[Four or eight pages wanting.]
II. * * * * The intelligent principle having found man endowed with the
faculty of uttering rude and imperfect sounds, enabled him to separate
and distinguish them into articulations. Thus words were affixed to
things as signs of them, and man, once solitary, became united to man,
by the sweet bond of conversation. By the same intelligence, the
inflexions of the voice, which we find to be infinite in number, are all
distinguished and expressed, by the invention of a few marks, which
enable us to hold a correspondence with the absent, to indicate our
inclinations, and to preserve a record of things past. To this the
knowledge of numbers was added, a thing not only necessary to life, but
at once immutable and eternal. Which first led us to consider the
heavens, to look upon the motion of the planets with interest, and the
numbering of the nights and days * * * *
[Eight or ten pages wanting.]
III. * * * * Whose minds rose to a loftier pitch as I before said, that
they might execute or discover something worthy of the gift they had
received from the gods. Wherefore let those who have treated upon the
moral conduct of life, be deemed by us, great men, as they are; learned
men; masters of truth and virtue. Yet let it be admitted that civil
rights, and the government of a people, whether they are the fruits of
men experienced in the management of public affairs, or, as the fact has
been, the result of their literary leisure, be least despised; causing
as they do to spring up in great minds, as we have often seen, an
incredible and divine virtue. For if any one to those faculties which
the mind has from nature, and to those talents which civil institutions
produce, hath added also the learning, and the more various knowledge of
things, in which men engaged in the discussion of those books are
versed, there is no one who ought not to prefer such a man to all
others. For what can be more excellent, than when the practice and habit
of great affairs is joined to a perfect knowledge of the theory of the
science of them? Or what more perfect can be imagined than P. Scipio, C.
Lælius, and L. Philus; who that they might omit nothing appertaining to
the high character of enlightened men, to the knowledge of our domestic
and ancient customs, united the learning received from Socrates?
Wherefore he who determined and effected both, that is, instructed
himself as well in the institutions, as in the philosophy of the
ancients, I think has accomplished every thing with praise. But if a
choice must be made between those two paths to excellence, and if to any
one, that tranquil way of life passed in the best studies and sciences
may appear happier, still certainly an active, civil life is more
illustrious and more laudable. The greatest men derive their glory from
such a life, as M. Curius * * * *
“Whom none could overcome with arms or gold.”
[Six pages wanting.]
IV. * * * Nevertheless this difference existed in their two different
modes: the one unfolded the principles of nature by their studies and by
their eloquence; the others by their institutions and by their laws.
This commonwealth alone has produced many, if not altogether to be
deemed sages, since that title is so cautiously bestowed, yet worthy of
the greatest praise; for they cultivated the precepts and discoveries of
sages. Wherefore civil governments are to be extolled and ever will be,
since in the nature of things, to constitute a commonwealth which shall
be lasting, is one of the greatest efforts of mind: and thus if we only
enumerate one for every country, what a multitude of excellent men do we
find. For if we permit our minds to take a survey of that famous Greece,
of Italy, Latium, or the Sabine and Volscian people; the Samnites, the
Etrurians; next the Assyrians, the Persians, the Carthagenians. If
these * * *
[Twelve pages wanting.]
V. * * * “Truly,” said Philus, “you have imposed a fine task upon me,
wishing me to undertake the justification of what is wrong.” “Surely,”
said Lælius, “you are afraid lest in using the same arguments which are
wont to be brought forward against justice, you may appear to hold such
opinions yourself; you who are almost the only example left of ancient
probity and faith. But your habit of discussing both sides of the
question, in order more easily to get at the truth, is very well known.”
“Well, well,” said Philus, “I will do as you wish, and defile myself
with my eyes open: for since those who search for gold do not refuse to
do it; we who are looking for what is right, a thing much more precious
than gold, assuredly ought not to avoid any thing that is disagreeable.
And I wish, since I am about to make use of another man’s opinions, it
was possible for me to make use of his tongue also. Now, however, L.
Furius Philus, must say what Carneades, a Greek in the habit of saying
whatever he pleased * * *
[Four pages wanting.]
VIII. * * * But the other has filled four pretty large books with the
subject of justice. From Chrysippus I have never looked for any thing
very great or magnificent; since he reasons in a particular way of his
own, and examines things rather by the force of words, than the weight
of facts. It was for those distinguished men, to raise up that prostrate
virtue, and elevate it to the divine heights of wisdom. A virtue which
stands alone as it were, greatly munificent and liberal; which loves
every thing better than itself, and is born more for others, than for
its own interests. Nor was the inclination wanting to them: for what
other cause had they for writing, or what motive soever? In genius they
excelled all. But the cause was greater even than their inclination and
strength. The right indeed concerning which we inquire, is something
civil, not natural: if it were, justice and injustice would be the same
things to all men, as hot and cold, bitter and sweet things are.
IX. Now however, if any one borne upon the chariot with winged serpents,
of which Pacuvius speaks, could survey with his eyes, and look down upon
the many and various nations and cities; he might see chiefly among that
unchanging race of the Egyptians, which preserves in its records the
memory of so many events and ages, an ox esteemed as a god, which the
Egyptians call Apis; and many other strange things among them, among
which wild beasts consecrated into the number of the gods. Then in
Greece, where as with us, magnificent temples are consecrated containing
human images, which the Persians considered impious. For which cause
alone, Xerxes is said to have ordered the temples of the Athenians to be
burnt; considering it to be wicked to shut the gods up within walls,
whose residence was the whole universe. Afterwards Philip who had it in
contemplation, and Alexander who carried it into effect, gave as reasons
for making war against the Persians, that they avenged the temples of
Greece; which the Greeks did not think of repairing, that the
devastation might be an eternal monument to posterity of the infamy of
the Persians. How many, as the Taurians in Axinum, as Busiris the king
of Egypt, as the Gauls, the Carthagenians, have thought it a grateful
and pious duty to the gods, to immolate men. But the institutions of
life differ so much, that the Cretans and Etolians esteem it honourable
to steal: the Lacedemonians used to say that all lands were theirs which
they could reach with a shaft. The Athenians were wont to swear even
publicly, that every soil was theirs, which produced oil and corn. The
Gauls consider it shameful to produce grain by labour, and therefore go
armed to harvest other people’s lands. But we, the most just of men, to
make our own olive and vineyards more valuable, do not permit the
transalpine nations to plant them: in doing which we are said to act
prudently; it is not called acting justly. By which you may understand
there is a wide distance between prudence and equity. Lycurgus, the
founder of the best laws, and the most equal rights, gave the lands of
the wealthy to be cultivated by the lower class in the state of
servitude.
X. But if I were to describe the various kinds of laws, of institutions,
of customs and manners, not only so different among such divers nations,
but even in a single city, or in this, I could demonstrate them to have
been changed a thousand times. Our friend Manilius here, an interpreter
of laws, will tell you that other laws exist now concerning the legacies
and inheritances of women, than those he was wont to speak of in his
youth, before the Voconian law was passed; which very law, indeed
proposed for the advantage of the men, is full of injustice towards the
women. For why should a woman not have possessions? Why should a vestal
appoint an heir, and her mother not? Why if limits were to be put to the
possessions of women, should the daughter of Crassus, if she were an
only daughter, possess thousands legally, when mine could not possess
two or three hundred * * * * * *
[Two pages wanting.]
XI. * * * * * * If these rights were thus sanctioned in us, all men
would have the same rights, and would not have different rights at
different periods. But if it is the duty of a just and good man to obey
the laws, I would ask which are they to be? Or shall he obey all
indiscriminately? But virtue does not admit of uncertainty, nor nature
endure inconstancy. The strength of law consists in punishment, not in
our natural justice. Natural right therefore does not exist. Whence it
follows, that men are not made just by nature. But it is said, although
there are various laws, still good men, by natural inclination, pursue
what is just in itself, and not what is assumed to be so; because it is
the part of a good and just man, to render that justice to every one
which he is deserving of. Now, first, are we in any wise just to the
dumb beasts? For men, not of mediocrity, but great and learned;
Pythagoras and Empedocles, declare that all animals possess the same
degree of right, and denounce unatoning punishments to hang over those
by whom any animal is outraged. It is wicked therefore to injure the
brutes. * * * * * *
[Eight pages wanting.]
XII. * * * * * * what we call wisdom, urges us to increase our wealth,
our riches, and to extend our possessions. How could that great
commander[21] who formerly carried the limits of his empire into Asia;
how could he govern, bear sway, reign, have dominion, and the full
enjoyment of voluptuousness, unless he took something from others? But
justice orders us to spare all, to consult the welfare of mankind, to
give to every one his own, and to abstain from every thing that is
sacred, every thing that is public, every thing which is not our own.
What therefore is to be done? If wisdom is consulted, riches, power,
wealth, honours, authority, empire, are open to individuals and nations.
But since it is the public interest we are discussing, instances of a
public nature will illustrate better; and as the same degree of right is
in both, I shall advert to the wisdom of a nation, and I shall omit the
rest. Our own nation, which Africanus in his discourse yesterday, traced
to its origin, whose empire already extends over the earth, has it, once
least of them all, become so by justice or wisdom? * * * * * *
[Four or eight pages wanting.]
XIV. For all who possess the power of life and death over a people are
tyrants, yet they prefer to be called kings by the name of the good
Jupiter. When certain persons through the influence of their riches,
their class, or other circumstances, possess themselves of the
government, it is a faction. Yet they call themselves, the better class.
If the people however are uppermost and rule every thing at their own
pleasure, that is called liberty; nevertheless it is licentiousness. But
when one fears another, man mistrusting man, and one class another, then
because no one confides, a sort of pact is made between the people and
the great, from whence that combined form of government springs, which
Scipio has praised. So that neither nature, or the will is the mother of
justice, but weakness. For when one thing is to be chosen out of three,
either to do injustice without permitting it to be done to you; or to do
it and permit it also; or neither one or the other: the best is to do it
with impunity[22] if you can; the second best is neither to do it, nor
suffer it to be done to you: the worst of all is to be eternally
fighting now on account of your own aggressions, now on account of those
of others * * * * *
[An unknown number of pages wanting.]
* * * Except the Arcadians and the Athenians, who, I suppose, fearing
lest at some period this decree[23] of justice might appear, have
feigned themselves to be sprung from the earth, like the little mice we
see in the fields.
XVI. To these things, others are wont to be added principally by those,
distinguished for their honesty in discussion, and having more weight
for that reason. Who when engaged in the inquiry of what constitutes a
good man, frank and plain as we wish to find him, are not themselves
crafty, hardened, and malicious in argument. They deny that the wise man
is good only because goodness and justice are pleasing to him from their
nature; but because the lives of good men are free from apprehension,
care, solicitude and danger. Whereas bad men have always a sting goading
their souls, and judgment and punishment are always present to their
eyes. That there is no emolument, no advantage arising from injustice,
so great as to compensate the fear, and the constant thought that some
punishment is impending * * * * *
[Four or eight pages wanting.]
XVII. I ask if there be two men, one of them of the very best kind;
equitable, perfectly just, of exemplary faith: the other singular for
his wickedness and audacity: and suppose the community in such an error,
that the good man passes for a wicked and dishonest one; while the bad
one has the reputation of perfect probity and good faith. And through
this general delusion of the citizens, the good man is harassed,
arrested, bound, his eyes put out, condemned, thrown in chains, tortured
in the fire, banished. Wanting every thing, at last he appears to all to
be deservedly the most wretched of men. On the other hand, the bad man
is praised, sought after, caressed by all. Honours of every kind,
authority, power, and every advantage conferred upon him from all sides.
A man, finally, in the estimation of all deemed the very best, and
worthy of the highest gifts of fortune. Who would be so insane as to
hesitate which of these two he would choose to be?
XVIII. As it is with individuals, so it is with nations. No community is
so stupid, as not to prefer commanding by injustice, to serving
according to justice. I shall not go far back for examples. Being
consul, you assisting me in council; I had to examine the Numantine
treaty. Who is ignorant that Pompey made that treaty, and that Mancinus
was concerned in the same affair? This last most excellent man supported
the proposition I carried from the consultation in the senate; the other
most earnestly opposed it. Those who valued modesty, integrity, and good
faith preferred Mancinus: yet for his reasoning, counsel, and policy,
Pompey took the lead of him * * * *
[An unknown number of pages wanting.]
XXIX. * * * * * Ti. Gracchus was vigilant for the interests of the
people, but neglected the rights of the Latins and the treaties with the
allies. If such customs and license should spread themselves wider, and
our empire be changed from right to force, so that those who until now
voluntarily obey us, should be ruled only by terror; although it has
been vigilantly preserved for us, who are of the present age; yet I
should be very solicitous about our posterity, and about the immortality
of the republic, which might be perpetual, if the institutions and
manners of our forefathers were preserved.
XXX. When Lælius had thus spoken, all present expressed themselves to
have been very much delighted by him, but Scipio, among the rest, as if
quite elated with pleasure, “many causes,” said he, “indeed Lælius, hast
thou often defended, in such a manner that I can by no means compare our
colleague Servius Galba to thee; whom when he lived thou preferredest to
all; nor in truth any of the attic orators * * *
[Twelve pages wanting.]
XXXI. * * * * * Therefore that common interest, that is the
commonwealth, who can recognize it when all are oppressed by the cruelty
of one; when no bond of Law exists, nor that consent of congregated
society, which constitutes a people. And this very condition of the
Syracusans: a celebrated city, as Timæus says, the first among the
Greeks, and the most beautiful of them all: its harbour embosomed within
the walls, its canals running through the city: its broad streets, its
porticoes, temples, fortifications, all these did not help to constitute
a commonwealth, while Dionysius reigned. The people had no part in them,
for the very people belonged to one man. Therefore where there is a
tyrant, it is not a vitiated commonwealth, as I said yesterday, but
reason compels us to declare plainly that no commonwealth at all exists.
XXXII. “Indeed” said Lælius, “you speak very clearly, and I already
perceive the drift of your discourse.
S. You see therefore, that when every thing is in the power of a
faction, neither can that be properly called a commonwealth.
L. I judge it plainly so.
S. And most rightly do you judge, for what was the condition of the
Athenians, when after that great Pelopponesian war, thirty men were most
unjustly placed in the command of that city? Did the ancient glory of
the city, the admirable nature of its buildings, its theatre, gymnasia,
its noble porticoes, its citadel, or the admirable works of Phidias, or
the magnificent port of Piræus, did they constitute a commonwealth? “Not
in the least” said Lælius, “because indeed the common interest was not
thought of.”
S. How was it at Rome, when the Decemvirs existed without appeal, in
that third year, when liberty itself had parted with its privileges?
L. Nothing was left to the people, and truly it was necessary to bring
them to that point, that they might recover their rights.
XXXIII. S. I come now to the third kind, that in which some
inconsistency will perhaps be perceived, where all things are said to be
done by the people, and to be in the power of the people. When the
multitude orders punishments to be inflicted in any manner that it
pleases, ordering, seizing, keeping, dissipating every thing whatever
they choose, can you then Lælius, deny that to be a republic, where all
things belong to the people, and when indeed we define a republic to be
a commonwealth?” “There is nothing,” said Lælius, “I would sooner deny
to be a republic, than where all things are in the power of the
multitude. We did not consider that they had a republic among the
Syracusans, or at Agrigentum, or at Athens when they were under tyrants,
or at Rome when under the decemvirs. Nor do I see how the name of
republic is appropriate when the multitude rules. Because first, as you
have happily defined it to me, Scipio, a people does not exist, but
where it is held together by consent of law; and this sort of mob, is as
much a tyrant as if it were one man. Indeed it is more mischievous, for
nothing is more ferocious than the wild beast which assumes the name and
form of the people. Nor is it right, when the property of maniacs is
placed by law under the guardianship of kindred, that * * *
[Eight pages wanting.]
XXXIV. * * * of it,[24] it may with as much propriety be said that it is
a republic and a commonwealth, as it may be said of a kingdom. “And much
more,” said Mummius, “for a king being one, is more like a master; but
where many good men are at the head of affairs in a republic, nothing
can be more happily constituted. But I certainly prefer a kingdom to the
sway of a democracy; which third and most vicious kind of government
remains for you to explain.”
XXXV. To this Scipio replied, “I recognize well Spurius, your steady
aversion to the popular mode, and although it might be treated with less
aversion than you are wont to do, nevertheless I agree, that of all
these three kinds, no one is less to be approved of. I do not however
agree with you that the better class are to be preferred to a king; for
if it is wisdom which governs a state, of what consequence is it,
whether it resides in one, or in many? But in our discussion we are led
into a sort of error. When we call them the better class, nothing can be
conceived more excellent, for what can be imagined more desirable than
the best? When however a king is mentioned, an unjust king occurs to our
minds. We do not nevertheless intend to speak of an unjust king, in our
examination of this royal kind of government. Think of Romulus,
Pompilius, and Tullus as kings, and perhaps you will not be so
displeased with that kind of government.
M. What sort of praise then is left for a democratic government?
S. What did you think, Spurius, of the Rhodians, with whom we were
together; did you see nothing like a commonwealth there?
M. Indeed I did, and least of all to be blamed.
S. You say well. But if you remember all were alike; sometimes
plebeians, sometimes senators; and by turns discharging during certain
months their functions as senators; the other months they remained in
the ranks of the people. In both capacities however they had the
privilege of being present at the meetings for deliberation, and equally
in the theatres and in the courts, great matters and all others were
judged; so numerous was the multitude and so great its power
that * * * * *
-----
Footnote 21:
Alexander.
Footnote 22:
These are sophisms brought forward in favour of injustice.
Vide Lact. Inst. 5.
Footnote 23:
To restore things unjustly acquired.
Footnote 24:
The better class.
CICERO’S REPUBLIC.
[Illustration]