deceased person and calls him or her by name three times, to make
sure that death has occurred. If no answer comes, the family laments,
for it is then concluded that the person is really dead. The body is
then bathed in warm water from three earthen pots and is reverently
laid on a mat (_japung_), where it is dressed in white cloth,
a peculiar feature of the dressing being that the waist-cloth and
turban are folded from left to right, and not from right to left, as
in the case of the living. An egg called _u'leng kpoh_ is placed on
the stomach of the deceased, and nine fried grains, of _riw hadem_,
or Indian corn, are tied round the head with a string. The rich place
ear-rings in the ears and other jewellery on the body of the deceased,
it being necessary that this jewellery should be specially made for
the occasion, and they deck the corpse with valuable cloths. A cock,
_u'iar krad lynti_ (literally the cock that scratches the way), is
sacrificed, the idea being that a cock will scratch a path for the
spirit to the next world. A sacrifice of a bull, or of a cow in case
the deceased is a woman, (_u_ or _ka masi pynsum_,) follows. Portions
of the left leg of the fowl and the lower part of the jaw of the
bull or cow are kept, to be placed afterwards in the _mawshieng_,
or bone, receptacle. A small basket (_ka shang_) is hung up over
the head of the corpse, the basket containing pieces (_dykhot_) of
the sacrificed animals. A dish containing eatables, and betel-nut,
and a jar of water are placed near the head of the corpse by way
of offering refreshment to the spirit of the departed. The food is
given each morning and evening that the corpse remains in the house;
this is called _ái ja miet ja step_. Each night the corpse remains
in the house guns are fired, drums are beaten and flutes (_sháráti_)
are played. It is a noteworthy custom that the body is not retained
in the house for an even number of nights, the usual time being
three nights. If it is intended to burn the body on a masonry pyre
(_jingthang_), a bull (_u masi kynroh_) is sacrificed. If the body is
placed in a coffin (_ka shyngoid_), a pig named _u'niang shyngoid_
is sacrificed, and if it is intended to adorn the pyre with flags,
a fowl called a _u'iar kait_ is sacrificed. On the day of the funeral
procession pigs are sacrificed by the relatives and friends of the
deceased; those who cannot afford pigs bring liquor (_ka'iad rong_),
a small portion of which they pour on the funeral pyre. The coffin is
laid on a bamboo bier (_ka krong_.), money being placed close to the
corpse, so that the spirit of the deceased may possess the wherewithal
to buy food on its journey. Cotton, or, in the case of the rich, silk
cloths are tied cross-ways over the bier, if the deceased is a male,
and in the form of a parallelogram, if it is a female. Before lifting
the bier a handful of rice and water from a jar are thrown outside,
and a goat (_u'lang sait ksuid_) is sacrificed. These are purificatory
ceremonies. The funeral procession then forms up and slowly passes
along the way to the plaintive music of flutes (_sharati_) and the
beating of drums. At intervals, in the case of the rich, salutes from
guns are fired. Copper coins are also scattered along the route. On
nearing the pyre the dead body is exposed to view, and the pieces
of flesh of the sacrificial animals, which are with the corpse,
are thrown away. They make ready three baked loaves (_ki kpu_), an
egg, the lower jar-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
the left leg of the fowl (_u'iar krad lynti_), a jar of water,
eatables in a dish, and a bow and three arrows. A goat is then
sacrificed, _u'lang mawkjat_. The corpse is laid on the pyre, inside
the coffin, if one is used, with the head to the west and the feet
to the east. Logs of wood are placed around the body, and the egg,
"_u'leng kpeh_," is broken, not over the stomach of the deceased,
as has been sometimes supposed, but by being thrown on the pyre
in the direction of the feet of the corpse. Fire in applied to the
pyre, first by the _kur_, or members of the clan, and then by the
children, if any, of the deceased. Another fowl, "_u'iar padat_,"
is sacrificed, its blood being smeared round the pyre three times,
and across the corpse three times. The bier is then broken to pieces,
the cloths having been removed from it previously. The eatables and
the jaw-bones of the sacrificial animals are then placed at the head
of the pyre. After the fowl (_u'iar padat_) has been sacrificed,
the three arrows already mentioned are shot from the bow, one to
the north, another to the south, and the third to the east. These
arrows are called _ki'nam tympem_. It is, perhaps, significant that
the arrows which are shot at death despond in numbers with those
which are used at the time of the birth ceremony. When the fire
has blazed up, another goat, "_u'lang dholia_," is sacrificed. In
some cases all the clothes of the deceased are burnt with the body,
in others the clothes are merely held over the fire and then taken
away, after which they can be used (this is only in the case of poor
persons). Before leaving the burning-place the relatives and friends
of the deceased place betel-nuts on the pyre and bid farewell to the
deceased, saying "_Khublei khie leit bam kwai sha iing u Blei ho_"
(good-bye, go and eat betel-nut in the house of god). When the body has
been thoroughly burnt, the fire is extinguished with water, and the
uncalcined bones are collected by the relatives in three trips. The
collectors ace not allowed to turn back and pick up a bone which has
been forgotten in any one of these trips. The bones thus collected are
carefully wrapped in a piece of white cloth by the female relatives,
and an old member of the family throws on the ground some powdered rice
from a leaf, at the same time adjuring the spirit of the deceased not
to trouble the _kur_, or the family, as the funeral ceremonies have
been duly performed. The party then sets out to the bone repository,
or _mawshieng_. In front walks one who strews along the line of route
leaves of the tree known by the Khasis as _diang shit_ (the berries of
which are need for fishing with), and grains of rice, all the way from
the pyre to the cairn. If any stream has to be crossed, a rough bridge
is made of branches and grass. This trail of leaves and the bridges are
intended to guide the spirit of the deceased to the cairn. The person
who carries the bones is not allowed to turn round, or to the right,
or to the left, but must proceed straight to the cairn. On reaching
it, a _nongknia_, or sacrificer, washes the bones three times and
then places them in an earthen pot, tying up the mouth with a white
cloth. Then, having taken three pieces of the hard yolk of an egg,
three loaves of bread, the leg of the fowl, "_u'iar krad lynti_,"
and the lower jaw-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
he places them inside the cairn and shuts the door. Eatables and
betel-nut are then placed on the top of the cairn. Early next morning
the relatives and friends go to the cairn with fresh food and water,
and look about for new foot-prints, the idea being that from these
foot-prints they can foretell future events. This they do until the
third night after the cremation. During these three nights the front
door of the house formerly occupied by the deceased is never closed,
it being thought that the spirit may wish to return and visit its
earthly abode. The whole family is moreover _sang_, or taboo, during
this period, and no manner of work can be done. When the three nights
are over, it is called the _lait ia_, i.e. the days (of mourning) are
passed, and three eggs are broken to ascertain what was the cause of
the death. After this the family goes to bathe, and the clothes and
mats in the house are washed. When this has been done, the taboo is
removed and the family can go to work. After a month a pig or a fowl
is sacrificed, the ceremony being called "_ai bam lait bnai_." It will
be observed that three seems to be the lucky number throughout these
funeral ceremonies. The number seems to bear a similar significance
in other matters of Khasi ritual, e.g. the pouring out of libations,
which is always done three times.
It is _sang_ or taboo for a Khasi widow to re-marry within one year
from the death of her husband, there is a similar prohibition for a
husband re-marrying; but such _sang_ can be got over by the payment of
a fine to the clan of the deceased. After the expiration of one year
the fine is reduced in amount. Khasi widows do not as a rule re-marry,
according to U Jeebon Roy, unless they have no female children,
in which case the clan urges them to re-marry, so that the chain of
inheritance may not be broken, inheritance amongst the Khasis always
passing in the female line.
Customs in Connection with Deaths by Violence or Accident.
These customs are interesting enough to deserve a separate description;
they are as follows:--
If a man dies by the sword, before his body can be burnt, a sacrifice
of a black hen must be offered to _Ka Tyrut_, the goddess of death. The
bones are then placed in a stone cairn. Again they are removed, and,
after eggs have been broken, are taken to a river bank and there
washed. If there is no river at hand, a tank is dug for the purpose,
which is called _umkoi_. There are various such _umkois_ in different
parts of the district, e.g. near Raliang and Nartiang. A sacrifice
of a goat is offered to the god _U Syngkai Bamon_, and a sow to _Ka
Ramshandi_, both of whom are evil deities. Another sow is sacrificed
to _Ka Tyrut_. After this the bones are placed in another newly-built
cairn. The ceremony of placing the bones in one and then removing
them to another cairn is usually performed three times; but unless
the auspices, as deduced from the eggs, are favourable, the relatives
must go on sacrificing and removing the bones until they are so. These
ceremonies having been completed, they erect a flat table-stone, or
_mawkynthei_, for the ghost of the departed to sit upon, and return
home, where they propitiate their ancestors with offerings of food. In
the case of the murdered victims of the _thlen_ superstition the same
ceremonies are observed. For people who have died by drowning, or been
killed by wild animals, and for women who have died in childbirth,
similar pujas are offered, except that a sacrifice to _U Syngkai Bamon_
does not take place. In the case of one who has died at a distance from
his home, e.g. in a foreign country, whose body has not been burnt
in accordance with custom, and whose bones have not been collected,
the members of his clan, or his children, take three or five seeds or
cowries (_sbai_) to a place where three roads meet. Here they summon
the spirit of the departed in a loud voice, and throw up the seeds
or cowries into the air, and when they fall to the ground they say,
"_to alle noh ba ngin sa lum sa kynshew noh ia phi_," come now we
will collect you (the idea being that the seeds represent the bones
of the deceased). Having collected the seeds, they place them on
a bier and perform the service for the dead just in the same way
as if a real dead body were to hand. If possible a portion of the
dead person's clothes should be burnt with the seeds in the bier,
and it is with this view that the coats or cloths of Khasi coolies,
who die when employed as porters on military expeditions at a distance
from their homes, are brought back by their friends to give to the
relatives. If a person, dies of cholera, small-pox, or other such
infectious or contagious disease, the body is buried, but is dug up
again and burnt with all the customary rites when fear of infection
or contagion is over. In parts of the district upright stones called
_maw-umkoi_ are erected along the line of route when the remains of
a person who has met with an accidental death are brought home. This
is stated to be the case in the Rambrai Siemship.
Miscellaneous Customs in Connection with Death.
In Nongjri, a large village in the Wár Country, the dead body is
placed on a bier near the door of the house, a turban being tied
about the head, the face being left bare and turned towards the
door. In some of the Shella villages a second cremation is performed,
in which a bamboo frame-work represents the corpse. This second
cremation takes place when the body has been disposed of without the
requisite ceremonies. The bones and ashes of the dead in Shella are
in some cases kept in a cavity hollowed out of a post erected for
the purpose. The bones and ashes find a temporary resting-place here,
but are afterwards removed to a cromlech.
At Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, the head of the corpse is shaved,
but a tuft of hair in the middle of the head is left; this is called
(_u'niuh Iawbei_), the great grandmother's lock. At Nartiang betel-nut,
which has been chewed by one of the mourners is put into the mouth
of the corpse, also cooked rice. There is a similar custom prevalent
amongst the Khyrwangs. The Nongtungs, in the Jaintia Hills, keep dead
bodies sometimes as long as a month, until the _phur_ or ceremonial
dance has been performed. Hence they are called Nong-tung, or
"stinkers." Amongst the Lynngams the dead body is kept for sometimes
three or four months, or up to the time when a bull can be procured
for a feast to the villagers. This feast is an essential, and,
cattle being scarce in the Lynngam country, there is often great
delay in disposing of the body. Lynngam villages at such a time are
best avoided. The Lynngams of Nongsohbar bury the unburnt bones of the
deceased within the village, and in front of the house occupied by the
deceased when alive; the bones being placed in a hole in the ground,
over which is laid a stone, a bamboo mat being nailed over the stone. A
bamboo fence three or four feet high is erected round the grave. Other
Lynngams bury the uncalcined bones and ashes in a gourd in the jungle
near the burning-place. On their way home, the members of the clan of
the deceased who have come from other villages to witness the funeral
obsequies, put up a stone on the path in honour of the deceased, a
turban being tied round the top of the stone. The Garos or Dkos, who
live at the foot of the hills on the Kamrup border, and are called by
the Assamese _Hana_ (spear-men), erect memorial stones in honour of the
deceased, the lower jaw-bones of sacrificial animals and other articles
being hung on the stones. The stones are also swathed in cloths, and
turbans are tied round the tops. The death customs of the Lynngams,
and, indeed, other customs also, are partly Khasi and partly Garo,
it being difficult to say that the Lynngams are more Khasi than Garo,
or more Garo than Khasi in this respect; their language, however; has
been found by Dr. Grierson to be a corruption of Khasi. In Nongstoin,
Mawlih, and Mariaw villages, the inhabitants of which profess to be
Khasis, the bones and ashes of the deceased are not collected and
placed in repositories, as at Cherrapunji. At Mariaw and Nongstoin
a large wooden coffin is used, painted white, with ornamentations on
the outside, and standing on four legs. This coffin is not burnt on
the funeral pyre. In the family of the chiefs of Cherra, the body
of a deceased Siem is subjected to the following process:--It is
wrapped in a cloth and placed in the hollowed-out trunk of a tree,
_ka-shyngoid_, there being a small hole with a plug at the bottom of
this receptacle. Spirit is then poured into the _shyngoid_ until the
whole body is immersed, the liquor being allowed to stand for three
days. After the body has been thus steeped, the liquor is allowed to
run out, and the body is washed with warm water, after which it is
allowed to dry for a day. Then a quantity of lime-juice is poured
in, the latter being obtained from the fresh fruit of the lime
(_u soh jew_). The body is thus exposed to a process of pickling,
which continues until the whole is thoroughly dry and becomes like
that of a mummy. It is then placed in a coffin, which is kept in
the house of the Siem family until it is time to perform the funeral
obsequies. These ceremonies entail a very large amount of expense,
and it sometimes happens that they cannot be completed for some years
after the death of a Siem. The body of a deceased Siem according
to the Cherra custom should be burnt by his successor otherwise the
latter is not Siem according to the Khasi religion. The last Siem of
Cherra, U Hajon Manik, did not perform the funeral obsequies of his
predecessor U Ram Singh, and it is stated that many of his subjects
did not regard him as Siem, according to the Khasi religion, in
consequence. There are at the present time the corpses of two Siems
of Cherra which have been preserved in the manner described above,
awaiting cremation. The first Siem, U Ram Singh, died as far back as
1875, and the second, U Hajon Manik, died in 1901.
Sir Joseph Hooker and other authorities have stated that the
bodies of deceased Siems of Cherra used to be embalmed in honey,
and an amusing story is told regarding the necessity of exercising
caution in purchasing honey from Cherra (honey being plentiful in
this neighbourhood), except in the comb, for fear of honey which
has been used for embalming purposes being passed off on the unwary
purchaser. But the members of the Siem family and the old residents
deny that honey is used for this purpose nowadays, possibly in the
interests of the trade. It is, however, not unlikely that honey
was so utilized in days gone by, as it is a well-known agent for
embalming. The bodies of priests in Burmah are said to be embalmed
in honey, _vide_ Yule's "Embassy to Ava."
The Disposal of the Dead.
The collection of the uncalcined bones and ashes of the deceased
members of the clan and their bestowal in the _mawbah_, or great
_cinerarium_ of the clan, is without doubt the most important
religious ceremony that the Khasis perform. That this ceremony is now
but seldom celebrated, is due partly to the difficulty that exists
in obtaining general agreement amongst the members of the clans,
and partly to the considerable expense it entails. The information
I have obtained regarding the ceremony, although differing to some
extent in detail from that recorded by the late U Jeebon Roy, agrees
with the latter's account as regards the main facts. The information
may now be set down as follows. By way of premise it may be stated
that the bones and ashes of the deceased are kept after cremation in
small stone cairns, or _mawshieng_. From these small cairns the bones
and ashes are removed to larger bone repositories called _mawphew_,
each branch of a clan possessing a repository of its own. The ceremony
attending the removal of the bones and ashes from the small cairns
to the larger repository, or _mawphew_, and the ceremony attached
to the removal of these remains from the _mawphew_ to the sepulchre
of the clan are practically the same, except that when the bones are
removed to the _mawphew_, no female dancing takes place. First of all,
the members of the various branches of the clan collect the bones
from the different subsidiary repositories, when a ceremony called
"_khot ia u lor u kap_," which it is not necessary to describe here,
is performed. The bones of the deceased males and females are kept
separately, and preparations are made to bring them to the sepulchre
of the clan. Before, however, anything further can be done, it must be
ascertained that the members of the clan are at peace with one another
and no differences exist. If all differences are settled, a sacrificer
offers up a prayer that the sins of the clans-folk may be forgiven,
and then breaks eggs and sacrifices a cock to ascertain which will be
a propitious day for depositing the bones in the sepulchre. A lucky
day having been thus ascertained, the bones and ashes are brought to
the _iing seng_, or clan puja-house, the bones of males and females
being kept in separate bundles wrapped in white cloth, two women of
the clan reverently carrying them in their arms, bidding the bundles
of hones to their breasts. One female carries the bones of the males
and the other those of the females. In front of these women walks an
old man who scatters along the way leaves of the _dieng-shit_ tree
and grains of rice, and when it is necessary to cross any stream or
river, he ties a thread from one side of the bank to the other, this
is for the spirit of the departed to cross the water. Sometimes _u'nam
tohrih_, a kind of long grass, is used instead of thread for the above
purpose. On arrival at the clan puja-house, the bones of the males
are laid on one bed and those of the females on another, the beds
being bedecked with rich hangings. A cock, _u'iar kradlynti_ (lit.:
"the cock which scratches the way"), is sacrificed, this sacrifice
being considered by the Khasis to be of peculiar significance. A pig,
a cock, and a bull are then sacrificed, and portions of the above are
offered to the spirits of the deceased. These offerings are known by
the name of ai-bam, and are placed in a basket which is hung up in the
house, together with the left thigh of the fowl and the lower jaw-bone
of the bullock. A dance is performed that night, first in the house
by two women, one belonging to the clan and the other an outsider,
and afterwards in a specially prepared place outside the house called
"_lympung_." The _sharati_, or flute, which is played at funerals
is sounded, drums are beaten, and bombs are exploded. This dancing
lasts from one to nine days, the limit being always an uneven number
of days. At Cherra two effigies called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_
are prepared and dressed up; the former is intended to represent
_Ka Iawbei_, the first ancestress, and the other _U Suidnia_, the
first maternal uncle of the clan. These effigies are held in the
hands of the dancers. In the meantime two lines of upright stones
consisting of three each, with a table-stone in front of each line,
have been set up. These are called _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_, and are
intended to serve as resting-places for the spirits of the dead on
their way to the tomb of the clan. These stones are generally not
more than three feet in height, and must not be confounded with the
larger stones or _mawbynna_. On the night before it is proposed to
deposit the bones, a ceremony called "_Beh-tympew_" is performed,
which consists of driving out the devils from the house, so that
they may not interfere with the peace of the spirits of the departed
whilst they rest in the house, and on their journey to the tomb. All
the men after they have performed this ceremony are given a drink
of rice-beer known as _'iad nonglieh_. Another cock is sacrificed,
and a small bamboo ladder of three rungs is prepared for the use of
the spirits when climbing into the tomb. Rice is then thrown outside
the door. The next morning they perform further sacrifices, which need
not be detailed here, and let loose a bull whose horns have been cased
in silver. They dig two shallow tanks called _umkoi_, into which is
poured water supposed to possess the virtue of purifying the bones
of any deceased clansmen who have died violent or unnatural deaths,
or at places far away from their homes, where it was not possible to
perform their funeral ceremonies according to custom. Three vertical
stones are also erected, called _maw umkoi_. A bamboo with a white
flag, and a plantain tree are set up; to the bamboo are attached three
bamboo rings (_kyrwoh_), which are supposed to act as summonses to
the spirits of the departed who have not received the benefits of
a proper funeral ceremony. It may be explained that this ring of
bamboo or cane is the form of summons used by the Khasi chiefs to
their subjects when they wish to call them before them. Then a cock,
_u'iar umkoi_, is sacrificed as a vicarious victim to bear the sins of
the departed. When the procession reaches the _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_
(the upright stones which have been erected), a goat called _u'lang
mawlynti_ is sacrificed. Then a bamboo is fixed to the centre one of
the three upright stones, to which is attached the lower jaw-bone
of one of the cattle sacrificed in the puja-house; this is called
_u masi mawlynti_. A special ceremony called _ka-lyngka-pongrei_
is then performed for those of the clan who have died childless. We
now come to the actual ceremony of placing the bones in the tomb of
the clan. Having arrived at the tomb, the bones are washed three
times in a dish (this is a Cherra custom). In Mawshai, the bones
are exposed to the heat of a fire kindled on a small _jingthang_, or
burning-platform. The stone door of the _cinerarium_ is then opened,
and the bones of the females are placed in an earthen pot inside
the tomb close to the wall which is farthest away from the door, the
bones of the males being deposited in a pot inside the tomb nearest
the door. Some clans keep the pot containing the bones of the males on
the right, and the vessel containing those of the females on the left
hand. Then offerings of food and libations of liquor are offered to
the ancestors on a stone in front of the tomb. The males them perform
a ceremonial dance with swords and shields, three times, and the door
of the sepulchre is closed, a flag being fixed to the tomb. All the
clansfolk then depart except three men. One of these sacrifices a
cock (_iar-tanding_) in front of the tomb, a second sits behind the
sacrificer, holding three firebrands, and a third sits behind the
tomb. The man with the firebrands shakes them about, and then crows
like a cock three times. The man behind the tomb listens attentively
for any fancied noise within it, the superstition being that if
the ceremonies detailed above have not been properly performed, the
whole tomb will quake. If the three watchers are satisfied that there
is no commotion within the tomb, then all is well, and they return
and report the result to the clanspeople. This ceremony is called
_tanding_, or the fire test. Next morning the woman who is the head
of the _iing-seng_, or puja-house, distributes to all those who have
taken part in these sacrifices the hinder portions of the sacrificial
animals. She then blesses one by one the assembled clansfolk. The
latter are not permitted by custom to go to work until after three
days from the time of the ceremony; the third day being called _ka
sngi lait ia_. The ceremony described above is a symbolical one. The
massive stone sepulchre is regarded as a symbol of a secure place of
rest for the departed spirits. If the spirits of the dead are not,
however, appeased by the due performance of the ceremonies attending
the bestowal of the remains in the clan _cinerarium_, it is believed
that they roam about and haunt their relations on earth, and plague
them with various misfortunes. It may be interesting to note here,
that Mr. Moberly, the Superintendent of Ethnography in Bengal,
reports that the ashes of deceased Hos, after being sprinkled with
water by means of peepul branches, we collected, dried, and placed
in a new earthen pot, and kept in the house until the day of burial,
which may take place, as with the Khasis, long afterwards. The bones
are buried in the village under a large slab of stone (cf. the Khasi
stone _cinerarium_), and a monolith is erected outside the village
to commemorate the deceased.
Khasi Memorial Stones.
Probably one of the first objects which strikes the eye of a visitor to
the Khasi Hills is the very large number of monoliths, table-stones,
and cromlechs that are to be met with almost everywhere in that
country. Yule, Dalton, and other writers have incidentally referred
to them, but, as far as is known at present, no attempt has been
made to explain in any detail what is the peculiar significance
of these objects to the Khasis. These stones are rightly styled
memorial stones; _kynmaw_, literally, "to mark with a stone," is the
word in the Khasi language for "to remember" The memorial stone,
in the ordinary sense of the word, is a memorial to the dead; but
we have such names of places in these hills as _Maomluh_, the salt
stone (the eating of salt off the blade of a sword being one of the
Khasi forms of oath), _Maosmai_, the oath stone, _Maophlang_, the
grassy stone, and others. To commemorate with a stone an important
event has been a constant custom amongst many people in many places,
and the erection of grave-stones, to mark the spot where the remains
of the dead are buried, is an almost universal practice amongst the
Western nations, as indeed amongst some of the Eastern also. But the
Khasi menhirs are no more gravestones, in the sense of marking the
place where the remains of the dead lie, than some of the memorials
of Westminster Abbey and other fanes; the Khasi stones are cenotaphs,
the remains of the dead being carefully preserved in stone sepulchres,
which are often some distance apart from the memorial stones. It is
proposed to treat this subject under the following heading:--
(1) A general description of the memorial stones in the Khasi
Hills, showing, that they are very similar in shape to monoliths,
table-stones, or cromlechs in other parts of the world and of India.
(2) A comparison between Khasi memorial stones and those of the
Ho-Mundas, the stones near Belgaum, those of the Mikirs, the monoliths
at Willong in the Manipur Hills, and the Dimapur monoliths.
(3) The meaning of the stones.
(4) The method of their erection.
With regard to the first heading, the stones may be divided, into
(_a_) menhirs, or vertical stones; (_b_) table-stones, or dolmens,
and (_c_) stone cromlechs, or cairns, which serve the purpose of
cineraria. Taking the different stones in order, the menhirs are
large upright stones varying in height from 2 or 3 ft. to 12 or
14 ft., but in exceptional instances rising to a more considerable
elevation, the great monolith at Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, being
27 ft. high, and 2 1/2 ft. thick. A photograph of this stone has been
included. These menhirs are erected all in one line which nearly always
consists of an uneven number of stones. Three is the commonest number
of menhirs, but five together are frequently to be found, and there are
some instances of seven stones; at Laitkor nine stones are standing,
an illustration of which will be found in this book. The stones are
of hewn gneiss granite, or sandstone, to be met with in many places
in these hills. They are rough hewn, and generally taper gradually to
their tops, which are sometimes neatly rounded off. The tallest stone
is usually in the middle, and is occasionally ornamented with a small
stone, through the middle of which a hole has beam drilled so that
it may fit on the top of the other. At Nongkrem there is a centre
stone with a regularly carved top, evidently intended to represent
the head of a man. At Umstow, some two miles from Cherrapunji by
the cart road, stood two rows of fine monoliths, each row five in
number, and standing on either side of the old bridle road. All of
these stones except one were thrown down by the earthquake shock of
June, 1897. The centre stone, or _mawkni_, of one of these rows was
surmounted by a carved stone covering shaped like a hat, but having
a rim with indented edges, the intention being evidently to represent
a crown. This stone crown was riveted to the top of the large centre
stone. All the stones, including the _mawkynthei_, or dolmen, have
been very neatly hewn. They appear to be of granite. Stones with top
coverings or carved heads are however rare. In front of the line
of menhirs is a large flat table-stone resting on stone supports,
the top of the uppermost plane being some 2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the
ground; this flat stone is sometimes as much as a foot or more
thick. The largest table-stones are to be seen at Nartiang, in the
Jaintia Hills, and Laitlyngkot in the Khasi Hills. The Laitlyngkot
stone measures 28 1/2 by 13 3/4 ft., and that at Nartiang 16 1/2 by
14 3/4 ft. The Laitlyngkot stone is 1 ft. 8 in. thick. Sometimes two
table-stones are found parallel to one another. The table-stones are
always placed towards the centre of the group, generally in front
of the great central menhir. These groups of stones are usually
situated alongside roads, or close to well-known lines of route,
where they readily attract the attention of passers-by. They do not
necessarily face in any particular direction, but are to be found
fronting all points of the compass. There is nothing therefore to show
that they were erected so as to face the direction of the sun-rise,
or of any particular planet's. We will now pass on to the numerous
stone cromlechs which are to be found, frequently in proximity to the
menhirs and table-stones. These stone cromlechs contain the bones of
the dead, and the menhirs and table-stones are intimately connected
with them, inasmuch as memorial stones to deceased ancestors are
erected when the ceremony of depositing bones in the _cineraria_
has been completed. The _cineraria_ are built of blocks of stone,
sometimes on stone platforms, and sometimes resting on the ground. They
are frequently of considerable size. The cromlech is opened by removing
one of the heavy stone slabs in front. There are no windows such as
are to be seen in some of the illustrations of dolmens or cromlechs
in France and Circassia in Waring's book of "Stone Monuments, Tumuli,
and Ornaments of Remote Ages," probably because the Khasi idea was to
confine the spirits and not allow them to escape from the tomb and
haunt the living. The cromlechs are generally square or oblong, but
are sometimes circular in shape also. Let us now compare the Khasi
menhirs with some to be found in other parts of the world. In Lord
Avebury's "Prehistoric Times" Fergusson's work, and Waring's collection
of plates of stone monuments, there are numerous illustrations of
menhirs and dolmens to be found in other parts of the world, which
may be said to resemble those of the Khasis in appearance, but this
is by no means a matter for surprise, for, given like conditions,
amongst primitive peoples, totally unconnected with one another as
regards race, and living in countries far remote from one another,
the results, i.e. the erection of stones as memorials of important
persons, or events, are probably the same all the world over. Waring
in his book gives an illustration of several lines of stone monuments
with two table-stones, either in front or in rear according to the
position of the photographer or draftsman in taking the picture,
which would appear to be very similar to the lines of menhirs we
find in the Khasi Hills. In plate XLII, fig. 6, of Waring's book, are
the lines of stones to which I refer. They may be said to be almost
exactly similar to the lines of Khasi memorial stones, except that
the stones depicted by Waring have circles or ovals painted on them,
which are said to signify that certain sacrifices of animals have
been performed. Now the Khasis perform such sacrifices; but they
do not mark their performance thus on the stones. Fergusson on page
447 of his "Rude Stone Monuments" apparently refers to these stones,
which are near Belgaum in the Bombay Presidency, and he is of
opinion that "they were dedicated or vowed to the spirits of deceased
ancestors"; further it is stated that these stones are always in uneven
numbers, a striking point of similarity to the Khasi stones. We know,
for a fact, that the Khasi memorial stones were dedicated to the
same objects as those of the Belgaum stones, i.e. to the worship
of ancestors; so that we have not only similarity in appearance,
in confirmation, and invariable unevenness of number, but identity
of purpose, if Fergusson's conclusion is correct. It is, however,
a far cry from Shillong to Belgaum, and it may, perhaps, be thought
more reasonable if we look for stones nearer at hand. Bradley Birt
in his interesting book on Chota Nagpur has given a photograph of
certain Ho memorial stones, which would appear to resemble greatly the
Khasi menhirs, and if his photograph is carefully examined, it will
be seen that there are in rear of the stones what would seem to be
stone cairns, very similar in appearance to the Khasi _cineraria_. The
funeral ceremonies of the Hos as described by Bradley Birt, viz. the
cremation of the body, the collection of the ashes, their consignment
to a grave, and the offering of food to the spirit of the deceased,
are similar to those of the Khasis. Although not wishing to lay too
much stress on what may be merely a coincidence, I think that the
above similarity in death customs is well worth considering with
regard to the view, based on linguistic affinity, that the Khasis
and the Ho-Mundas were originally descended from a common stock,
i.e. the Mon-Khmêr or Mon-Anam family, as has been postulated by Logan.
But there are other tribes in Assam which erect memorial stones,
e.g. the Mikirs and certain Naga tribes. The Mikirs erect memorial
stones in a line, the taller stone being sometimes in the centre, as
in the case of the Khasi memorial stones. Such stones are set up by
the Mikirs only in memory of important personages, such as _mauzadars_
or leading _gaonburas_ (village headmen). Besides the standing stones
(_long-chong_), a flat stone (_long pak_) is also erected in honour
of the deceased. I understand that the Mikir stones, like the Khasi,
are mere cenotaphs, the ashes of deceased Mikirs being left at the
burning places which are generally by the sides of rivers, and the
memorial stones not being necessarily anywhere near the burning
grounds. Unlike the Khasis, the Mikirs do not collect and carefully
keep the bones in stone cairns. Before erecting memorial stones,
they dig a small tank, cf. the Khasi custom of digging similar tanks
(_um-koi_), before erecting memorial stones (_maw umkoi_), to those
of the clan who have died unnatural deaths. As with the Khasis,
feasts and entertainments are given when the stones of the Mikirs are
erected: but they need not necessarily consist of uneven numbers, it
appears. It is possible that the Mikirs may have obtained the custom
of erecting memorial stones from their near neighbours, the Khasis.
Then there is the interesting collection of stones at Willong in
the Manipur Naga Hills, for a description of which I am indebted
to the kindness of Colonel Maxwell, the late Political Agent and
Superintendent of the State. It is said that about 300 or 400 years ago
these stones were erected by the rich men of the village as memorials
(probably to deceased ancestors). It is the custom of the Willong
village that any person who wishes to erect such a stone should, with
the members of his family, abstain from food; but liquor and ginger
are allowed to them. Having chosen what he thinks is a suitable stone,
the Naga cuts off a flake of it, returns home, and sleeps on it with a
view to dreaming of the stone. If his dreams are favourable, he brings
it in, otherwise not. From the day of the selection of the stone,
until it is brought in and erected, he must fast. Women are taboo to
him for the space of one year from the date of its erection. The custom
of erecting memorial stones is not therefore peculiar to the Khasis
amongst the hill tribes in Assam. An incidental reference should,
I think, be made to the interesting carved monoliths at Dimapur,
regarding the meaning of which there has been so much doubt. These
Dimapur stones are remarkably similar in shape to the carved wooden
_kima_ posts of the Garos, another hill tribe speaking a language
which is undoubtedly connected with the great Boro group of languages
in North Eastern India. The Garo _kima_ posts, like the Khasi stones,
are erected to commemorate deceased ancestors. Some of the other
Naga tribes, besides the Willong Nagas, are in the habit of erecting
what are called _genna_ stones, a description of which will, we hope,
be given in a subsequent Naga monograph. The object of the erection
of such stones is certainly to show reverence to the memories of
deceased ancestors amongst the Khasis, and Garos, and not improbably
among the Nagas also.
It is only with the very greatest difficulty that it has been
possible to obtain any intelligible information regarding the Khasi
monoliths. Whether through feelings of delicacy in revealing the
secrets of their religious system to a foreigner, or through ignorance
or apathy (there being but few Khasis nowadays who observe the ancient
ritual), it has been no easy task to extract information from people
about these stones. As far as my information goes at present, I am
inclined to classify the stones as follows:--
(_a_) _Mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, the stones which are erected to
serve as seats for the spirits of departed clansfolk on their way to
the tomb of the clan, i.e. when their remains are carried by their
relations to the clan cromlech (see the section entitled "The Disposal
of the Dead").
(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, which are stones erected to commemorate
a parent or some other near relation.
(_c_) _Maw-umkoi_, which are put up to mark the position of tanks
or _umkoi_, the water of which is supposed to cleanse the ashes and
bones of those who have died unnatural deaths.
(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or flat table-stones, often accompanied
by vertical stones, which are placed in the market places and by
the side of roads to serve as seats for weary travellers. Taking
the above main divisions seriatim, _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, may be
described as follows. These generally consist of three upright stones,
the tallest being in the centre, and a flat table-stone being placed
in front. There are, however, some clans which erect more than three
upright stones, as _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_. As already stated, the
clansfolk used to erect these stones, _mawlynti_ (the stone of the
way), or _mawkjat_ (the stone of the leg), at each place at which
they halted for the night on their way to deposit the bones of their
deceased maternal relations in the clan sepulchre, or _mawbah_. The
stones are called _mawkjat_, or stones of the leg, because it is
supposed that the spirits of the departed sit and rest their limbs
on the flat table-stones. The upright stones are not as a rule more
than 3 or 4 ft high, and are not massive like the great _mawbynna_,
or memorial stones. They are to be found in great numbers all along
the roads or paths which lead to the clan cromlechs. These stones,
unlike the _mawbynna_, have no names.
(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, are erected to commemorate deceased
parents or deceased ancestors, and consist of 3, 5, 7, 9, or even,
in an exceptional case, 11, upright stones with flat table-stones in
front. The upright stones are called _maw-shynrang_, or male stones,
and the flat table-stones _maw-kynthei_, or female stones. Turning
to the plate of the Laitkor stones, it will be observed that
there are nine upright stones, and one large flat table-stone in
front. Counting from right to left, stone No. 5 is called u maw
_kni_, or the maternal uncle's stone; and the stones to the right and
left of it, _ki maw pyrsa ki para_, i.e. the stones of the maternal
brothers and nephews. The table-stone is called _ka Iawbei tynrai_,
or _ka Iawbei tymmen_, literally the grandmother of the root, or
the old grandmother, in contradistinction to _ka_ _Iawbei khynraw_,
or _ka Iawbei kpoh_ (the grandmother of the family, or branch of the
family). It frequently happens that there are two flat table-stones
in front of the upright stones, the one on the left being _ka Iawbei
tynrai_, or the first ancestress, and the one on the right _ka Iawbei
longkpoh_, the grandmother of the branch of the clan to, which the
memorialists belong, or _ka Iawbei khynraw_, the young grandmother,
i.e. the grandmother of the actual family to which the memorialists
belong. In olden days it used to be the custom for the clanspeople
to place offerings of food on the flat table-stones for the shades
of the departed ancestors, and this is sometimes the case still;
but now it is more frequently the custom to make these offerings in
the _iing-seng_, or clan puja-house. The flat table-stones are some
2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the ground, and it is difficult to resist the
impression that they were originally sacrificial stones, i.e. that
animals or even human beings were actually sacrificed upon them. In
connection with this theory I would refer to the interesting folk-tale
about the Kopili river. It is here related that in olden days human
victims were sacrificed to the Kopili goddess on the flat table-stone
(_maw-kynthei_) at a place called _Iew Ksih_, close to the Kopili
river. A careful search has been made for this stone, with the
result that a flat table-stone has been found near the above village,
where goats are still annually sacrificed to the Kopili. The _doloi_
reports that this is an ancient custom. None can remember, however,
having heard that human victims were ever sacrificed there. Yet I do
not think it at all unlikely that this is the stone, locally called
_Mynlep_, which is referred to in the folk-tale. At Jaintiapur and
Nartiang, both of which places were the headquarters of the kings of
Jaintia, there are very large table-stones. We know for a fact that
human sacrifices used to take place at Jaintiapur. Is it possible
that human beings were immolated on these table-stones? It would be
unsafe to base any conclusion on the solitary folk-tale about the
_Iew Ksih_ table-stone; but the tale certainly furnishes food for
reflection. The Khasis borrowed their religious customs largely
from the Synteng inhabitants of Jaintia, and it is possible that
they may have obtained the custom of erecting the table-stones from
the Syntengs also, and that the latter were originally used by both
of them for sacrificing human victims. Sometimes, immediately on
either side of the _mawkni_, or large central stone, there are two
much smaller stones called _mawksing_, or the stone of the drum,
and _mawkait_, the stone of the plantain; the drum being used in all
religious ceremonies by the Khasis, and the plantain relating to their
custom of feeding young children on plantains. The _mawnan_ must be
described separately from the _mawbynna_, because they differ from
them in an important particular, i.e. that the former may be erected
to commemorate the father, while the latter are set up to perpetuate
the memory of the ancestors on the female side of the family. _Mawnam_
consist of three upright stones and one flat table-stone in front. The
large central stone is called _u maw thawlang_, or the stone of the
father, and the upright stones on either side are meant to represent
the father's brothers or nephews. The flat table-stone is _ka Iawbei_,
i.e. the grandmother of the father, not the first grandmother of the
clan, as in the case of the _mawbynna_.
(_c_) The _maw umkoi_ have already been described. They use erected
to mark the sites of purificatory tanks, which have been dug so that
the remains of deceased persons may be cleansed from the impurities
attending an unnatural death, and to counteract the adverse influence
upon the clan of _Ka Tyrut_, or the goddess of death. These stones
are sometimes called _mawtyrut_.
(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or stones upon which weary travellers sit, are
to be found alongside all the principal lines of communication in the
district. It may serve as an example of these stones to describe the
very interesting collection of stones at Nartiang _hát_, or market. A
reference is invited to the plate which gives a representation of some
of the Nartiang stones. The great height of the upright stone will at
once be seen; it is 27 ft. in height and 2 1/2 ft. thick. This stone is
the largest erect stone in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills at the present
day, and is a very fine specimen. The upright stones and the flat
table-stones at Nartiang are called "_ki maw jong Siem_." There is
no separate designation for each of them. These stones are popularly
supposed to have been erected long ago by two men, U Lah Laskor and U
Mar Phalyngki, to commemorate the establishment of Nartiang market,
which is called Iew Mawlong. "Laskor" is the Synteng equivalent of
the Khasi _lyngskor_, or prime minister. "Mar" is a Synteng word
meaning a giant, the idea amongst the people being that in the olden
days there were giants in the land who performed marvellous feats of
strength, e.g. the erection of the megalithic remains at Nartiang
and elsewhere. A puja is performed upon a great flat stone by the
_doloi_ and his officers in honour of the founders of the market,
but no animals are sacrificed, rice and _rynsi_ (balls of rice) only
being offered. In the days of the Jaintia kings only the Raja could
sit upon the great flat stone; hence the name _maw jong Siem_ (or
Siem's stone). The great upright stone is said to have been brought
by U Lah Laskor and a great number of people from Suriang, a place
near Nartiang. With reference to the Nartiang stones I would refer
to my theory, formulated above, that they were originally connected
with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that at Nartiang there is
a bridge constructed out of a single stone, which is also said to have
been set in position by U Lah Laskor. Near Suhtnga there is a group of
stones, said to have been originally thirty in number, together with
_maw shongthait_, or stones to seat the weary, which were erected
to the memory of a woman, Ka Kampatwat, who in generations past
is alleged to have had no less than _thirty_ husbands. The lady is
not supposed to have been polyandrous, nor nine-lived, but to have
divorced one husband after another. As she probably established a
record for divorce, her descendants afterwards commemorated her in
the manner described. There is another very large atone at Nongkeeh,
which unfortunately fell to the ground in the great earthquake shock
of 1897. This stone must have stood over 20 ft. above the ground. It
is called _u mawkni Siem_, the stone of the Siem's maternal uncle,
and it used to form the central stone, or _mawkni_, of a line of
stones. These stones belong to the clan of the _basans_ of Nongkseh,
which furnishes the _sohblei_, or head sacrificer, of the Siems of
Khyrim. The stones at Mawsmai; which in ancient days used to be the
headquarters of a Siem, are some of the best carved in the hills. At
Mawrongjong, in the Jaintia sub-division, is a stone upon which a
figure, evidently of a Hindu god, has been carved, without doubt
after the erection of the stone. Here we have a striking parallel
case to the painted and carved menhir near Tregastel in Brittany,
upon which has been carved the representation of a crucifix. There are
also some carved stones near Nartiang (said to represent two women)
called _mawthawdur briew_.
The Khasis say that these great stones were brought sometimes from
considerable distances. After being hewn, the stones were laid on a
large, wooden trolley and dragged across country by means of ropes of
cane, of which plenty can be bad from the War country on the southern
side of the district, and then placed in position by means of ropes and
levers. It seems little short of marvellous that these stones, which
sometimes weighed many tons, were placed in position by such primitive
means, especially when we consider the great trouble there was to
re-erect one of the fallen stones at Stonehenge lately. Nowadays only
comparatively small stones are erected, which are generally hewn and
erected on the spot, so that there is no necessity for any conveyance.
In conclusion, it may be remarked that the subject of the Khasi
monoliths is in reality a large one, on which a great deal could
be written, but owing to considerations of space it has been found
necessary to compress the account within its present limits.
Festivities, Domestic and Tribal.
Dancing forms the principal part of all the Khasi festivities, and
is an important adjunct of some of their religious ceremonies. One
of the greatest festivals in the Khasi Hills is the Nongkrem dance;
it may be said to be as important an event to the Khasis as the _Beh
dieng-khlam_ festivities are to the Syntengs.
The Nongkrem dance is really part of what is known as the _pom-blang_,
or goat-killing ceremony, performed by the Siem of Khyrim (or
Nongkrem)) with the aid of his _soh-blei_ (high priest) and the various
_lyngdohs_ (or priests) to Ka Blei Synshar (the ruling goddess),
that the crops may prosper and that there may be a successful era in
store for the people of the State. The goddess on this occasion may be
regarded as a Khasi Demeter, although no mysteries form part of her
services as at the Grecian Eleusis. The Nongkrem ceremony and dance
(now held at Smit) take place in the late spring, generally in the
month of May. A lucky day having been fixed; the Siem sends a ring of
cane (_kyrwoh_) by way of a summons to the people of every village in
the State, at the same time informing them of the date of the puja and
requesting them to attend with their offerings, consisting of goats
and different articles of food. In the meantime various pujas have
been taking place in the house of _Ka Siem Sad_, the Siem priestess,
which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The more interesting
points only will be mentioned. A fortnight before the puja and dance
at Smit the _soh-blei_, or high priest, pours out libations of liquor
in the _kyram-blang_, or place where the sacrificial goats are kept,
and in front of the great post (of _dieng sning_, or Khasi oak),
in the house of the Siem priestess. Dancing then takes place in
front of the post. Later on the Siem, with the high priest and
other attendant priests, walks with extremely slow gait to a small
hill where a stone altar has been prepared, and sacrifices a cock
in honour of _u'lei Shillong_, or the god of the Shillong Peak. A
silver dish with powdered rice, liquor in a gourd, (_ka'iad um_),
betel-nut, and some leaves of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_), are also
necessary adjuncts of the puja. A goat is then sacrificed, and the
sacrifice is followed by a dance of twenty two men armed with swords
and shields and chowries (fly-flaps). Having danced before the altar,
the party returns to the house of the Siem priestess and executes
another dance in the great courtyard. The Siem and certain selected
persons dance in front of the _rishot blei_, or holy post of Khasi oak
inside the house of the Siam priestess, the dancers being entertained
with dried fish and ginger. Then follows the great dance of girls and
men in front of her house. The girls dance in the centre, taking such
tiny steps, that the lifting of their feet from the ground is hardly
perceptible, the arms held down to the sides and the eyes demurely
downcast. It is on this occasion that they wear the peculiar silver
(and sometimes gold) crowns illustrated in the plate. The hair is
worn tied in a knot behind the head, but with a long tail hanging
down the back. Rich silk cloths are worn by the girls, who present
the appearance of being, if anything, over-clothed, or, as Yule
aptly puts it, of "perfect parallelograms." They wear a profusion
of gold and coral bead necklaces, silver and gold chains, bracelets,
ear-rings of gold, and any other jewellery they can lay hands on. Not
only is the whole of the family jewellery, requisitioned by the fair
_débutante_ (it is only the unmarried who dance), but she borrows
from her friends. The men dance round the outside of the circle,
waving fly-flaps, and prancing (often nowadays, wearing huge boots)
with ungainly strides. The music necessary for the dance consists of
_tangmuri_ (pipes), drums, and cymbals. This is _ka shad kynthei_,
or the dance of the women. Then there _is ka shad mastieh_, or the
dance of the men, who are gaily dressed, wearing plumes of black and
white cock's feathers (_u thuiyah_) and hold swords and shields. After
gyrating for some time, two men at a time rapidly approach one another
and clash their swords together in mock combat. They then retire,
and, after again revolving for a period, repeat the process; then
other couples follow and take their place. This goes on, until the
dancers get tired or are told to stop.
The above description, may be taken as applicable to all the Khasi
dances. Dancing forms part of the ceremony of placing the ashes in the
sepulchre of the clan. Dancing also forms a part of certain ceremonies
performed at market for the prosperity of the State and for the good
of trade.
When I was at Mawsynram, at the time of the appointment of a Siem,
I witnessed a very pretty dance called _ka shad lymmoh_, performed
by men who held the leafy branches of trees in their hands. This
is most effective. Then followed a dance of some forty young girls,
very well dressed, covered with the usual gold and coral beads and
silver chains, and wearing the silver crown, or _pansngiat_. The young
women danced with great spirit, and with an absence of all shyness,
but still with the greatest decorum. Many of the women, spectators
as well as dancers, were observed to be without the usual _tap moh
khlih_, or head-cloth, the absence of which is always a sign amongst
the Khasi women of merry-making. There were women from the Wár country,
wearing their picturesque dress amongst whom was the wife of the Siem
of Bohwal with her little daughter. The dance was a pretty sight,
and I have seldom seen such evidence of unaffected happiness as was
exhibited by the people on this occasion. Dancing may be described
as one of the characteristic features of Khasi life.
The Synteng _Beh-diang-khlam_ festival takes place annually at Jowai
and elsewhere in the Jaintia Hills in the deep water moon month (_u
Jyllieu_, or June). _Khlam_ is the Khasi word for plague or pestilence
and _beh-dieng_ signifies to drive away with sticks. The festival
may be described as follows:--The males rise betimes on the day fixed
and beat the roof with sticks, calling upon the plague-demon to leave
the house. Having done this, later on in the day they go down to the
stream where the goddess "Aitan" dwells. Then poles of great length,
which have been newly cut, are held across the stream. The people
jump on the poles and try to break them; when they succeed in doing
so, a great shout is given. After all these poles have been broken,
a very large pole is fixed across the stream. The people then divide
themselves into two parties, and contend for the possession of the
tree. The contest, however, is a good-humoured one, and although many
buffets are given and received, these are not regarded seriously,
and there are seldom any fights. Col. Bivar says the contending
villagers in their excitement, sometimes relapse into a state of almost
complete nudity. The party which succeeds in obtaining possession of
the post is supposed to gain health and prosperity during the coming
year. Col. Bivar remarks that the origin of this so-called ceremony is
said to be that the god of thunder, "_u'lei pyrthat_," and Ka Aitan,
the goddess of the stream, enjoined its performance. Many innovations,
however, have crept in. People disguise themselves as giants and
wild beasts, they also parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers,
peacocks, &c. Dancing is carried on with enthusiasm by the males,
the girls, clad in their best attire, remaining on-lookers. Before
the meeting breaks up the males play a sort of game of hockey with
wooden balls.
Genna
The word _genna_ is one in common use amongst the Naga tribes. It seems
to be a matter of doubt whether the word belongs to any of the numerous
languages or dialects spoken by these tribes; but for our purposes
it may be taken to mean taboo. The Khasi word _sang_, which implies
an interdiction either religious or social from doing any particular
thing, might have been employed; but as the word _genna_ is so commonly
used when speaking of taboos amongst the hill tribes of this province,
I have thought fit to employ it here. The word _genna_, or taboo,
may be held to include the Khasi _sang_. Taboos amongst the Khasis,
Wars and Lynngams may be divided into two sections; (_a_) general, and
(_b_) special. Instances of general taboo have not been found amongst
the Khasis, but the following taboo called _Ka sang kla_ amongst the
Wár villages of Sohbar and Nongjri is peculiar, and therefore worthy
of description. Its chief peculiarity is that during the time the
_sang kla_ continues, the inhabitants of these two villages are not
allowed to associate with foreigners. This _genna_ takes place twice
a year, in the months of June and November, and lasts for a month each
time. During the _genna_ foreigners are not allowed to stay the night
in these two villages, and the villagers must not sleep the night
outside their villages. If they do not return home for the night,
they are subjected to a fine. There is a prohibition against eating,
smoking, or chewing betel-nut with foreigners during the period. The
above is the only instance of general taboo that I have been able to
find amongst the Wárs, but in the Lynngam villages there is a taboo on
all outsiders at the time of the village pujas. Such a taboo amongst
the Lynngams is not to be wondered at, as they have probably imbibed
the notion from their Garo mothers, intermarriages between Lynngams
and Garos being common. The Garos, like other Thibeto-Burmans, have
numerous taboos. There are numerous instances of special taboos
among the Khasis. _Kaba shong sang_, or marrying within the _kur_
or clan, is the most important taboo of all, and is regarded as the
most serious offence a Khasi can commit. It admits of no expiation,
and the bones and ashes of the offender cannot be placed in the
family tomb. There are special taboos for certain clans, of which
the following are some examples. The clan Nongtathiang cannot eat
the lemon, the Khar-umnuid clan must abstain from pork, the Cherra
Siem family cannot eat dried fish, and the Siem family of Mylliem
taboo the pumpkin. Possibly these taboos may be relics of totemism
amongst these communities. The following are some of the other taboos,
although some of them are but lightly regarded now-a-days.
(i.) To build a house with stone walls on all four sides.
(ii.) To use nails in building a house.
(iii.) To use more than one kind of timber in building the hearth.
(iv.) To build a house with resinous timber. Only the Siem family
can use such timber.
(v.) To cut trees from a sacred forest.
(vi.) To take or give anything with the left hand.
(vii.) To step over any one's body.
(viii.) To kill any animal or bird without first throwing rice over
its body. . .
(ix.) To drink the milk of a cow or goat.
(x.) To talk with any one, except with one of a man's or woman's
fellow-workers, when the thrashing of paddy is going on.
There are the following special taboos for pregnant women.
(_a_) To Accompany a funeral procession.
(_b_) To finish any sewing she may have commenced before she became
_enceinte_. There is a similar prohibition regarding the finishing
of the plaiting of wicker baskets.
(_c_) It is _sang_ for the husband of a pregnant woman to thatch the
ridge of the house at such a time, or to fix a handle to an axe or
a _dao_.