Khazi.
With the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous
hand-weaving industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour
has diminished, and some Dudekulas have, of necessity, taken to
agriculture. Land-owners are very scarce among them, but some
are abkari (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack
doctors. In the Ceded Districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is
solely confined to the Dudekulas.
The synonyms of Dudekula, Ladaf and Nurbash, recorded at times of
census, are corruptions of Nad-daf (a cotton dresser) and Nurbaf
(weaving).
Dudi.--A title of Kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples
of village deities.
Dudi (cotton) Balija.--A name for traders in cotton in the Telugu
country, and an occupational sub-division of Komati.
Durga (fort).--A gotra of Kurni.
Dutan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a synonym of Ari.
Dyavana (tortoise).--An exogamous sept of Moger.
E
Eddulu (bulls).--See Yeddulu.
Ediannaya (hornet's nest).--An exogamous sept of Bant.
Egadavan.---Recorded, at times of census, as an exogamous sept
of Anappans, who are Canarese cattle-grazers settled in the Tamil
country. Possibly it is a corruption of Heggade, a title among Kurubas.
Ekakshara.--A sub-division of Satani. The name is derived from
Ekakshara, meaning one syllable, i.e., the mystic syllable Om.
Ekari.--This caste is summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
under the names Ekari, Ekali, Yakari, and Yakarlu, as a sub-caste
of Mutracha. Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [111] that "Ekaris or Yakarlu
are a class of cultivators and village watchmen, found chiefly in
the northern taluks of North Arcot, and in the adjoining district of
Cuddapah. It is very doubtful whether the Ekaris and Mutrachas are
identical castes. The census statistics are, I think, sufficient to
throw grave doubt on this view. Neither name, for instance, appears
as a sub-division of the other, although this would certainly be
the case if they were synonymous. Nor is there any similarity in the
sub-divisions that are given. They are said, in the Nellore Manual, to
be hunters and mercenaries, and in Cuddapah, where they are known to
some as Boyas and Kiratas, they are classed as a forest tribe. It is
clear, however, that they enjoyed some authority, for several rose to
be poligars. Thus the poligars of Kallur, Tumba, Pulicherla, Bangari
and Gudipati are of this caste, and many of its members are village
policemen. They do not wear the sacred thread, but employ Brahmans as
their priests. Their ceremonies differ very little from those of the
Kapus. They are flesh-eaters, and their titles are Naidu and Dora. The
caste possesses some interest as being that which had, in 1891, the
highest proportion of widowed among females between the ages of 15
and 39. Little is known of the caste history. Some assert that they
were formerly Hindu cotton cleaners, and that their name is derived
from the verb yekuta, to clean cotton. They returned 74 sub-divisions,
of which the most important seem to be Dodda (big) and Pala."
There is neither intermarriage, nor free interdining between Ekaris
and Mutrachas. By some, Kampin, and Nagiripilla kayalu, and by others
Kammi and Yerrai were given as sub-divisions.
One of the recognised names of washermen in Tamil is Egali or Ekali.
Elakayan.--A sub-division of Nayar. It is recorded, in the Madras
Census Report, 1901, that "its hereditary occupation is to get plantain
leaves for the use of the Cherukunnu temple, where travellers are
fed daily by the Chirakkal Raja."
Elayad.--For the following note on the Elayads or Ilayatus I am
indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. Ilayatu literally means younger,
and the name is employed to denote a caste, which is supposed to be
the last among the numerous sub-divisions of Malabar Brahmans. The
caste-men make use of two titles, Ilayatu and Nambiyatiri, the latter
of which has the same origin as Nambutiri, meaning a person worthy of
worship. Women are generally known as Ilayammas, and, in some parts
of North Travancore, also Kunjammas. By the caste-men themselves the
women are called Akattulavar, or those inside, in the same way as
Nambutiri women. Children are called Kunjunnis. The Ilayatus exact
from the Nayars the name of Ilayachchan, or little father.
According to the Jatinirnaya, a work ascribed to Parasurama, the
Ilayatus were once Brahmans of undiminished purity, but became degraded
owing to the priestly service which was performed for a Nayar servant
attached to one of their households. Two members of the house of
Azhvancheri Tamprakkal were brothers. The younger resolved to go to a
foreign country, and could get no other Nayar servant than one who was
obliged to perform his mother's anniversary ceremony on the way. He
promised to act as the priest on this occasion, and is even believed
to have eaten the food prepared by the Nayar. When the matter became
known to his elder brother, he assembled all the Vaidik Brahmans,
and the younger brother was excommunicated. This tradition, like the
majority of Malabar traditions, has to be accepted with reserve. The
Ilayatus assert that, until interdicted by Rama Iyen Dalawa in revenge
for a supposed dishonour to him, they had the privilege of commensality
with Nambutiri Brahmans; but Rama Iyen's authority, large as it was,
did not extend to Cochin and British Malabar, where too the Ilayatus
appear to labour under the same difficulty. Those who encouraged
the higher classes of Nayars with ritualistic functions became Onnam
Parisha or the first party of Ilayatus, the remainder being grouped in
another class known as Randam or second party. The latter are lower in
the social scale than the former. The two sections do not intermarry,
and interdining is restricted to the male sex.
The Ilayatus generally have a dejected appearance, and their
poverty is proverbial. Most of them earn only a scanty living by
their traditional occupation, and yet it is notorious that other
walks of life have absolutely no attraction for them. Not only is
English education not welcomed, but even the study of Sanskrit finds
only a few steadfast votaries. The Ilayatus are, however, a naturally
clever, and intelligent community, and, under favourable conditions,
are found to take a more prominent place in society.
The house of an Ilayatu is, like that of a Nambutiri, called illam. It
is generally large, being the gift of some pious Nayar. Every Ilayatu
house possesses a serpent grove, where periodical offerings are
made. The dress and ornaments of the Ilayatus are exactly like those of
the Nambutiris. The wedding ornament is called kettu-tali. Children
wear a ring tied to a thread round the neck from the moment of
the first feeding ceremony. The Ilayatus are strict vegetarians,
and, though in some of their temples they have to make offerings of
liquor to the deity, they are strictly forbidden by caste rules from
partaking thereof.
The chief occupation of the Ilayatus is the priesthood of the
Nayars. The first division perform this service only for the Ilakkar
or highest class of Nayars, while the second division do not decline
to be the priests of any section of that community. In performing
such services, the Ilayatus recite various liturgic texts, but
hardly any Vedic hymns. The Ilayatus have also been the recognised
priests in several North Travancore temples, the chief of which are
the Kainikkara Bhagavata shrine, the Payappara Sasta shrine, and the
Parekkavu Siva temple at Kuttattukulam. Ilayatus are the priests in
most of the snake groves of Malabar, that at Mannarsalay commanding
the greatest popularity and respect.
Ilayatus are, in all matters of caste such as Smarta-vicharam, or
enquiry into charges of adultery, etc., governed by the Nambutiris,
who are assisted by Vaidiks belonging to the caste itself. It is
the latter who are the regular priests of the Ilayatus, and, though
ignorant of the Vedas, they seem to possess considerable knowledge
of the priestly functions as carried out in Malabar. Nambutiris are
sometimes invited to perform Isvaraseva, Sarpabali, and other religious
rites. Purification rites are performed by the caste priests only,
and no Nambutiri is called on to assist. Brahmans do not cook food
in the houses of Ilayatus.
The Ilayatus are divided mostly into two septs or gotras, called
Visvamitra and Bharadvaja. The marriage of girls is performed before or
after puberty, between the twelfth and eighteenth years. No bride-price
is paid, but a sum of not less than Rs. 140 has to be paid to the
bridegroom. This is owing to the fact that, in an Ilayatu family, as
among the Nambutiris, only the eldest son can lead a married life. All
male members of a family, except the eldest, take to themselves some
Nayar or Ambalavasi woman. Widows do not remove their tuft of hair on
the death of their husband, but throw their marriage ornament on to
the funeral pyre, probably as a symbol of the performance of sati. The
Ilayatus resemble the Nambutiris in all questions of inheritance.
The Ilayatus do not omit any of the sixteen religious ceremonies of
the Brahmans. The rules of name given are that the eldest son should
be named after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal
grandfather, and the third after the father. A parallel rule obtains
in giving names to daughters.
The Ilayatus belong in the main to the white and black branches of the
Yajurveda, and observe the sutras of Bodhayana and Asvalayana. They
recite only twenty-four Gayatri hymns, thrice a day. Women are believed
to be polluted for ninety days after childbirth.
It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that the Elayads are
"their own priests, and for this reason, and from the fact that
Nayars perform sradhas (memorial service) in the houses of Elayads,
the Nambudris do not cook or take meals in their houses, nor do they,
Kshatriyas or Nampidis, take water from Elayads. In former times, the
Elayads used to take their meals in Nayar houses during the performance
of the sradha ceremony of the Nayars, as Brahmans generally do on such
ceremonial occasions amongst themselves, but they now decline to do it,
except in a few wealthy and influential families. Muthads and Elayads
wear the sacred thread. Though in many respects the Elayads are more
Brahmanical than the Muthads, the majority of the Ambalavasi castes
do not take the food cooked or touched by the Elayads. There are some
temples, in which they officiate as chief priests. The Muthad and
Elayad females are gosha. They both practice polygamy, and perform
Sarvaswadanam marriages like the Nambudris."
Ella (boundary).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha.
Elugoti (assembly).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Elugu (bear).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Eluttacchan.--Eluttacchan or Ezhuttacchan, meaning teacher or master
of learning, is the name for educated Kadupattans of Malabar employed
as schoolmasters.
Eman.--A corruption of Yajamanan, lord, recorded, in the Travancore
Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayar.
Embrantiri.--Embrantiri or Embran is "a Malayalam name for Tulu
Brahmans settled in Malabar. They speak both Tulu and Malayalam. Some
of them call themselves Nambudris, but they never intermarry with
that class." [112] By Wigram they are defined [113] as "a class
of sacrificing Brahmans, chiefly Tulu, who officiate at Sudra
ceremonies." It is a name for the Tulu Shivalli Brahmans.
Emme (buffalo).--See Yemme.
Ena Korava.--See Korava.
Enadi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a name for
Shanans, derived from Enadi Nayanar, a Saivite saint. It also means
Ambattan, or barber." The word denotes a chief, barber, or minister.
Enangan.--Enangan or Inangan is defined by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar [114] as
"a member of an Inangu, this being a community of a number of tarwads,
the members of which may interdine or intermarry, and are bound to
assist one another, if required, in the performance of certain social
and religious rites." It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that
"an Enangan or Inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division
or marriage groups. It is usually translated kinsman, but is at once
wider and narrower in its connotation. My Enangans are all who can
marry the same people that I can. An Enangatti is a female member of
an Enangan's family."