Masséna, having refreshed, re-equipped, and reorganised his army in

Spain, marched to relieve Almeida. His advance produced the battle of

Fuentes de Onoro, fought on the 5th of May, in which, after an obstinate

and sanguinary contest, they were repulsed, and again retreated.

Brennier, the governor of Almeida, then despairing of relief, blew up the

fortifications of the place, made his way, with little loss, through the

British lines, and rejoined Masséna. Ciudad Rodrigo was next blockaded,

but the French easily introduced convoys, and the blockade was abandoned.

Little progress was made in the south. Some smaller places Marshal

Beresford recovered; but he had scarcely invested Badajoz when the

approach of Soult, with a powerful army, obliged him to raise the siege.

He fought a battle at Albuera on the 16th of May. But the victory was

purchased by the loss of forty-five hundred British, killed and wounded,

out of six thousand, and twenty-six hundred Germans, Spaniards, and

Portuguese. Lord Wellington arrived in Beresford’s camp soon after the

battle, and Badajoz was besieged a second time under his own direction.

On the night of the 5th of June an attempt was made to storm. It failed;

was repeated two nights later, and again failed, both times with heavy

loss. Upon this second repulse, as the combined French armies, to the

amount of seventy thousand men, were approaching, Lord Wellington,

who had but fifty-six thousand, and was particularly inferior to his

adversaries in cavalry, raised the siege, and withdrew the troops to

a strong position, limiting himself, for the present, to the defence

of Portugal. No other war raged now to distract the attention of the

French emperor; but he did not again take the command of the peninsular

armies, and it is difficult to assign a valid reason for his conduct.

He contented himself with sending reinforcements to the extent of fifty

thousand men, naming Marmont, duke of Ragusa, to supersede Masséna, whose

conduct of the invasion of Portugal he of course blamed; and placing

Catalonia, like Aragon, under Suchet’s command, and also Valencia when he

should have conquered that province.

[Sidenote: [1811-1812 A.D.]]

Suchet had deserved this confidence: he had done more than any other

French general both to conquer Spain and to bend her to the yoke. Aragon

was tolerably submissive; Tarragona, the last fortress of Catalonia, fell

in June. Considering his work done in Catalonia, although guerilla bands

still occupied the mountain fastnesses, and the bold and able Sarsfield

watched every opportunity of directing them upon the French, Suchet next

invaded Valencia. He defeated several detachments of the Spanish army,

and on the 16th of October laid siege to Murviedro. Blake gave battle

on the 25th of October, and was defeated. Upon this disaster, Murviedro

capitulated, and Blake took another strong position to protect the

capital, Valencia, where Suchet, on the 26th of December, again defeated

him, driving him into Valencia. There Suchet besieged him, and compelled

him to capitulate on the 8th of January, 1812. This campaign, the most

successful the French had made in Spain since the first, Napoleon

rewarded by creating Suchet duke of Albuféra, and granting him the royal

domain of that name in Valencia, as an inalienable fief of the French

empire.

The dissensions with the colonies likewise diverted both the attention

and the resources of the Spanish government from the vigorous prosecution

of the war. In every American province insurrection now raged. In Mexico,

after a severe struggle, the Spaniards regained the ascendency. In South

America the insurgents everywhere prevailed, as will be described later

in the histories of Spanish America.

The year 1812 opened with an exploit, the brilliant rapidity of which

seems equally to have confounded the French and enraptured the Spaniards.

Lord Wellington had long been silently forwarding every preparation for

the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo. On the 8th of January, 1812, he suddenly

appeared before the place, invested it, and on the 19th the town was

stormed.[c] But throwing off the restraints of discipline, the British

troops committed frightful excesses; the town was fired in three or four

places, the soldiers menaced their officers and shot each other; many

were killed in the market-place, intoxication soon increased the tumult,

and at last, the fury rising to absolute madness, a fire was wilfully

lighted in the middle of the great magazine, by which the town would have

been blown to atoms but for the energetic courage of some officers and a

few soldiers who still preserved their senses.

To recompense an exploit so boldly undertaken and so gloriously finished,

Lord Wellington was created duke of Ciudad Rodrigo by the Spaniards,

earl of Wellington by the English, marquis of Torres Vedras by the

Portuguese.[b]

By disguising his designs, Lord Wellington hoped to master Badajoz like

Ciudad Rodrigo, before Soult and Marmont should have time to hear of

the siege, and unite their forces to raise it. On the 16th of March,

1812, Badajoz was invested. The works were hurried on with the diligence

already practised, and on the 24th an important fort was carried by

assault. On the 30th information was received that Soult was advancing

with his whole disposable force to raise the siege; that Graham and

Hill were retreating before him towards Albuera; that Marmont, taking

advantage of the allied army’s removal, had crossed the frontier,

blockaded Ciudad Rodrigo, masked Almeida, and marched southwards,

plundering and ravaging the country, as far as Castello Branco; and that

the cavalry and militia, left to observe him, had fallen back, the latter

upon the mountains, the former towards the Tagus. In consequence of this

threatening intelligence, the siege was pressed with increased ardour; on

the 6th of April three sufficient breaches were made; and on the night of

that day they were stormed.[c]

The account of this desperate attack is perhaps the most dramatic, and

is certainly the most famous, portion of Napier’s _History of the War

in the Peninsula_, which, as we have already stated, is regarded as the

most eminent military history in the English language. We quote herewith

the greater part of what is a masterwork of literature describing a

masterwork of heroism.[a]

NAPIER’S ACCOUNT OF THE ASSAULT ON BADAJOZ

[Sidenote: [1812 A.D.]]

Dry but clouded was the night, the air thick with watery exhalations

from the rivers, the ramparts and the trenches unusually still; yet a

low murmur pervaded the latter, and in the former lights were seen to

flit here and there, while the deep voices of the sentinels at times

proclaimed that all was well at Badajoz. The French, confiding in

Phillipon’s direful skill, watched from their lofty station the approach

of enemies whom they had twice before baffled, and now hoped to drive a

third time blasted and ruined from the walls. The British, standing in

deep columns, were as eager to meet that fiery destruction as the others

were to pour it down, and both were alike terrible for their strength,

their discipline, and the passions awakened in their resolute hearts.

Former failures there were to avenge, and on both sides leaders who

furnished no excuse for weakness in the hour of trial. The possession of

Badajoz had become a point of personal honour with the soldiers of each

nation, but the desire for glory with the British was dashed by a hatred

of the citizens on an old grudge; and recent toil and hardship with much

spilling of blood had made many incredibly savage; for these things

render the noble-minded indeed averse to cruelty but harden the vulgar

spirit: numbers also, like Cæsar’s centurion, who could not forget the

plunder of Avaricum, were heated with the recollection of Ciudad Rodrigo

and thirsted for spoil. Thus every spirit found a cause of excitement,

the wondrous power of discipline bound the whole together as with a band

of iron, and in the pride of arms none doubted their might to bear down

every obstacle that man could oppose to their fury.

At 10 o’clock, the castle, the San Roque, the breaches, the Pardaleras,

the distant bastion of San Vincente, and the bridge-head on the other

side of the Guadiana were to have been simultaneously assailed, and it

was hoped the strength of the enemy would shrivel within that fiery

girdle. But many are the disappointments of war. An unforeseen accident

delayed the attack of the 5th division, and a lighted carcass thrown from

the castle, falling close to the 3rd division, discovered their array and

compelled them to anticipate the signal by half an hour. Then, everything

being suddenly disturbed, the double columns of the 4th and light

divisions also moved silently and swiftly against the breaches, and the

guard of the trenches rushing forward with a shout encompassed the San

Roque with fire and broke in so violently that scarcely any resistance

was made. But a sudden blaze of light and the rattling of musketry

indicated the commencement of a more vehement combat at the castle.

There General Kempt--for Picton hurt by a fall in the camp, and expecting

no change in the hour, was not present--there Kempt, I say, led the 3rd

division. Having passed the Rivillas in single files by a narrow bridge

under a terrible musketry, he had reformed, and running up a rugged hill,

reached the foot of the castle, where he fell severely wounded, and as he

was carried back to the trenches met Picton, who was hastening to take

the command.

[Illustration: VIMEIRO]

Meanwhile the troops, spreading along the front, had reared their heavy

ladders, some against the lofty castle, some against the adjoining front

on the left, and with incredible courage ascended amidst showers of heavy

stones, logs of wood, and bursting shells rolled off the parapet, while

from the flanks the enemy plied his musketry with fearful rapidity, and

in front with pikes and bayonets stabbed the leading assailants or pushed

the ladders from the walls; and all this was attended with deafening

shouts and the crash of breaking ladders, and the shrieks of crushed

soldiers answering to the sullen stroke of the falling weights. Still

swarming round the remaining ladders those undaunted veterans strove

who should first climb, until all being overturned, the French shouted

victory, and the British, baffled but untamed, fell back a few paces

and took shelter under the rugged edge of the hill. There the broken

ranks were somewhat reformed, and the heroic Ridge, springing forward,

seized a ladder, and calling with stentorian voice on his men to follow,

once more raised it against the castle, yet to the right of the former

attack, where the wall was lower and an embrasure offered some facility.

A second ladder was soon placed alongside of the first by the grenadier

officer Canch, and the next instant he and Ridge were on the rampart, the

shouting troops pressed after them, the garrison, amazed and in a manner

surprised, were driven fighting through the double gate into the town,

and the castle was won. A reinforcement from the French reserve then came

up, a sharp action followed, both sides fired through the gate, and

the enemy retired; but Ridge fell, and no man died that night with more

glory--yet many died, and there was much glory.

All this time the tumult at the breaches was such as if the very

earth had been rent asunder and its central fires bursting upwards

uncontrolled. The two divisions had reached the glacis just as the firing

at the castle commenced, and the flash of a single musket discharged from

the covered way as a signal showed them that the French were ready; yet

no stir was heard and darkness covered the breaches. Some hay-packs were

thrown, some ladders placed, and the forlorn hopes and storming parties

of the light division, five hundred in all, descended into the ditch

without opposition; but then a bright flame shooting upwards, displayed

all the terrors of the scene. The ramparts, crowded with dark figures and

glistering arms, were on one side, on the other the red columns of the

British, deep and broad, were coming on like streams of burning lava; it

was the touch of the magician’s wand, for a crash of thunder followed,

and with incredible violence the storming parties were dashed to pieces

by the explosion of hundreds of shells and powder-barrels.

For an instant the light division stood on the brink of the ditch amazed

at the terrific sight, but then with a shout that matched even the sound

of the explosion the men flew down the ladders, or disdaining their aid

leaped reckless of the depth into the gulf below; and at the same moment,

amidst a blaze of musketry that dazzled the eyes, the 4th division came

running in and descended with a like fury. There were only five ladders

for the two columns which were close together, and a deep cut made in

the bottom of the ditch was filled with water from the inundation;

into that watery snare the head of the 4th division fell, and it is

said above a hundred of the fusiliers, the men of Albuera, were there

smothered. Those who followed checked not, but, as if such a disaster

had been expected, turned to the left and thus came upon the face of

the unfinished ravelin, which being rough and broken was mistaken for

the breach and instantly covered with men; yet a wide and deep chasm

was still between them and the ramparts, from whence came a deadly fire

wasting their ranks. Thus baffled they also commenced a rapid discharge

of musketry and disorder ensued. Now a multitude bounded up the great

breach as if driven by a whirlwind, but across the top glittered a range

of sword-blades, sharp-pointed, keen-edged on both sides, and firmly

fixed in ponderous beams chained together and set deep in the ruins; and

for ten feet in front the ascent was covered with loose planks studded

with sharp iron points, on which feet being set the planks moved and

the unhappy soldiers falling forward on the spikes rolled down upon

the ranks behind. Then the Frenchmen, shouting at the success of their

stratagem and leaping forward, plied their shot with terrible rapidity,

for every man had several muskets, and each musket in addition to its

ordinary charge contained a small cylinder of wood stuck full of wooden

slugs, which scattered like hail when they were discharged. Once and

again the assailants rushed up the breaches, but always the sword-blades,

immovable and impassable, stopped their charge, and the hissing shells

and thundering powder-barrels exploded unceasingly. Hundreds of men had

fallen, hundreds more were dropping, still the heroic officers called

aloud for new trials, and so furious were the men themselves that in one

of these charges the rear sometimes followed by many, sometimes by a few,

ascended the ruins; strove to push the foremost on to the sword-blades,

willing even to make a bridge of their writhing bodies, but the others

frustrated the attempt by dropping down; and men fell so far from the

shot, it was hard to know who went down voluntarily, who were stricken;

and many stooped unhurt that never rose again. Vain also would it have

been to break through the sword-blades, for the trench and parapet

behind the breach were finished, and the assailants, crowded into even a

narrower space than the ditch was, would still have been separated from

their enemies and the slaughter would have continued.

Order was impossible! Officers of all ranks, followed more or less

numerously by the men, were seen to start out as if struck by sudden

madness and rush into the breach. Colonel Macleod of the 43rd, a young

man whose feeble body would have been quite unfit for war if it had not

been sustained by an unconquerable spirit, when one behind him in falling

plunged a bayonet into his back, complained not but continuing his course

was shot dead within a yard of the sword-blades. Yet there was no want

of gallant leaders or desperate followers, until two hours passed in

these vain efforts had convinced the troops the breach of the Trinidad

was impregnable. Gathering in dark groups and leaning on their muskets,

they looked up with sullen desperation at the Trinidad; while the enemy,

stepping out on the ramparts and aiming their shots by the light of the

fire-balls which they threw over, asked as their victims fell, “Why did

they not come into Badajoz?” In this dreadful situation, while the dead

were lying in heaps and others continually falling, the wounded crawling

about to get some shelter from the merciless shower above, and withal a

sickening stench from the burned flesh of the slain, Captain Nicholas

was observed making incredible efforts to force his way with a few men

into the Santa Maria bastion; but when they had gained two-thirds of the

ascent a concentrated fire of musketry and grape dashed nearly the whole

dead to the earth: Nicholas was mortally wounded and the intrepid Shaw

stood alone. With inexpressible coolness he looked at his watch, and

saying it was too late to carry the breaches rejoined the masses at the

other attack. After this no further effort was made at any point, and the

troops remained passive but unflinching beneath the enemy’s shot which

streamed without intermission.

About midnight, when two thousand brave men had fallen, Wellington,

who was on a height close to the quarries, ordered the remainder to

retire and reform for a second assault; he had heard the castle was

taken, but, thinking the enemy would still resist in the town, was

resolved to assail the breaches again. This retreat from the ditch was

not effected without further carnage and confusion. All this time the

town was girdled with fire. Walker’s brigade, having passed on during

the feint on the Pardaleras, was escalading the distant bastion of San

Vincente. His troops had advanced along the banks of the river and

reached the French guard-house at the barrier-gate undiscovered, the

ripple of the waters smothering the sound of their footsteps; but just

then the explosion at the breaches took place, the moon shone out, the

French sentinels discovering the columns fired, and the British soldiers

springing forward under a sharp musketry began to hew down the wooden

barrier at the covered way. The Portuguese, panic-stricken, threw down

the scaling-ladders, the others snatched them up again and forcing the

barrier jumped into the ditch; but the guiding engineer officer was

killed, there was a _cunette_ which embarrassed the column, and the

ladders proved too short, for the walls were generally above thirty feet

high. The fire of the enemy was deadly, a small mine was sprung beneath

the soldiers’ feet, beams of wood and live shells were rolled over on

their heads, showers of grape from the flank swept the ditch, and man

after man dropped dead from the ladders.

Fortunately some of the defenders had been called away to aid in

recovering the castle, the ramparts were not entirely manned; and the

assailants, discovering a corner of the bastion where the scarp was only

twenty feet high, placed three ladders there under an embrasure which

had no gun and was only stopped with a gabion. Some men got up with

difficulty, for the ladders were still too short, and the first man who

gained the top was pushed up by his comrades and drew others after him

until many had won the summit; and though the French shot heavily against

them from both flanks and from a house in front, their numbers augmented

rapidly and half the 4th regiment entered the town itself to dislodge the

French from the houses, while the others pushed along the rampart towards

the breach and by dint of hard fighting successively won three bastions.

In the last of these combats Walker, leaping forward sword in hand at

the moment when one of the enemy’s cannoneers was discharging a gun,

was covered with so many wounds it was wonderful that he could survive,

and some of the soldiers immediately after, perceiving a lighted match

on the ground, cried out: “A mine!” At that word, such is the power

of imagination, those troops who had not been stopped by the strong

barrier, the deep ditch, the high walls and the deadly fire of the enemy,

staggered back appalled by a chimera of their own raising; and in this

disorder a French reserve under General Veillande drove on them with a

firm and rapid charge, pitching some men over the walls, killing others

outright, and cleansing the ramparts even to the San Vincente. There

however Leith had placed Colonel Nugent with a battalion of the 38th as

a reserve, and when the French came up, shouting and slaying all before

them, this battalion, two hundred strong, arose and with one close volley

destroyed them; then the panic ceased, the soldiers rallied, and in

compact order once more charged along the walls towards the breaches; but

the French, although turned on both flanks and abandoned by fortune, did

not yet yield.

Meanwhile the portion of the 4th regiment which had entered the town

was strangely situated. For the streets were empty and brilliantly

illuminated and no person was seen, yet a low buzz and whispers were

heard around, lattices were now and then gently opened, and from time

to time shots were fired from underneath the doors of the houses by the

Spaniards, while the troops with bugles sounding advanced towards the

great square of the town. In their progress they captured several mules

going with ammunition to the breaches; yet the square itself was as

empty and silent as the streets, and the houses as bright with lamps:

a terrible enchantment seemed to be in operation--they saw only an

illumination and heard only low whispering around them, while the tumult

at the breaches was like the crashing thunder. Plainly, however, the

fight was there raging, and hence, quitting the square, they attempted

to take the garrison in reverse by attacking the ramparts from the

town side; but they were received with a rolling musketry, driven back

with loss, and resumed their movement through the streets. At last the

breaches were abandoned by the French, other parties entered, desultory

combats took place, Veillande, and Phillipon who was wounded, seeing all

ruined, passed the bridge with a few hundred soldiers, and entered San

Christoval.

Now commenced that wild and desperate wickedness which tarnished the

lustre of the soldiers’ heroism. All indeed were not alike, hundreds

risked and many lost their lives in striving to stop the violence; but

madness generally prevailed, and as the worst men were leaders here, all

the dreadful passions of human nature were displayed. Shameless rapacity,

brutal intemperance, savage lust, cruelty and murder, shrieks and

piteous lamentations, groans, shouts, imprecations, the hissing of fires

bursting from the houses, the crashing of doors and windows, and the

reports of muskets used in violence, resounded for two days and nights

in the streets of Badajoz! On the third, when the city was sacked, when

the soldiers were exhausted by their own excesses, the tumult rather

subsided than was quelled: the wounded men were then looked to, the dead

disposed of. Five thousand men and officers fell in this siege, and of

these, including 700 Portuguese, 3,500 had been stricken in the assault,

60 officers and more than 700 men being slain on the spot. The five

generals, Kempt, Harvey, Bowes, Colville, and Picton were wounded, the

first four severely; 600 men and officers fell in the escalade of San

Vincente, as many at the castle, and more than 2,000 at the breaches,

each division there losing 1,200. And how deadly the breach strife was

may be gathered from this: the 43rd and 52nd regiments of the light

division lost more men than the seven regiments of the 3rd division

engaged at the castle.[121]

Let it be considered that this frightful carnage took place in a space of

less than a hundred yards square; that the slain died not all suddenly

nor by one manner of death--that some perished by steel, some by shot,

some by water, that some were crushed and mangled by heavy weights, some

trampled upon, some dashed to atoms by the fiery explosions; that for

hours this destruction was endured without shrinking, and the town was

won at last. Let these things be considered, and it must be admitted

a British army bears with it an awful power. And false would it be to

say the French were feeble men; the garrison stood and fought manfully

and with good discipline, behaving worthily: shame there was none

on any side. Yet who shall do justice to the bravery of the British

soldiers--the noble emulation of the officers? Who shall measure out

the glory of Ridge, of Macleod, of Nicholas, of O’Hare of the 95th,

who perished on the breach at the head of the stormers, and with him

nearly all the volunteers for that desperate service? Who shall describe

the springing valour of that Portuguese grenadier who was killed, the

foremost man at the Santa Maria; or the martial fury of that desperate

rifleman, who, in his resolution to win, thrust himself beneath the

chained sword-blades, and there suffered the enemy to dash his head to

pieces with the ends of their muskets? Who can sufficiently honour the

intrepidity of Walker, of Shaw, of Canch, or the hardiness of Ferguson

of the 43rd, who having in former assaults received two deep wounds was

here, his former hurts still open, leading the stormers of his regiment,

the third time a volunteer, the third time wounded? Nor would I be

understood to select these as pre-eminent; many and signal were the

other examples of unbounded devotion, some known, some that will never

be known; for in such a tumult much passes unobserved, and often the

observers fell themselves ere they could bear testimony to what they saw:

but no age, no nation ever sent forth braver troops to battle than those

who stormed Badajoz. When the extent of the night’s havoc was made known

to Lord Wellington, the firmness of his nature gave way for a moment, and

the pride of conquest yielded to a passionate burst of grief for the loss

of his gallant soldiers.[b]

BRITISH PROGRESS

One result of this triumph was the immediate and final retreat of the

French from Estremadura and Portugal. Marmont raised the blockade of

Ciudad Rodrigo, and fell back to Salamanca.

In Spain, the native leaders meanwhile continued their desultory warfare;

Lacy, Sarsfield, Rovira, Mina, and Porlier in the north, the Empecinado

and Sanchez in the Castiles, and Ballasteros in the south, gained

trifling advantages over the enemy in divers engagements; but for want

of concert no material result was obtained from their successes, whilst

Suchet made himself master of the whole kingdom of Valencia, with the

single exception of Alicante. In Tarifa, a town defended only by an old

wall, eighteen hundred English and Spanish troops, commanded by Colonel

Skerrett, repulsed ten thousand French led by the duke of Belluno in

person.[122]

Meanwhile General Hill had driven the French from Almaraz upon the Tagus,

and thus obtained possession of the only place through which the enemy’s

armies of Portugal and of the south could conveniently keep up their

communication across the river. The earl of Wellington then advanced

towards Salamanca on the 13th of June, 1812. He there, despite the

efforts of Marmont, reduced several very strong forts. Marmont retreated

to the Douro. A series of masterly manœuvres ensued, in which, during

six days, the contending generals displayed all the resources of their

art. The advantage in this pure trial of skill remained with the Briton,

who, on the 22nd of July, seizing upon a rash movement of Marmont’s,

instantly attacked him, and gained the splendid victory of Salamanca, in

which the French lost seven thousand prisoners, at least as many killed

and wounded, including three generals killed and four wounded, amongst

whom was Marmont himself, eleven pieces of artillery, and two eagles. The

loss of the allies amounted to fifty-two hundred killed and wounded, the

former including one general, the latter five.

Clausel, who upon Marmont’s being disabled, succeeded to the command,

rallied the routed army, and retreated to Burgos. Wellington pursued

him as far as Valladolid, and then turning southwards, marched upon

Madrid. Joseph had not above twenty thousand men for the defence of his

capital; he abandoned it at the approach of the allies; but weakened

himself by leaving a garrison of two thousand men in a fortress adjoining

the palace of Buen Retiro. They capitulated on the approach of the

British. Lord Wellington entered Madrid on the 12th of August, and was

received with every demonstration as the deliverer of Spain. The new

constitution was proclaimed in the capital, and sworn to with eager

zeal. And now the exploits and services of the British general had at

length so far conquered Spanish jealousy that the cortes named the duke

commander-in-chief of the Spanish forces.

Soult raised the blockade of Cadiz on the 25th, and united with Suchet.

He left, however, a garrison in Seville, which fell into the hands of

the English and Spanish troops on the 27th. Joseph, on the advance of

Hill, retreated in the same direction, and Andalusia was again freed

from the presence of the invaders. But the position of Lord Wellington

at Madrid, which had already produced most of the expected advantages,

was becoming dangerous. He was disappointed of the diversions upon

which he had relied. Maitland’s army proved too weak, amounting only to

six thousand men, to attempt a landing in Catalonia. It was therefore

directed to Alicant, where the Anglo-Sicilian army necessarily remained

in garrison. Wellington quitted Madrid on the 1st of September, to march

against Burgos, leaving half his army under Hill to observe Soult, and if

possible defend Madrid. The English troops that had garrisoned Cadiz now

joined the army.

[Illustration: SEGOVIA]

The French retreated as the allies advanced. On the 19th, Lord Wellington

occupied Burgos, and laid siege to the castle. Here the deficiency of

means proved more detrimental than ever, rendering it impossible to

conquer the science and courage displayed in the defence, or to prevent

the approach of Souham with all the disposable French force in the north

of Spain. Lord Wellington, on the 22nd of October, judged it expedient

to raise the siege, and take up his winter quarters on the Portuguese

frontier. About the same time, Joseph and Soult advancing upon Madrid,

Hill in obedience to his instructions, retreated to Salamanca, where, on

the 3rd of November, he joined Lord Wellington. On the 24th, the troops

went into cantonments along the frontier line, headquarters being fixed

at Freynada. It is mortifying to be compelled to add that, leisurely as

was this retreat, and untroubled by aught save very wet weather, the

troops, dispirited by their failure before Burgos, discovered much of the

disorder and insubordination that had marked Sir John Moore’s retreat to

Corunna.[c]

NAPIER’S ACCOUNT OF THE RETREAT

Drunkenness and insubordination were exhibited at Torquemada, where the

great wine-vaults were invaded, and twelve thousand men were at one time

in a state of helpless inebriety. The negligence of many medical and

escorting officers conducting the convoys of the sick, and the consequent

bad conduct of the soldiers (for where the officers are careless the

soldiers will be licentious) produced the worst effects. Outrages were

perpetrated on the inhabitants along the whole line of march, terror was

everywhere predominant, the ill-used drivers and muleteers deserted,

some with, some without their cattle. The commissariat lost nearly all

the animals and carriages employed, the villages were abandoned, and the

under-commissaries were bewildered or paralysed by the terrible disorder

thus spread along the line.

The rest of the retreat being unmolested was made with more regularity,

but the excesses still committed furnished glaring evidence that the

moral conduct of a general cannot be fairly judged by following in the

wake of a retreating army. There was no want of provisions, no hardships

to exasperate the men, and yet the author of this history counted on the

first day’s march from Madrid seventeen bodies of murdered peasants; by

whom killed, or for what, whether by English or Germans, by Spaniards,

or Portuguese, in dispute, in robbery, or in wanton villany was unknown;

but their bodies were in the ditches, and a shallow observer might thence

have drawn foul and false conclusions against the English general and

nation. The Spaniards, civil and military, evinced hatred of the British.

Daily did they attempt or perpetrate murder. The civil authorities, not

less savage, were more insolent than the military, treating every British

person with an intolerable arrogance. The whole loss of the double

retreat cannot be set down at less than nine thousand, including the loss

in the siege.

When the campaign terminated, Wellington, exasperated by the conduct

of the army and the many crossings he had experienced during the

campaign, gave vent to his indignation in a circular letter addressed

to the superior officers. In substance it declared that discipline had

deteriorated during the campaign in a greater degree than he had ever

witnessed or ever read of in any army, and this without any disaster, any

unusual privation or hardship save that of inclement weather; that the

officers had lost all command over their men, and excesses, outrages of

all kinds and inexcusable losses had occurred; that no army had ever made

shorter marches in retreat or had longer rests--no army had ever been so

little pressed by a pursuing enemy; and this unhappy state of affairs

was to be traced to the habitual neglect of duty by the regimental

officers.[b]

AFFAIRS OF 1812-1813

[Sidenote: [1812-1813 A.D.]]

The year 1812 saw everywhere the beginning of the reverses which

overthrew the colossal empire of Bonaparte. There was nothing to

counterbalance the exultation excited in Spain by these frightful

reverses of her unrelenting foe, except the continuance of the

dissensions with the colonies. The prince of Brazil, who had previously

created Lord Wellington count of Vimeiro and marquis of Torres Vedras,

now conferred upon him the title of duke of Victoria, in commemoration of

his many victories; and it might also have seemed in anticipation of the

most decisive of his peninsular battles. The allied armies were now, for

the first time, about to take the field under favourable circumstances;

and he, whose genius had hitherto been severely tried in contending with

and surmounting every species of obstacle, might hope to pursue that

more dazzling career of glory which silences the cavils of envy and

of ignorance. The resources of the peninsula, such as they were, were

placed at his disposal. What was of more consequence, the French emperor,

instead of constantly pouring reinforcements into Spain in numbers that

almost seemed to render Lord Wellington’s victories barren triumphs, was

compelled to withdraw thence many troops. Soult, with thirty thousand

veterans, was recalled from Spain.

The complicated arrangements requisite to bring so variously composed an

army into activity, delayed Lord Wellington’s opening the campaign until

the middle of May; when he took the field at the head of nearly seventy

thousand men, English and Portuguese, independently of the Spanish army

of Galicia under Castaños on his left, and another on his right under Don

Carlos de España. The French had still 160,000 men in Spain; and as many

of these as were not engaged in the eastern provinces under Suchet, or

employed in garrison duty, were stationed around Madrid and between the

capital and the Douro.

Lord Wellington ordered General Murray to remove his troops by sea

to Catalonia, in order both to relieve Valencia by drawing Suchet

northwards, and to be nearer the scene of the principal operations, and

sent Sir Thomas Graham, with the left wing of the army, to cross the

Douro within the limits of Portugal, and thus turn a perhaps impregnable

position, whilst he himself with the centre, and Sir Rowland Hill

with the right, advanced towards it in front, driving before them all

detachments from the army of Portugal, as it was still termed, that were

stationed south of the Douro. The manœuvre seems to have confounded the

enemy. The army of Portugal retreated. Joseph and Jourdan collected the

army of the centre, and evacuating Madrid, hastened to join the army

of Portugal near Burgos. Joseph fell back to Vitoria, the principal

depot of the French in the northern provinces; there he halted, drew up

his army in battle array, and prepared to make a last struggle for his

crown. It is said that the French occupied the very ground on which, in

the fourteenth century, the Black Prince had defeated Du Guesclin and

recovered the Castilian crown for Don Pedro.

Lord Wellington on the 21st of June, 1813, attacked. The Spaniards

fought with a courage that proved their former panics and failures to

have been mainly attributable to want of confidence in their commanders

and their comrades. The French wings were first assailed and driven

back. Then, when their formidably posted centre had been weakened to

support the wings, and was, besides, threatened on the flanks, that too

was assailed and carried. The French had never before been so utterly

routed. The whole army dispersed and fled; Joseph narrowly escaped being

taken prisoner; artillery, baggage, everything upon which the existence

of an army depends fell into the hands of the victors, as well as the

wives of many of the French superior officers, and the marshal’s staff

of Jourdan. The victory was actively followed up; most of the French

garrisons were taken, or surrendered upon being summoned; the remaining

French detachments, by a series of nearly bloodless manœuvres, were

driven across the Pyrenees; and by the 7th of July no part of Joseph’s

army remained in Spain except the garrisons of Pamplona and San Sebastian.

Suchet’s was now the only French army in Spain, and his force remained

unbroken in the eastern provinces, opposed to Sir John Murray. That

general was conveyed with his troops by a British fleet from Alicante

to the Catalan coast, and landing, on the 3rd of June, near Tarragona,

immediately invested that town. He had made little progress with

the siege when Suchet’s advance from Valencia was announced. Murray

re-embarked his troops with such precipitation, although Suchet was some

marches distant, that he left his artillery and stores behind. But the

news of the battle of Vitoria and its consequences determined Suchet to

abandon that province and concentrate his troops in Catalonia. Aragon was

freed, and Mina had the gratification of recovering the heroic Saragossa

from her conquerors.

When Napoleon received the tidings of the battle of Vitoria and its

disastrous results to his brother’s hopes, he sent back Soult to resume

the command from which he had taken him; to collect reinforcements,

reorganise the fugitive army, raise the sieges of Pamplona and San

Sebastian, and, in conjunction with Suchet, drive the British out of

Spain. To enable him to effect these objects, he named him imperial

lieutenant in Spain, giving him authority far beyond what had ever before

been intrusted to any marshal. Soult took the field at the head of nearly

one hundred thousand men, endeavouring to break through the extremity

of the British line, in order to relieve Pamplona. The French marshal’s

first measures seemed to promise him success. On the 25th of July, 1813,

with about fifty thousand men, he attacked two separate posts held by

divisions of the right wing under Sir Rowland Hill. The allies fought

obstinately, but were obliged to give way. On the 26th Lord Wellington

arrived on the scene of action, immediately resolving to give battle for

the protection of the blockade of Pamplona. The French were defeated

in two successive engagements on the 30th and 31st, after which Soult

retreated into France. On the 1st of August the allied troops resumed

their former positions amidst the Pyrenees.

The two sieges proceeded; but the provisions in Pamplona still held

out: the fortifications of San Sebastian were admirable, the approaches

difficult, and the garrison defended itself pertinaciously. When the town

was taken (August 31), the siege, and especially the assault, had cost

great numbers of lives--nearly four thousand; and the troops, infuriated

by the loss of their comrades and their own danger, could not be

restrained by the few surviving officers of the storming party, or even

taught to discriminate between friends and foes, Spaniards and French.

Greater outrages are said to have been committed upon the inhabitants

of San Sebastian than in any other town taken by the allies; and it was

longer ere the generals could restore order.[123]

The surrender of Pamplona set the allied forces at liberty, and Lord

Wellington immediately determined to advance into France, leaving Suchet

and his corps to the care of the Catalans, assisted by the Anglo-Sicilian

army. In beginning his operations upon the enemy’s territory, one of

the first cares of the British commander was to repress the ferociously

vindictive temper of his Spanish and Portuguese troops, who longed to

retaliate upon the French nation the injuries and outrages they had

suffered from the French soldiery. At first it was found impossible

altogether to control this disposition, in which the native officers but

too much sympathised with their men. But the firmness and severity with

which such offences were punished soon introduced a better temper.

On the 10th of November, 1813, Soult’s line of defence was attacked,

and notwithstanding the great pains bestowed upon strengthening it, was

forced; fifteen hundred prisoners and fifty guns fell into the victor’s

hands, besides quantities of stores. On the 9th of December hostilities

were renewed. The allied armies drove the French back into the intrenched

camp they had prepared close to Bayonne, and Soult, by attacking, after

five days of almost incessant fighting, in which the loss was necessarily

great (five thousand of the allies, and far more of the French were

killed or wounded), retreated into his intrenched camp. The weather

was still very severe, and Lord Wellington therefore again cantoned

his troops, but upon a more advanced line, and both armies passed the

remainder of the month in repose.

Whilst Lord Wellington, with those forces, for whom, as for their leader,

Napoleon had professed such superlative disdain, was thus penetrating

into France, the situation of the French emperor had undergone many

changes. It was at Leipsic, October 16th, 1813, that the battle, fatal

to his hopes of maintaining his sovereignty over Germany, was fought.

Every German state, including the whole Confederation of the Rhine, had

now thrown off allegiance to Napoleon. The allied sovereigns advanced to

the banks of the Rhine. There they halted for the remainder of the year,

satisfied with their achievements, and willing to give Napoleon, whom

they still feared, an opportunity for negotiation. Wellington and his

army alone, of the hostile forces, wintered in France.

RETURN OF THE BOURBONS

Napoleon saw that to recover all he had lost, or even to keep all he

yet retained, was, for the moment at least, impossible; and he resolved

to relax his grasp in that quarter, where renunciation of his now vain

pretensions need not induce the abandonment of real power. He opened

a negotiation with the prince to whom, as he believed, he could still

dictate the terms of the treaty to be concluded--namely, the captive of

Valençay, Ferdinand VII.

Since the seizure of the Spanish royal family at Bayonne, they had pretty

much vanished from public view. The old king and queen, with their

favourite, Godoy, had been transferred to Rome, where they vegetated

contentedly upon the ample pension assigned them. The queen of Etruria,

whose feelings appear to have been somewhat livelier than those of

her kindred, had incurred Napoleon’s anger by an abortive attempt at

escaping to England, and was strictly immured in a convent at Rome, with

her daughter; her son, the dethroned king, being taken from her, and

committed to the care of her parents. Ferdinand remained at Valençay.

He had written a letter of congratulation to Joseph Bonaparte upon his

accession to the Spanish throne. He repeatedly addressed to Napoleon

congratulations on his victories. When a scheme for his liberation was

devised by the British cabinet--partly through compassion but chiefly

under an idea that the presence of an acknowledged king would put an end

to the factions and jealousies that distracted the Spanish councils,

thwarted Lord Wellington’s designs, and impeded his progress--Ferdinand

not only refused to escape, but denounced the attempt to Napoleon, and

took the opportunity to renew his often rejected request that he might be

adopted into the imperial family, by receiving the hand of a Bonaparte

princess. He was further said to employ his time in embroidering a robe

for some image of the Virgin. But the stories were regarded as calumnious

inventions, propagated for the purpose of lowering Ferdinand’s character

in general estimation; and the imprisoned king remained as before an

object of loyal veneration, of esteem, and pity.

[Sidenote: [1813-1814 A.D.]]

Immediately on reaching Paris, after his calamitous retreat from Leipsic,

Napoleon addressed a letter to Ferdinand, telling him that England was

endeavouring to overthrow the monarchy and nobility of Spain, in order

to establish a republic in that country, and offering him his liberty,

together with the alliance of France, that he might return to Spain,

and put an end to the disorders now convulsing the kingdom and further

menacing it. After a little delay and negotiation Ferdinand yielded. On

the 11th of December, 1813, a treaty was signed at Valençay, by which

he was recognised as king of Spain and the Indies, all old treaties

and alliances between France and Spain were revived and confirmed,

and Ferdinand undertook for the immediate evacuation of Spain and her

dependencies by the English. Even this treaty, however, Ferdinand

referred to the approbation and sanction of the regency and the cortes;

and San Carlos was despatched with a copy of it to Madrid, whither the

seat of government was now transferred from Cadiz.

On the 8th of January, 1814, the regency through its president, the

cardinal de Bourbon, addressed a respectful answer to the king, in

which they assured him of their joy at the prospect of his majesty’s

approaching liberation, but returned the treaty unratified, and

transmitted copies of the law, and of the treaty with England, which

prevented its ratification.

Towards the middle of February, 1814, the weather improved, and Lord

Wellington drew his troops from their cantonments. By a series of

able manœuvres, and of engagements ending with the well-contested and

brilliant victory of Orthez, gained on the 27th of February, he drove

Soult successively from post to post, through a country of peculiar

difficulty, and abounding in strong defensive positions, of which the

French marshal skilfully endeavoured to avail himself, but was uniformly

foiled by the superior skill of his British competitor. Sir John Hope

lay before Bayonne with the left wing. By the help of an English

squadron, under Admiral Penrose, the close investment of Bayonne laid

open the direct road to Bordeaux, and on the 8th of March Wellington sent

Beresford with fifteen thousand men to make himself master of that town.

Beresford was accompanied by the duke of Angoulême, as a royalist party

with the mayor at their head were well known to be anxiously expecting

the prince. The French garrison evacuated the town as the allied troops

approached, and the inhabitants, assuming the white cockade, and

receiving the prince with enthusiastic loyalty, proclaimed Louis XVIII.

Lord Wellington, recalling Beresford, recommenced his operations against

Soult. On the 18th they began their movement up the Adour, the French

retiring before them. On the 19th, Soult was driven from Vic-en-Bigorre,

and on the 20th from Tarbes, when he retreated upon Toulouse.

Whilst Ferdinand’s allies and subjects were thus progressively triumphing

over his oppressor, the captive prince had regained his liberty.

Napoleon, finding that no treaty concluded with the king of Spain, whilst

his prisoner, would be acknowledged by the nation as valid, on the 14th

of March released him unconditionally, as the only remaining chance of

detaching Spain from England, and recovering his former influence over

that country. Ferdinand was conducted to Perpignan, and there, on the

19th of March, delivered over to the care of Suchet, who was to make

arrangements, under the royal guarantee, for the safe return of the

different French garrisons, spread over the eastern coast of Spain, to

his army, upon their surrendering to the king the fortresses they still

held. Ferdinand, on the 24th, was received by Copons and throngs of his

native subjects, who had flocked from every place within reach, to greet

the return of their beloved sovereign. Ferdinand’s signature having,

however, by the then law of the land, no authority until he should have

taken the oath prescribed by the constitution, Suchet’s object was

unattained. The surrender of the fortresses, and the safe passage of the

garrisons still remained to be negotiated betwixt him and Copons; and

before they had brought it to a conclusion, the progress of events in

France rendered all arrangements of the kind unnecessary.

Lord Wellington had not allowed Soult time to receive the accession

of strength he expected from the result of Suchet’s negotiations. He

followed him to Toulouse, forced the passage of the Garonne, and on the

10th of April, 1814, under the walls of the city, gained the last victory

of this war, in the battle of Toulouse. Soult retired into the town,

which, upon Wellington’s preparing to invest it, he evacuated on the

night of the 12th, the allied army permitting him to withdraw unmolested.

The next day they took possession of the city, where they were received

with every demonstration of joy, and the inhabitants proclaimed Louis

XVIII. It was the last occasion upon which the act could have the grace

of a spontaneous impulse of the people.

The allied armies appeared before the French capital. Maria Louisa,

with her son, and the ministry, had fled to Blois. Joseph followed the

empress, and Paris capitulated. On the 31st of March Alexander and

Frederick William had entered the city at the head of their troops.

Napoleon gave way; and abdicated unconditionally. The title and rank

of emperor were, in return, confirmed to him, although his empire was

limited to the tiny island of Elba. The Bourbons were now restored to

their long lost throne; and peace was re-established throughout Europe.

Lord Wellington, like the rest of the allies, now of course evacuated the

French territory, and dissolved his mixed army, the British, Spanish, and

Portuguese.[c]

ENGLAND’S SHARE IN THE WAR

Napoleon’s enormous armies had been so wonderfully organised that they

existed and fought in Spain for six years, and without cessation; for

to them winters and summers were alike; they endured incredible toils

and privations, yet were not starved out, nor were their small armies

beaten by the Spaniards. And for their daring and resource a single fact

recorded by Wellington will suffice. They captured more than one strong

place in Spain without any provision of bullets save those fired at them

by their enemies, having trusted to that chance when they formed the

siege! Before the British troops they fell; but how horrible was the

struggle, how many defeats they recovered from, how many brave men they

slew; what changes and interpositions of fortune occurred before they

could be rolled back upon their own frontiers! And this is the glory of

England, that her soldiers and hers only were capable of overthrowing

them in equal battle. What battle except Baylen did the peninsulars

win? What fortress did they take by siege? What place defend? Sir

Arthur Wellesley twice delivered Portugal. Sir John Moore’s march to

Sahagun saved Andalusia and Lisbon from invasion at a critical moment.

Sir Arthur’s march to Talavera delivered Galicia. Graham saved Cadiz.

Smith saved Tarifa. Wellington recaptured Ciudad and Badajoz, rescued

Andalusia from Soult and Valencia from Suchet; the Anglo-Sicilian army

preserved Alicante, and finally recovered Tarragona and Barcelona under

the influence of the northern operations, which at the same time reduced

Pamplona and San Sebastian. England indeed could not alone have triumphed

in the struggle, but for her share let this brief summary speak:

She expended more than £100,000,000 [$500,000,000] on her own operations,

she subsidised both Spain and Portugal, and with her supplies of

clothing, arms, and ammunition maintained the armies of each, even to

the guerillas. From thirty up to seventy thousand British troops were

employed by her; and while her naval squadrons harassed the French with

descents upon the coasts, and supplied the Spaniards with arms and stores

and money after every defeat, her land-forces fought and won nineteen

pitched battles and innumerable combats, made or sustained ten sieges,

took four great fortresses, twice expelled the French from Portugal,

preserved Alicante, Cartagena, Tarifa, Cadiz, Lisbon; they killed,

wounded, and took two hundred thousand enemies. And the bones of forty

thousand British soldiers lie scattered on the plains and mountains of

the peninsula. For Portugal she reorganised a native army and supplied

officers who led it to victory; and to the whole peninsula she gave a

general whose like has seldom gone forth to conquer. And all this and

more was necessary to redeem that land from France!

NAPIER’S ESTIMATE OF WELLINGTON

Wellington met the peculiar difficulties which attend generals controlled

by politicians. An English commander dare not risk much, when one

disaster will be his ruin at home; his measures must be subordinate to

his primary consideration. Wellington’s caution, springing from that

source, had led friends and foes alike into wrong conclusions as to his

system of war: the French call it want of enterprise, timidity; the

English have denominated it the Fabian system. These are mere phrases.

His system was the same as that of all great generals. He held his army

in hand, keeping it with unmitigated labour always in a fit state to

march or to fight, and acted indifferently as occasion offered on the

offensive or defensive, displaying in both a complete mastery of his art.

That he was less vast in his designs, less daring in execution, neither

so rapid nor so original a commander as Napoleon, must be admitted; and

being later in the field of glory it is presumed he learned something

of the art from the greatest of all masters. Yet something besides the

difference of genius must be allowed for the difference of situation;

Napoleon was never, even in his first campaign of Italy, so harassed by

the French as Wellington was by the English, Spanish, and Portuguese

governments; their systems of war were however alike in principle, their

operations being only modified by their different political positions.

Great bodily exertion, unceasing watchfulness, exact combinations

to protect their flanks and communications without scattering their

forces--these were common to both; in defence firm, cool, enduring, in

attack fierce and obstinate; daring when daring was politic, yet always

operating by the flanks in preference to the front; in these things they

were alike: in following up a victory the English general fell short

of the French emperor. The battle of Wellington was the stroke of a

battering-ram--down went the wall in ruins; the battle of Napoleon was

the swell and dash of a mighty wave before which the barrier yielded and

the roaring flood poured onwards covering all.

But there was nothing of timidity or natural want of enterprise to be

discerned in the English general’s campaigns. Neither was he of the

Fabian school. He recommended that commander’s system to the Spaniards,

he did not follow it himself; his military policy more resembled that of

Scipio Africanus. Wellington was never loath to fight when there was any

equality of numbers. Slight therefore is the resemblance to the Fabian

warfare. And for the Englishman’s hardiness and enterprise, bear witness

the passage of the Douro at Oporto, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, the

storming of Badajoz, the surprise of the forts at Mirabete, the march to

Vitoria, the passage of the Bidassoa, the victory of the Nivelle, the

passage of the Adour below Bayonne, the fight of Orthez, the crowning

battle of Toulouse! To say that he committed faults is only to say that

he made war; to deny him the qualities of a great commander is to rail

against the clear midday sun for want of light. Iron hardihood of body,

a quick and sure vision, a grasping mind, untiring power of thought, and

the habit of laborious minute investigation and arrangement--all these

qualities he possessed, and with them that most rare faculty of coming to

prompt and sure conclusions on sudden emergencies. This is the certain

mark of a master-spirit in war.[b]

FOOTNOTES

[113] [“Though of short duration the resistance of Valencia is nothing

less than marvellous,” says the count de Toreño.[f] “She had no soldiers

for the defence, her ordinary garrison having been ordered to different

places, no experienced leaders, none but subalterns to lead the

courageous peasants. The French lost two thousand men, amongst whom were

Cazal, general of engineers, and other officers of high rank. Sheltered

by their walls and batteries the Spaniards had but few comrades to mourn,

and no person of importance.”]

[114] [These are Napier’s words in dedicating his great work to

Wellington.]

[115] The author’s eldest brother; he was said to be slain. When the

French renewed the attack on Elvina, he was somewhat in advance of that

village, and alone, for the troops were scattered by the nature of

the ground. Being hurt in the leg, he endeavoured to retire, but was

overtaken, and thrown to the ground with five wounds; a French drummer

rescued him, and when a soldier with whom he had been struggling made a

second attempt to kill him, the drummer once more interfered. The morning

after the battle Marshal Soult sent his own surgeon to Major Napier,

and, with a kindness and consideration very uncommon, wrote to Napoleon,

desiring that his prisoner might not be sent to France, which from the

system of refusing exchanges would have ruined his professional prospect;

the drummer also received the cross of the Legion of Honour. When the

2nd corps quitted Corunna, Marshal Soult recommended his prisoner to

the attention of Marshal Ney. The latter, treating him rather with the

kindness of a friend than the civility of an enemy, lodged him with the

French consul, supplied him with money, gave him a general invitation

to his house, and not only refrained from sending him to France, but

when by a flag of truce he knew that Major Napier’s mother was mourning

for him as dead, he permitted him, and with him the few soldiers taken

in the action, to go at once to England, merely exacting a promise that

none should serve until exchanged. I would have not touched at all upon

these private adventures, were it not that gratitude demands a public

acknowledgment of such generosity, and that demand is rendered more

imperative by the after misfortunes of Marshal Ney. That brave and

noble-minded man’s fate is but too well known. He who had fought five

hundred battles for France, not one against her, was shot as a traitor!

Could the bitterest enemy of the Bourbons have more strongly marked the

difference between their interests and those of the nation?

[116] [As Napier[b] points out, however, though the Spanish glorify

this siege and called Saragossa “Spain,” for her bravery: “Deprive the

transaction of its dazzling colours, and it shows thus: Thirty-five

thousand French, in the midst of insurrections, and despite of

circumstances peculiarly favourable to the defence, reduced fifty

thousand of the bravest and most energetic men in Spain. The latter

suffered nobly, but was their example imitated? Gerona indeed, although

less celebrated, rivalled, perhaps more than rivalled, the glory of

Saragossa; elsewhere her fate spoke, not trumpet-tongued to arouse, but

with a wailing voice that carried dismay to the heart of the nation.”]

[117] [Napier[b] thus pungently sums up Cuesta: “Cuesta’s knowledge of

both friend’s and enemy’s strength and positions was always inaccurate

and his judgment false; he never gained a decisive action, and lost every

army he commanded.”]

[118] [Lafuente[e] gives the following incidents of the siege of Gerona:

“The holy patron of the town, St. Narcissus, was named generalissimo,

it being to his protection and intercession that the devout residents

attributed their safety in the attacks and dangers of the wars of past

times. Of the 900 men who garrisoned the fortress of Monjuich 511

soldiers and 18 officers had perished, and nearly all the rest were

wounded before it was abandoned. It cost the French 3,000 men to conquer

the ruins. Whenever the limited number of the garrison permitted, Alvarez

ordered sallies to be made by small bodies of men. It is related how,

on the occasion of one of these sallies, the officer who was to direct

it was asked where he would take refuge in case of necessity. ‘In the

cemetery,’ he replied.

“When November had set in the town was ravaged by pestilence, while it

suffered from the horrors of famine. Even the most unclean animals were

bought at an exorbitant price and devoured. Emaciated, and no less hungry

than the men, the very animals fell upon and ate one another. Pools of

stagnant water full of refuse were seen in the streets; scattered here

and there lay the unburied corpses; for the living there was neither

shelter nor rest; the air was pestilential and disease was abroad; the

overfull hospitals lacked remedies for the sick. During the month of

November, 1,378 soldiers alone died. The spirits of the strongest and

most valiant began to fail, and yet the dauntless governor Alvarez

seized or harshly turned away the emissaries despatched by the French

general to advise him to surrender. And upon hearing someone in the

fortress pronounce the word ‘capitulation,’ he turned upon him: ‘How!’

he exclaimed in imposing accents, ‘are you alone a coward here! When

provisions are at end we will eat you, and such as you.’ At length

capitulation was necessary and so ended the famous and memorable siege of

Gerona, which lasted seven long months, during which time the enemy’s 40

batteries discharged against the town more than 60,000 balls and 20,000

bombs and grenades.”]

[119] [The Spanish historian, the count de Toreño,[f] says of this siege:

“All the residents, without distinction of class, age, or sex, rushed

to the assistance of the troops. Lorenza, a woman of the people,

distinguished herself among the women, being twice wounded; and even

two blind men, one led by a faithful dog, employed themselves in useful

works, ever smiling and jovial, visiting the posts of greatest danger,

crying out above the hissing of the balls, ‘Courage, boys; long live

Ferdinand VII! _Viva Ciudad Rodrigo!_’

“The Spaniards were angered with the English for not assisting the town.

Lord Wellington had come thither from the Guadiana disposed, and even

as it were in honour bound to compel the French to raise the siege. In

this case he could not put forward the usual excuse that the Spaniards

did not defend themselves, or that by their want of concert they caused

the failure of the well-matured plans of their allies. The marquis de la

Romana came from Badajoz to Wellington’s headquarters, and joined his

prayers to those of the residents and authorities of Ciudad Rodrigo,

to those of the Spanish government, and even to those of some of the

English. In vain! Wellington, determined not to take any step in the

matter, remained obstinate.

“Were we to imitate the example of certain English historians, a wide

field is here open to us to fittingly reply to the unjust recriminations

which such historians have largely and wrathfully poured out, with

respect to the Spanish military operations. But with more impartiality

than they have shown and following no other guide but truth, setting

aside public opinion, we declare, on the contrary, that Lord Wellington

acted as a prudent general if, to compel the enemy to raise the siege,

it was necessary to risk a battle. His forces were not superior to the

French, his soldiers lacked the necessary quickness to manœuvre in the

open and without set positions, nor did the Portuguese troops possess

that discipline and experience of fighting which gives self-confidence.

A battle gained would have saved Ciudad Rodrigo, but it would not have

ended the war; and had they lost it, the English army would have been

destroyed, the enemy enabled to advance to Lisbon, and a terrible if not

mortal blow have been dealt to the Spanish cause. The voice of public

opinion deafened the ears of the government with complaints, qualifying

the conduct of the English as at least tepid and indifferent.”]

[120] [Napier,[b] while admitting the harshness of Masséna’s deeds,

blames the Portuguese peasantry for many atrocities, and says that at

least one of the worst outrages blamed upon Masséna’s men--the pulling

to pieces of João I’s body--was actually done by the British themselves.

Many of the charges against the French he declares not only slanderous

but impossible.]

[121] [On this triumph the count de Toreño[f] says: “During this siege

the French displayed consummate courage and skill; the first was

also displayed by the English, but not the latter. This was proved

by their losses in the assault of the breaches, and their valour and

triumph in the escalade. This was usually the case with them in the

besieging of towns. The English treated their foes well, but maltreated

the inhabitants of Badajoz. The latter awaited their liberators with

impatience, and prepared presents and refreshments for them, not to

escape their fury, as certain British historians have asserted, as from

allies and friends such conduct was not to be expected, but rather to

welcome and gratify them. More than six hundred inhabitants of both sexes

were killed by the English. The work of pillage and destruction lasted

the whole of the night of the 6th and the following day. The exhortations

of their leaders were disregarded, and Lord Wellington himself was

threatened by the bayonets of his soldiers, who impeded his entrance

into the fortress to check the disorder. Order was re-established the

following day with troops purposely brought from without. Nevertheless

the cortes presented thanks to the English general, not wishing that the

excesses of the soldiers should in any way detract from the advantages

resulting from the reconquest of Badajoz. The regency conferred upon

Wellington the grand cross of San Fernando.”]

[122] [Though Skerrett was covered with honours for this victory,

Napier[b] shows that he was forced by certain officers to defend the

place against his will, and that his mistakes even then were only

overcome by Captains Smith and Mitchell. He sets the numbers of the

garrison at twenty-five hundred; the number of French was variously rated

between five and ten thousand.]

[123] [Napier[b] says: “San Sebastian, a third-rate fortress and in bad

condition when invested, resisted a besieging army possessing an enormous

battering train, for sixty-three days. The place was, in fact, won by

accident--the ignition of the French powder-barrels and shells, which

alone opened the way into the town.” Of the sad atrocities committed by

the British troops, Napier goes on to say:

“A thunderstorm, coming down from the mountains with unbounded fury

immediately after the place was carried, added to the confusion of the

fight. This storm seemed to be a signal from hell for the perpetration

of villany which would have shamed the most ferocious barbarians of

antiquity. At Rodrigo intoxication and plunder had been the principal

object; at Badajoz lust and murder were joined to rapine and drunkenness;

but at San Sebastian, the direst, the most revolting cruelty was added to

the catalogue of crimes. One atrocity of which a girl of seventeen was

the victim staggers the mind by its enormous, incredible, indescribable

barbarity. The resolution of the troops to throw off discipline was

quickly made manifest. A British staff officer was pursued with a

volley of small arms and escaped with difficulty from men who mistook

him for the provost-marshal of the 5th division; a Portuguese adjutant

who endeavoured to prevent some wickedness was put to death in the

market-place, not with sudden violence from a single ruffian, but

deliberately by a number of English soldiers; and though many officers

exerted themselves to preserve order and many men were well conducted,

the rapine and violence commenced by villains spread; the camp-follower

soon crowded into the place, and the disorder continued until the flames,

following the steps of the plunderer, put an end to his ferocity by

destroying the whole town.”]

[Illustration]

The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 10 · 第 16 / 25 章