Religion
General Character of Popular Beliefs.
The Khasis have a vague belief in a God the Creator, _U Blei
Nong-thaw_, although this deity, owing, no doubt, to the influences of
the matriarchate, is frequently given the attribute of the feminine
gender, cf., _Ka lei Synshar_. The Khasis cannot, however, be said
to worship the Supreme God, although it is true that they sometimes
invoke him when sacrificing and in times of trouble. The religion of
the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather,
the propitiation of spirits both good and evil on certain occasions,
principally in times of trouble. The propitiation of these spirits
is carried out either by priests (_lyngdohs_), or by old men well
versed in the arts of necromancy, and as the _lyngdoh_ or wise man
deals with good as well as evil spirits, and, as often as not, with
the good spirits of ancestors, the propitiation of these spirits
may be said to partake of the nature of Shamanism. A very prominent
feature of the Khasi beliefs is the propitiation of ancestors; but
this will be described separately. There is a vague belief amongst
the Khasi of a future state. It is believed that the spirits of the
dead, whose funeral ceremonies have been duly performed, go to the
house or garden of God, where there are groves of betel-nut trees;
hence the expression for the departed, _uba bam kwai ha iing u blei_
(he who is eating betel-nut in God's house), the idea of supreme
happiness to the Khasi being to eat betel-nut uninterruptedly. The
spirits of those whose funeral ceremonies have not been duly performed
are believed to take the forms of animals, birds, or insects, and to
roam on this earth; but this idea of transmigration of souls has been
probably borrowed from the Hindus. Bivar writes that although the
ideas of a Godhead are not clearly grasped, yet a supreme creator
is acknowledged, and that the following is the tradition relating
to the creation of man. "God in the beginning having created man,
placed him on the earth, but on returning to look at him, found he
had been destroyed by the evil spirit. This happened a second time,
whereupon the Deity created first a dog, then a man; and the dog,
who kept watch, prevented the devil from destroying the man, and the
work of the Deity was thus preserved." The Khasis, apparently, do not
believe in punishment after death, at least there is no idea of hell,
although the spirits of those who have died under the ban of _sang_
remain uneasy, being obliged to wander about the earth in different
forms, as noted above. The spirits worshipped by the Khasis are many in
number; those of the Syntengs being specially numerous. The particular
spirit to be propitiated is ascertained; by egg-breaking. The offering
acceptable to the spirit is similarly ascertained and is then made. If
the particular sacrifice does not produce the result desired, a fowl
is sacrificed; the entrails being then examined, an augury is drawn,
and the sacrifice begins afresh. As the process of egg-breaking is
believed to be peculiar [27] to the Khasis amongst the Assam hill
tribes, a separate description of it is given in the Appendix. It
should be remarked that the Khasis never symbolise their gods by
means of images, their worship being offered to the spirit only. The
following are some of the principal spirits worshipped by the Khasis
and Syntengs, omitting the spirits of deceased ancestors such as _Ka
Iawobi, u Thawlang_ and _u Suidnia_, which will be described under
the heading of ancestor-worship.
_U'lei muluk_--the god of the State, who is propitiated yearly by
the sacrifice of a goat and a cock.
_U'lei umtong_--the god of water, used for drinking and cooking
purposes. This god is similarly propitiated once a year so that the
water supply may remain pure.
_U lei longspah_--the god of wealth. This god is propitiated with a
view to obtaining increased prosperity.
_U Ryngkew_, or _u Basa shnong_, is the tutelary deity of the
village. This godling is propitiated by sacrifices whenever they are
thought to
be necessary.
_U Phan u kyrpad_ is a similar godling to the above.
Then follows a list of minor deities, or, rather, evil spirits,
e.g. _Ka Rih_, the malarial fever devil; _ka Khlam_, the demon
of cholera; _ka Duba_, the fever devil which is said to haunt the
neighbourhood of Theriaghat.
Bivar says "the Khasi religion may be thus briefly defined as forms
used to cure diseases and to avert misfortunes, by ascertaining
the name of the demon, as the author of the evil, and the kind of
sacrifice necessary to appease it." We may accept this description
as substantially correct. In the Jaintia Hills there is a peculiar
superstition regarding a she devil, called "_ka Taroh_" which is
supposed to cause delirium in cases of fever. When such cases occur,
it is believed that "_ka Taroh_" has caused them, and inquiries are
made by means of breaking eggs to find out in whose person the demon
has obtained a lodgment; or sometimes the sick person is asked to
reveal this. When in either of these ways the name of the person
possessed by "_ka Taroh_" is known, the sick person is taken to the
house of the possessed, and ashes and bits of broken pots are cast into
the enclosure, after which, if the sick person recovers, the party
indicated is denounced as possessed by the demon; but if the patient
dies, it is concluded that the person possessed has not been properly
ascertained. If people are satisfied that some one is really possessed,
they denounce the person, who is then out-casted. The only way for him
to regain his position is to exorcise the demon by divesting himself
of all his property. He pulls down his house, burns the materials,
his clothes, and all his other worldly goods. Lands, flocks, and
herds are sold, the money realized by the sale being thrown away. No
one dares touch this money, for fear he should become possessed by
_ka Taroh_, it will be observed that, as in the case of the _thlen_,
the demon is believed to follow the property.
Mr. Jenkins, in his interesting little work on "Life and Work in
Khasia," gives a slightly different account of the superstition,
in that he states that it is the sick person who is possessed by _ka
Taroh_. The above belief is perhaps a Synteng development of the Khasi
_thlen_ superstition. In the Jaintia Hills "the small-pox" is believed
to be a goddess, and is reverenced accordingly. Syntengs regard it as
an honour to have had small-pox, calling the marks left by the disease
the "kiss of the goddess"; the more violent the attack and the deeper
the marks, the more highly honoured is the person affected. Mr. Jenkins
says, "When the goddess has entered a house, and smitten any person or
persons with this disease, a trough of clean water is placed outside
the door, in order that every one before entering may wash their feet
therein, the house being considered sacred." Mr. Rita mentions cases
of women washing their hair in water used by a small-pox patient, in
order that they may contract the disease, and women have been known
actually to bring their little children into the house of a small-pox
patient, in order that they may become infested and thus receive the
kiss of the goddess. It is possible that the Syntengs, who were for
some time under Hindu influences; may in their ignorance have adopted
this degraded form of worship of the Hindu goddess, "Sitala Devi,"
who is adored as a divine mother under different names by Hindus all
over India, cf., her name _mari-amman_, or mother of death, in the
South of India, and the name Ai, mother, of the Assamese.
In the Khasi Hills the god of small-pox is known under the name of
_u Siem ñiang thylliew_. He is not, however, appeased in any way,
the people calling on two other spirits, _Thynrei_ and _Sapa_,
to whom a fowl or a goat is offered. This section cannot be closed
without some reference to the household gods of the Syntengs. The
legend is that in ancient times there came a woman "from the end of
heaven to the borders of the country of _u Truh_" (the country of the
plains people at a distance from the foot of the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills). The name of the woman was Ka Taben, and she was accompanied
by her children. She offered herself to _u Dkhar_, the plains man,
as a household goddess, but he rejected her. She then went to the
Khasis; who were ploughing their fields, and offered to help them
with their cultivation. The Khasis also refused her, saying they
were capable of managing their own cultivation, and at the same time
told her to go to the country of the Bhois and Syntengs, i.e. the
Jaintia Hills. Acting on this advice, she went to the village of
Nongphyllud in the Jaintia Hills, where the people again turned a
deaf ear to her. She proceeded to Mulagula village in Jaintia, at
the foot of the Jaintia Hills, and ascended from thence to Rymbai,
where she met a man who conducted her to the house of the Siem, who
consented that she and her children should live with him. Ka Taben then
apportioned to her children various duties in the house of the Siem
as follows:--Ka Rasong was to look after the young unmarried folk,
and was to supervise their daily labour and to prosper their trading
operations at the markets. Next Ka Rasong was given a place at the foot
of the king post, _trai rishot_, and her duty was to befriend young
men in battle. Then came _Ka Longkhuinruid_, alias _ka Thab-bulong_,
who said, "There are no more rooms in the house for my occupation,
so I will go and live in the forest, and him who turns not his coat
when I meet him I will make mad." Finally came _U Lamsymphud_, who
elected to live with his youngest sister inside the house.
There are special sacrifices offered to these household deities. The
leaves of the _sning_, or Khasi oak, are wrapped round the post of the
house, and, a fowl is sacrificed and other formalities are observed
which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The legend of the
arrival of Ka Taben with her children in the Synteng country from
a distant clime is interesting in that it perhaps indicates the
possibility of the migration of these people, i.e. the Syntengs,
in ancient times from some distant place to their present abode.
Ancestor-worship.
The Khasis not only revere the memories of deceased ancestors, but they
adore them by means of offerings, which are sometimes periodical, and
sometimes made when thought necessary, as in times of trouble. These
offerings take the shape of articles of food which are theoretically
partaken of by the shades of the deceased ancestors, the idea of
making such offerings being very similar to that of the Hindus when
they offer the "_pinda_," or cake, to nine generations of ancestors,
i.e. to propitiate the shades of the departed, and to obtain their help
thereby. U Hormu Rai Diengdoh writes that, "the real religious demand"
amongst the Khasis is the _ai bam_, or giving of food to the spirits
of deceased ancestors, in order that the latter may aid the living
members of the clan with their help; and bless them. To honour dead
ancestors is the duty of every Khasi, and he who wilfully neglects
this duty it is believed, will neither receive their help, nor be
defended from the influence of the numerous spirits of evil in which
the Khasis believe. Amongst the Syntengs, a few days after depositing
the bones in the ancestral tomb, the ceremony of feeding the spirits
of the dead is performed: At this ceremony there are some families
which give two pigs for each person of the family who is dead, and
there are some who give one. The pigs are taken to the _iing-seng_,
or puja house of the clan. Presumably, pigs are usually offered to
the shades only of those members of the family whose remains have been
recently deposited in the clan cromlech. In the chapter dealing with
memorial stones the reader will notice how many of them are erected
to the memory of deceased ancestors, and how they bear the names of
such ancestors, e.g. _Ka Iawbei_ (the first grandmother), _U Suidnia_,
or _U kni rangbah_ (the first maternal uncle). It was the custom in
former days to make offerings of food upon the flat table-stones to
the spirits of the deceased ancestors, and this is still the case
in places in the interior of the district. This practice, however,
may be said to be largely dying out, it being now commonly the custom
to make the offerings in the house, either annually, or at times when
it is thought necessary to invoke the aid of the departed. Such acts
of devotion may well be said to partake of the nature of worship. As
has been the case in other countries, and amongst other people, it
is possible that the Khasi gods of today are merely the spirits of
glorified deceased ancestors transfigured, as has happened with some
of the gods of the Shinto Pantheon of Japan. It may be interesting to
note that the ancient Shinto cult of Japan possesses some features
in common with the ancestor-worship of the Khasis. Take the funeral
ceremonies. With both people we find the dead laid out in the house,
food placed before the corpse; and the funeral ceremonies taking
place, accompanied by music and dancing. Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, in
an interesting book on Japan, writes "that in ancient times the
Japanese performed ceremonies at regular intervals at the tombs of
deceased members of the family, and food and drink were then served
to the spirits;" this is exactly what the Khasis used to do at their
*cenotaphs. This, apparently, was the practice in Japan before the
"spirit tablet" had been introduced from China, when the worship of
the ancestors was transferred from the tomb to the home. We have
an exactly similar instance of evolution amongst the Khasis of
the present day, i.e. the transfer of the ancestor cult from the
flat table-stones erected in honour of deceased ancestors to the
home. Last, but not least, is the idea common to both people, that no
family or clan can prosper which does not duly perform the worship of
deceased ancestors; this, as Hearn puts it, is "the fundamental idea
underlying every persistent ancestor-worship; i.e. that the welfare of
the living depends upon the welfare of the dead." The "Khasi Mynta,"
in an interesting article, notes some further points of resemblance
between the methods of ancestor-worship adopted by the two people. The
following instances may be quoted. Amongst the Japanese the spirits
of those who fall in battle are said to help their fellow-warriors
who are still fighting. The "Khasi Mynta" quotes a similar belief
as having existed amongst the Khasis in former days. The remains of
Japanese warriors who die in battle are said to be reverently taken to
the warrior's home at the first opportunity. The Khasis do likewise,
the clothing in default of the ashes of Khasi transport coolies, who
were employed on military expeditions on the North-Eastern Frontier,
having been carried home by the survivors to present to the dead men's
relations, who then performed the ceremonies prescribed by custom
for those who have died violent or unnatural deaths. Of all deceased
ancestors the Khasis revere _Ka Iawbei_ the most, the word _Iawbei_
being made up of _'iaw_, short for _kiaw_ (grandmother), and _bei_,
mother. _Ka Iawbei_ is the primeval ancestress of the clan. She is
to the Khasis what the "tribal mother" was to old Celtic and Teutonic
genealogists, and we have an interesting parallel to the reverence of
the Khasis for _Ka Iawbei_ in the Celtic goddess Brigit, the tribal
mother of the Brigantes. Later on, like _Ka Iawbei_, she was canonized,
and became St. Bridget. [28]
The greater number of the flat table-stones we see in front of
the standing monoliths in these hills are erected in honour of _Ka
Iawbei_. In former times, it was the custom to offer food to her on
these stones. In cases of family quarrels, or dissensions amongst the
members of the same clan, which it is desired to bring to a peaceful
settlement, it is customary to perform a sacrifice to the first mother,
"_Ka Iawbei_." They first of all take an augury by breaking eggs,
and if it appears from the broken egg-shells that _Ka Iawbei_ is
offended, they offer to her a cotton cloth, and sacrifice a hen. On
these occasions incantations are muttered, and a small drum, called,
"_Ka 'sing ding dong_," is beaten. It is not unlikely that the Khasi
household deities, _Ka lei iing_ and _Ka ksaw ka jirngam_, to whom
pujas are offered for the welfare of the house, are also _Ka Iawbei_
in disguise. Notwithstanding the strong influence of the matriarchate,
we find that _U Thawlang_, the first father and the husband of _Ka
Iawbei_, is also revered. To him on occasions of domestic trouble
a cock is sacrificed, and a _jymphong_, or sleeveless coat is
offered. This puja is called _kaba tap Thawlang_, i.e. covering
the grandfather. The following incantation to _U Thawlang_ is then
chanted:--"Oh, father Thawlang, who hast enabled me to be born, who
hast given me my stature and my life, I have wronged thee, oh father,
be not offended, for I have given thee a pledge and a sign, i.e. a red
and white sleeveless coat. Do not deliver me into the power of (the
goddess of) illness, I have offered thee the propitiatory cock that
thou mayest carry me in thine arms, and that I may be aware of thee,
my father, Thawlang." We see clearly from the above prayer that the
Khasi idea is that the spirit of the deceased male ancestor is capable
of being in a position to help his descendant in times of trouble. The
same thought underlies the extreme reverence with which _Ka Iawbei_
is regarded. Thus we see a striking point of resemblance between
the Khasi ancestor-worship and the ancient Shinto cult of Japan, as
described by Mr. Lafcadio Hearn. _U Suid-Nia_, or _u Kni Rangbah_, the
first maternal uncle, i.e. the elder brother of _Ka Iawbei_, is also
much revered. It will also be noticed under the heading of memorial
stones that the great central upright monolith of the _máwbynna_,
or memorial stones, is erected in his honour. The influence of the
_kni_, or mother's elder brother, in the Khasi family is very great,
for it is he who is the manager on behalf of the mother, his position
in the Khasi family being very similar to that of the _karta_ in the
Hindu joint family. It is on this account that he is so much revered,
and is honoured with a stone which is larger than the other up-right
memorial stones after death. It will be seen in the article dealing
with "the disposal of the dead," that at Cherra, on the occasion of
the bestowal of the ashes in the cinerarium of the clan, a part of
the attendant ceremonies consists of the preparation of two effigies
called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_, intended to represent _Ka Iawbei_
(the first mother) and U Suid-Nia (the first maternal uncle). The
Wárs of Nongjri have a custom peculiar to themselves. They erect
small thatched houses in their compounds, which they call _iing
ksuid_. When they worship their ancestors they deposit offerings of
food in these houses, the idea being that the ancestors will feed on
the offerings. These Wárs do not erect memorial stones, nor do they
collect the ashes of the clan in a common sepulchre; they deposit
the ashes in circular cineraria, each family, or _iing_, possessing
one. It should further be noted with reference to the Khasi custom of
_ai bam_, or giving food to the spirits of deceased ancestors, that
Dr. Frazer, in his "Golden Bough," has mentioned numerous instances
of firstfruits being offered to the spirits of deceased ancestors
by the tribes inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. (See pages 462-463
of the "Golden Bough.") Some other points of similarity in customs
have already been noticed between the Khasis and certain Malay tribes.
Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities.
In the Khasi Hills, especially on the southern side, there are numerous
rivers, sometimes of considerable size, which find their way to the
Sylhet plains through very deep valleys, the rivers flowing through
narrow channels flanked by beetling cliffs which rise to considerable
altitudes. The scenery in the neighbourhood of these beautiful rivers
is of the most romantic description, and the traveller might imagine
himself in Switzerland were it not for the absence of the snowy
ranges. Of such a description is the scenery on the banks of the
river Kenchiyong, the Jádukátá [29] or Punatit of the plains. It is
in the bed of the river, a few miles below Rilang, that there is the
curiously-arched cavity in the rock which resembles an upturned boat,
which the Khasis call _Ka lieng blei_ (the god's boat), and the plains
people Basbanya's ship. Near to this, on the opposite side of the
river, there is a rock bearing a Persian inscription, but so defaced
by the action of the water as to be impossible to decipher. Like other
inhabitants of mountainous countries, the Khasis reverence the spirits
of fell and fall, and propitiate them with offerings at stated times. A
brief description of the ceremonies which are performed at Rilang,
on the occasion when the annual fishing in the river Punatit takes
place, may be of interest. The three Siems of Nongstoin, Langrin,
and Nobosohpoh each sacrifice a goat to _Ka blei sam um_ (the goddess
of the river) before the boatmen can cast in their nets. In former
times they say the passage up the river was obstructed by the goddess,
who took the form of an immense crocodile; but she was propitiated
by the gift of a goat, and the boatmen were then allowed to pass up
the river in their boats. Hence it became necessary for the owners of
the fishery to sacrifice annually a goat each to the goddess. At the
time of my visit each Siem's party erected an altar in the bed of the
river, in the midst of which a bough of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_)
was planted. The goats were then decapitated, it being considered an
essential that the head should be severed with one blow. As soon as
the head was cut off there was a rush on the part of the sacrificers
to see in which direction the head faced. If the head faced towards
the north or west, it was considered an evil omen; if it faced towards
the south or east, a good omen. The east is a lucky quarter amongst
the Assamese also. The people ended up the proceedings by giving a
long-drawn-out, deep-toned chant, or _kynhoi_. Immediately after the
ceremony was concluded hundreds of boats shot out from the numerous
creeks, where they had been lying, and fished the river all night,
the result being an immense haul, to the delight of the Lynngams,
who were seen next morning roasting the fish whole on bamboo stakes,
after which they consumed them, the entrails being eaten with great
gusto. Such is the worship of the goddess of the Punatit.
Similar pujas take place among the people of Wár-ding (the valley of
fire) before they fish in the Khai-mara river and elsewhere in the
Khasi Hills. In the Jaintia Hills there is the Synteng-worship of the
Kopili river, which used to be accompanied by human sacrifices, as
has been mentioned above, pp. 102-104. The Myntang river, a tributary
of the Kopili, must also be annually appeased by the sacrifice of a
he-goat. Numerous hills also are worshipped, or rather the spirits
which are said to inhabit them. One of the best known hill godlings
is the deity who is thought to inhabit the little wood close to the
summit of the Shillong Peak. This deity is said to have been discovered
by a man named "U Shillong" who gave his name to the Shillong Peak,
and indirectly to our beautiful hill station. The Siems of Mylliem
and Nongkrem reverence _U'lei Shillong_, and there are certain clans
who perform periodical sacrifices to this god. Probably the origin
of the superstitious reverence with which U'lei Shillong is held by
the Siems of Nongkrem and Mylliem is that their fabled ancestress
"Ka Pah Syntiew," of whom an account will be found in the folk-lore
section, took her origin from a rock not far from the Shillong Peak
in the Nongkrem direction.
Rableng Hill, which is within full view of the Shillong Peak in an
easterly direction, is also said to be the abode of a minor god who
is periodically propitiated by the members of the Máwthoh clan of
the Khyrim State with a he-goat and a cock. Apparently no special
puja is performed to U Kyllang (the Kyllang Rock) nowadays.
The picturesque hill of Symper, which rises abruptly from the plain
in the Siemship of Maharam, is visible for many miles. It is in shape
not unlike the Kyllang. Symper is said to be the abode of a god called
"U Symper." There is a folk-tale that Kyllang and Symper fought a great
battle, and that the numerous holes in the rocks at the base of the
Symper hill are evidences of their strife. At the base of Symper there
is a great cave, where many cattle find shelter in rainy weather. The
people of Mawsynram propitiate the god of Symper in cases of sickness
by sacrificing a he-goat or a bull. Symper, like _U'lei Shillong_,
is one of the minor deities of the Khasis.
Close to Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, there is a small hill called
"_u lúm pyddieng blai lyngdoh_," where sacrifices are offered on an
altar at seed time, and when the corn comes into ear. This altar used
to be overshadowed by a large oak tree. The tree is now dead.
The Wárs of Nongjri worship "_u'lei lyngdoh_" the tutelary deity of the
village, under the spreading roots of a large rubber tree which gives
its name to this village Nongjri. This village worhsip is performed
by a village priest (_lyngdoh_) at stated intervals, or whenever it
is considered necessary. There are numerous other instances of hills
and rivers being regarded as the abode of godlings, but those quoted
above are sufficient for purposes of illustration.
Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination.
The Khasis, as has been explained already, worship numerous gods and
goddesses. These gods and goddesses are supposed to exercise good
or evil influence over human beings according to whether they are
propitiated with sacrifice or not. They are even supposed to possess
the power of life and death, over men and women, subject to the control
of _u Blei Nongtháw_, God the Creator. Thus illness, for example, is
thought to be caused by one or more of the spirits on account of some
act or omission and health can only be restored by the due propitiation
of the offended spirits. In order to ascertain which is the offended
spirit, a system of divination by means of cowries, breaking eggs,
or examining the entrails of animals and birds, was instituted. The
Khasi method of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of animals
and birds may be compared with that of the Roman _haruspex_. Some
description of these modes of divination has been given at the end
of this chapter. The Khasi religion has been described by Bivar as
"demon worship, or a jumble of enchantments muttered by priests who
are sorcerers." But even a religion which is thus unflatteringly
described is based on the cardinal doctrines of sin and sacrifice
for sin. Tradition amongst the Khasis states that in the beginning
(_mynnyngkong ka sngi_) there was no sin, heaven and earth were near
each other, and man had direct intercourse with God. How man fell into
sin is not stated, but it is certain that he did fall. Experts at "egg
healing" never forget to repeat the formula "_nga briéw nga la pop_"
(I man have sinned). The cock then appears as a mediator between God
and man. The cook is styled, "_u khún ka blei uba kit ryndang ba shah
ryndang na ka bynta jong nga u briéw_," i.e. the son of god who lays
down his neck (life) for me man. The use of the feminine _ka blei_
is no doubt due to matriarchal influences. There is another prayer in
which the Khasis say, "_ap jutang me u blei ieng rangbah me u briéw_"
(oh god do not forget the covenant arise oh man). The idea is that
man has fallen into sins of omission and commission (_ka pop, ka lain
ka let_) but that God is nevertheless expected to spare him, and to
accept a substitute for him according to the covenant (_jutang_). By
this covenant God is supposed to have accepted in exchange the
cock as a substitute for man. How the cock came to occupy such an
important position, tradition is vague and self-conflicting. The
fact remains that the covenant of the cock is the foundation of the
Khasi religion. It is of interest to mention that amongst the Ahoms
the tradition is that Khunlung and Khunlái brought down from heaven
the _kái-chán-mung_, [30] or pair of heavenly fowls, and that to
this day the sacrifice of the fowl is considered by the Deodhais,
or priest-soothsayers of the Ahoms, a most important feature of the
ancient Ahom ritual. But amongst the Ahoms there is the difference
that auguries are obtained, not from the entrails, but by examining
the legs of the fowls. The Ahoms are Shans belonging to the Tai branch,
another great division of the Indo-Chinese group of the human race.
The covenant of the cock as thus explained shows the importance of this
sacrifice to the Khasis. The large intestine of a fowl has two pea-like
protuberances, one close to the other. One is symbolically called
_u blei_ or god, and the other is styled _u briéw_ or man, they are
connected by a thin membrane. Directly the bird has been disembowelled
the sacrificer throws a few grains of rice on the entrails and then
watches their convulsive movements. If the portion of the entrail
called _u blei_ moves towards that portion which represents man, it
is considered proof positive that the god has heard the prayer of the
sacrificer, but if the movement proceeds in the opposite direction,
then the reverse is the case and the omen is bad. If the entrails are
full and healthy, having no spots (_brai_), or blood marks (_thung_),
and if the membrane between the two protuberances has not been
fractured, these are favourable signs. If the intestines are empty,
wrinkled, or spotted, and the membrane mentioned above is fractured,
these are bad signs. Auguries also are drawn by examining the livers,
the lungs and spleens and gall bladders of pigs, goats and cattle. If
the liver of a pig is healthy and without spot, the augury is good;
if the reverse, it is bad. The spleen must not be unduly distended,
otherwise the omen is unfavourable and the gall bladder must not
be over full. Invocations to deduce omens from the appearance of
the entrails are quoted on page 11 of Col. Bivar's Report. From the
first invocation quoted by him it appears that the method of drawing
the augury from the fowl differs slightly in detail from that which
has been described to me by certain Khasis, but both descriptions
agree in the main, and the slight dissimilarity in detail may be due
to the methods of obtaining auguries varying slightly in different
localities. Divination by breaking eggs and by other means, although
not strictly sacrifice with the Khasis, partakes of the nature of a
religious ceremony. Such divinations are of almost every-day occurrence
in a Khasi house, and always precede sacrifices. The Khasis, moreover,
do nothing of what they consider to be of even the least importance
without breaking eggs. When a Khasi builds a new house, or before
he proceeds on a journey, he always breaks eggs to see whether the
building or the journey will be lucky or not. The description of
egg-breaking given by Shadwell in his account of the Khasis is not
altogether correct. A detailed description of this method of divination
will be found in Appendix C. The description can be depended upon,
as it is the result of my personal observations of egg-breaking on
several occasions. A board of the shape shown in the diagram (Appendix
C) is placed on the ground, the egg-breakers' position being that
indicated in the diagram. After the egg has been smeared with red
earth, it is thrown violently down and the contents and the fragments
of egg-shell fall on the board. Auguries are drawn from the positions
of the fragments of shell on the board, and from the fact of their
lying with the inner sides facing upwards or downwards. Another method
of egg-breaking is for the diviner to wrap up the egg in a plantain
leaf with the point uppermost, or merely to hold the egg in his hand
in this position without wrapping it up, and then to press another
egg down upon it. If the end of the egg so pressed breaks at once,
this is a good sign, but if it remains unbroken, the egg has a god
in it, and the omen is bad.
A common method of divination is by means of the _shanam_, or
lime-case. The diviner holds the lime-case by the end of its chain,
and addresses the god. He then asks the lime-case a question, and if
it swings, this is supposed to be an answer in the affirmative; if
it does not move, this is a negative reply. This seems to be a very
simple trick, for the diviner can impart movement to the lime-case by
means of the hand. A similar way of consulting the oracle is by the
bow, which is held in the hand by the middle of the string. A simple
method of divining is by means of cowries or grains of rice. The
diviner plunges his hand into a bag or basket after asking the god a
question. If the number of cowries or grains of rice comes out odd,
the omen is good; if it comes out even, the reverse is the case. The
Khasi word for consulting the omens is khan, and a diviner is called
a _nongkhan_. Another method of obtaining omens is by dropping two
leaves into a pool of water or on a stone, the position of the leaves
as they fall, either right side uppermost or upside down, signifying
good or evil as the case may be; this is called _khan-sla_.
Priesthood.
The Khasi priest is usually called _Lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_; he is
always appointed from the lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word
_lyngdoh_ is said by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be
_lang_ = together and _doh_ = flesh. A _lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_, is
one who collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh for the purpose of
sacrificing. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is
doubtful, owing to the absence in the word _lyngdoh_ of the prefix
_nong_ which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides _lyngdohs_
there are persons called _soh-blei_ or _soh-sla_, who may also be said
to be priests. The Khasis, unlike the Hindus, have no _purohit_ or
priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of
the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through
the agency of the _kni_, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently
well versed in the details of sacrifices, and in the art of obtaining
auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from
family and clan sacrifices, there are the sacrifices for the good
of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it
is the duty of the _lyngdoh_ to perform. He may be said to be the
priest of the communal religion, although he has certain duties in
connection with offences committed against the social law of marriage,
and with regard to the casting out of evil spirits from houses which
may be thought to be infested with them. The _lyngdohs_ of the Khasis
may be likened to the Roman _pontifices_. In the different Khasi
States there is, as a rule, more than one _lyngdoh_; sometimes there
is quite a number of such priests, as in Nongkrem where there is a
_lyngdoh_ for each _raj_ or division of the state. There are a few
Khasi States where the priest altogether takes the place of the Siem,
and rules the community with the help of his elders in addition to
performing the usual spiritual offices. The duties of _lyngdohs_,
their methods of sacrificing, and the gods to whom they sacrifice,
vary in the different Siemships, but there is one point in which we
find agreement everywhere, i.e. that the _lyngdoh_ must be assisted at
the time of performing sacrifices by a female priestess, called _ka
soh-blei, ka soh-sla_, or simply _ka lyngdoh_. This female collects
all the _puja_ articles and places them ready to the _lyngdoh's_
hand at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when
sacrificing. The female _soh-blei_ is without doubt a survival of the
time when, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for
the performance of all religious ceremonies. Another such survival is
the High Priestess of Nongkrem, who still has many religious duties
to perform; not only so, but she is the actual head of the State in
this Siemship, although she delegates her temporal powers to one of
her sons or nephews, who thus becomes Siem. A similar survival of the
ancient matriarchal religious system is the _Siem sad_, or priestess,
at Mawsynram, who, on the appointment of a new Siem or chief, has
to assist at certain sacrifices. Here we may compare Karl Pearson's
remark, when dealing with matriarchal customs, that "according to the
evidence of Roman historians, not only the seers but the sacrificers
among the early Teutons were women." The duties of the _lyngdohs_,
as regards communal worship, consist chiefly of sacrificing at times
of epidemics of cholera, and such-like visitations of sickness (_jing
iap khlam_). In the Khyrim State there is a goddess of each _raj_,
or division, of the state, to whom sacrifices are offered on such
occasions. To the goddess are sacrificed a goat and hen, powdered rice
(_u kpu_), and a gourd of fermented liquor; the leaves of the _dieng
sning_, or Khasi oak, are also used at this ceremony. The _lyngdoh_
is assisted by a priestess called _ka soh-sla_, who is his mother, or
his sister, or niece, or some other maternal relation. It is the duty
of the priestess to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without
her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place. Sacrifices are also
performed by the _lyngdoh_ to _u Lei Lyngdoh_, alias _u Ryngkew_. This
used to be the tutelary deity in times of war, but in less troublous
times the Khasi _lyngdoh_ sacrifices to him for success in tribal or
State litigation. A pig and a cock, with the usual accessories, are
sacrificed by the _lyngdoh_ to this god. As in the case of sacrifices
to _Ka lei Raj_, the services of a priestess are indispensable.
A _lyngdoh_ is a _lyngdoh_ for life. When a _lyngdoh_ dies and
his successor is appointed, certain rather elaborate ceremonies
are observed in the Nongkrem _raj_ of the Khyrim State. The funeral
ceremonies of the old _lyngdoh_ having been completed, the _lyngdoh_
clan appoints his successor. The latter then, after performing his
ablutions, proceeds, accompanied by the assembled members of the
_lyngdoh_ clan, to the top of the Shillong Peak. The _lyngdoh_ and his
clansmen advance along the road dancing, this dancing being carried
on all the way from the _lyngdoh's_ house to the Shillong Peak. All
are clad in the distinctive Khasi dancing dress. Having reached the
Peak, they pick the leaves of a tree called _ka 'la phiah_, which
they spread on the ground. A goat and a cock are then sacrificed,
the new _lyngdoh_ acting as the sacrificer. There are the usual
accessories, including branches of the Khasi _sning_ or oak. Nine
portions (_dykhot_) are cut from different parts of the victims and
are offered to the god of the Shillong Peak, _U lei Shillong_. The
_lyngdoh_ and his companions then perform obeisance three times
to the god, and the _lyngdoh_ walks backwards some paces. The puja
is then over, and they return dancing to the _lyngdoh's_ house. On
another day the _lyngdoh_ performs a puja to _u lei Lyngdoh_, alias
_u Ramjah_. Undoubtedly the most interesting feature of the ceremonies
on these occasions is the dancing. This dancing is carried out by the
_lyngdoh_ and his companions armed with sword and shield, a fly-flap
made of goat's hair (_symphiah_) being also sometimes held in one hand,
a quiver of arrows being slung on the back, and a plume of black and
white cocks' feathers (_u thuya_) fixed in the turban. The dance is
executed in a regular figure, the dancers advancing and retiring in
an orderly and methodical manner, and finally clashing their swords
together in mock combat. The dance of the present day is not unlikely
the survival of a war dance of ancient times. The _lyngdohs_ say they
dance in honour of _U lei Lyngdoh_, to whom such dances are thought
to be pleasing. The dance of the _lyngdohs_ on these occasions may be
compared with that of the Roman _salii_, who, in the month of March,
performed a war dance in honour of Mars.
The above and other similar sacrifices to the gods of the State
or divisions of the State may be said to be the communal religious
duties of the _lyngdohs_. The duties of _lyngdohs_ with reference to
private persons may now be mentioned. When it is found that any two
people have made an incestuous marriage, that is to say a marriage
within the exogamous group of the _kur_, or clan, the parties at
fault are taken before the _lyngdoh_ by their clansmen, who request
him to sacrifice in order to ward off the injurious effects of the
_sang_, or taboo, of such a connection from the kinsfolk. On this
occasion a pig is sacrificed to _u'lei lyngdoh_ and a goat to _ka
lei long raj_. The parties at fault are then outcasted. As mentioned
in another place, the sin of incest admits of no expiation for the
offenders themselves. In the Khyrim State, it is said by the _lyngdohs_
themselves, although not by the Siem or the myntries, that they are
the reversionary legatees of all the persons who die without leaving
female heirs (_iap duh_). In other Siemships such property passes to
the Siem. The _lyngdoh_ of Nongkrem can also take possession of the
property of persons who have been found to harbour an evil spirit
(_jingbih_) in their houses. It appears that in such cases the house
and furniture are burnt, as in the case of the _Taroh_ superstition
in the Jaintia Hills, the _lyngdoh_, however, taking possession of
jewellery or anything else of value. The only practical service the
_lyngdoh_ renders in return is to build the afflicted person a new
house; unless, indeed, we take into account the casting forth of the
devil by the _lyngdoh_. Mr. Jenkins, of Shangpung, in the Jaintia
Hills, writes: "Such is the belief of the people in the evil spirits,
that they are completely under the influence of the priests and spend
large sums of money in order to secure their favour. They live in
constant dread lest by the least transgression or omission they should
offend these avaricious men and so bring upon themselves the wrath
of the demons." The influence of the _lyngdohs_ over the people in
the Jaintia Hills seems to be stronger than in the Khasi Hills. For
instance, it came to my notice in Raliang that crops cannot be cut
until the _lyngdoh_ has seem them, in other words, until the _lyngdoh_
has claimed and obtained his share of the produce. In many places,
however, in the Khasi Hills the _lyngdoh_ is much discredited, owing,
no doubt, to the advance of Christianity and education.
Ceremonies and Customs Attending Birth and Naming of Children.
The Khasi birth ceremonies and customs are as follows:--When a child
is born the umbilical cord is cut by a sharp splinter of bamboo;
no knife can be used on this occasion. The Mundas of Chota Nagpur
similarly taboo a metal instrument for this purpose. The child is then
bathed in hot water from a red earthen pot. The placenta is carefully
preserved in an earthen vessel in the house till after the naming
ceremony has taken place. When the umbilical cord, after being tied,
falls off, a puja is performed with eggs to certain water deities
(_ka blei sam-um_ and _ka niangriang_), [31] also to a forest spirit
(_u'suid bri_ or _u'suid khláw_). The naming ceremony of the child
is performed the next morning after the birth. Certain females are
invited to come and pound rice in a mortar into flour. The flour when
ready is placed on a bamboo winnower (_u prah_). Fermented rice is
mixed with water and is placed in a gourd. Some powdered turmeric
is also provided, and is kept ready in a plantain leaf, also five
pieces of _'kha piah_, or dried fish. The earthen pot containing the
placenta is then placed in the _nongpei_, or centre room of the house,
If the child is a male, they place near him a bow and three arrows
(the implements of a Khasi warrior); if a female, a _da_ and _u star_,
or cane head-strap for carrying burdens. An elderly man, who knows how
to perform the naming puja, which is called by the Khasis "_kaba jer
khun_," places a plantain-leaf on the floor and sprinkles some water
on it. He takes the gourd in his hand and calls a god to witness. The
people assembled then mention a number of names for the child, and
ask the man who is performing the puja to repeat them. This he does,
and at the same time pours a little liquor from the gourd on to the
ground. As he goes on pouring, the liquor by degrees becomes exhausted,
and finally only a few drops remain. The name at the repeating of
which the hot drop of liquor remains adhering to the spout of the
gourd is the name selected for the child. Then the puja performer
invokes the god to grant good luck to the child. The father takes the
pot containing the placenta, after having previously placed rice flour
and fermented rice therein, and waves it three times over the child,
and then walks out with it through the main entrance of the house and
hangs up the pot to a tree outside the village. When he returns from
this duty, before he re-enters the house, another throws water over
the father's feet. The father, being thus cleansed, enters, and holds
the rice flour to his mouth three times. Two people then, holding the
dried fish by their two ends, break them in two. The powdered turmeric
mixed with rice flour and water is applied to the right foot of the
father, the mother and the child receiving the same treatment. The
friends and relations are then anointed, the turmeric being applied,
however, to their left feet. The bow, arrows, _da_, and _u star_ are
carefully placed inside the inner surface of the thatch on the roof,
and the ceremony is over. Rice flour is then distributed to all who
are present, and the male adults are given liquor to drink. After
two or three months the ears of the child are bored and ear-rings are
inserted. These ear-rings are called, _ki shashkor iawbei_ (i.e. the
ear-rings of the great-grandmother). Mr. Jenkins mentions that the
naming ceremony amongst the Syntengs is performed by the "eldest aunt,"
presumably on the mother's side. A basket of eggs is placed in the
centre of the room, and before the ceremony begins one egg has to
be broken. Then the aunt of the child takes two sticks, and, raising
them to her shoulder, lets them fall to the ground. Before they fall
she shouts, "What name do you give the child?" The name is mentioned,
and if, on falling upon the ground, one stick crosses the other, it
is a proof that the name has won the approval of the spirit. If the
sticks do not fall in this position, another egg is broken and another
name is chosen, and the sticks are dropped as before until they fall
in the required position, when it is understood by the performers
that the name is a good one. Mr. Jenkins was informed by a young man
"who had renounced heathenism" that some of the more cunning women
cross the sticks before lifting them, and that when they do this they
invariably fall crossed to the ground. "They thus save their eggs, save
time and trouble, get the name they desire for the child. . . ." It
is noteworthy that the Khasis consider it necessary to preserve the
placenta until the ceremony of naming the child is over, and that
the pot containing the placenta is waved over the head of the child
before it is removed and hung up in a tree.
Dr. Fraser, at page 53 _et seq_. of the "Golden Bough," when dealing
with the subject of sympathetic magic, refers to the navel string
and the placenta as parts which are commonly believed amongst certain
people to remain in sympathetic union with the body after the physical
connection has been severed, and it is interesting to note that in
the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta
is mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women,
each of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a peculiar kind
(_citrus hystrix_). The women carry the swords for the purpose of
frightening the evil spirits, otherwise the latter might get hold of
the placenta and make the child sick. Mr. C. M. Pleyte, Lecturer on
Indonesian Ethnology, at the Gymnasium William III at Batavia, who has
most courteously furnished me with some interesting information on this
subject, states that it is especially in the Southern Moluccas that the
placenta is mixed with ashes and hung in a tree. Wider spread is the
custom of placing the after-birth on a small bamboo raft in a river
"in order that it may be caught by crocodiles, incarnations of the
ancestors, who will guard it till the person to whom it has belonged
dies. Then the soul of the placenta is once more united with that of
the dead man, and together they go to the realms of the dead. During
lifetime the connection between men and their placentas is never
withdrawn." The Khasis, although they cannot explain the meaning of
the presence of the placenta at the naming ceremony, and the care with
which they remove it and hang it up in a tree, are probably really
actuated by the same sentiments as the inhabitants of the Southern
Moluccas, i.e. they believe that there is, as Dr. Fraser puts it,
a sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection with
the child has been severed. There is no fixed period of _sang_, or
taboo, after a birth, but the parents of the child are prohibited
by custom from crossing a stream or washing their clothes until the
navel-string falls off, for fear that the child should be attacked
by the demons of the hills and the vales.
The Wár birth customs are substantially the same as those of the
Khasis, but there is the difference that a Wár family after a birth
is _sang_, or, taboo, for seven days, whereas amongst the Khasis the
only prohibition is that the parents must not cross a stream or wash
their clothes until they have propitiated the spirits. A twin birth is
_sang_, or taboo. The Khasis argue that as there is but one _Ka Iawbei_
(first ancestress), and one _U Tháwlang_ (first ancestor), so one
child, either male or female, should be born at a time. A twin birth
is accordingly regarded as a visitation from God for some _sang_, or
transgression, committed by some member of the clan. When the twins are
of opposite sexes the _sang_ is considered to be extremely serious, the
Khasi idea being that defilement has taken place within the womb. The
case is treated as one of _shong kur_, or marriage within the clan,
and the bones of the twins cannot be placed in the sepulchre of the
clan. There are no special birth customs amongst the Lynngams.
There is no trace of the _couvade_ amongst the Khasis.
Marriage.
We now come to consider marriage amongst the Khasis from a religious
point of view. Shadwell has said that marriage amongst the Khasis
"is purely a civil contract." This statement is not correct, for
there is an elaborate religious ceremony at which God the creator,
_U'lei thaw briew man briew_, the god or goddess of the State, _U_ or
_ka'lei Synshar_, and, what is probably more important, the ancestress
and ancestor of the clan, _Ka Iawbei-tymmen_ and _U Thawlang_, are
invoked. There are three marriage ceremonies prevalent amongst the
Khasis, which are (_a_) _Pynhiarsynjat_, (_b_) _Lamdoh_ and (_c_)
_Iadih-kiad_, respectively. The first and second forms above mentioned
are considered the more respectable; the last-named is resorted to
by the very poor who cannot afford the greater expense entailed by
the first two ceremonies.
_Preliminaries_.--A young man of marriageable age, say between
seventeen or eighteen years of age and twenty-five, fixes upon a girl
of, say between thirteen and eighteen years, as likely to become
a fitting partner; probably he has been acquainted with the young
woman for some time before, and is on more or less easy terms of
intimacy with her. He mentions the name of the girl to his parents,
and uncles and aunts in the house, and they agree or disagree, as
the case may be. Sometimes marriages are arranged by the parents of
the young people themselves. Having agreed regarding the fitness of
the bride, the young man's parents send a male representative of the
family, or in some cases a man unconnected with the family, to arrange
matters with the parents of the bride. The latter then ascertain their
daughter's wishes. According to the late U Jeeban Roy, the daughters
nearly always agree, it is very seldom that it is necessary to bring
any pressure to bear. The parents then investigate whether there is any
_sang_, or taboo, such as clan relationship, between the young woman
and her intended, in the way of the marriage. If there is found to be
no such hindrance, they fix a date for finally arranging the marriage
(_ban ia kut ktien_.) On the day appointed the bride's family consult
the auspices by breaking eggs and examining fowls' entrails. If the
omens are favourable, well and good. Should they be unfavourable, they
abandon the marriage project. There is a strong prejudice against a
marriage taking place under unfavourable auspices, the belief being
that such an union will be childless, that the bride will die an
untimely death, or that poverty will ensue. Given favourable auspices,
the parents fix a day for the marriage. It was formerly the custom for
the bridegroom to provide himself beforehand with a ring, usually of
silver, but, amongst the rich, of gold, which is called _ka synjat_
(hence the name of the marriage ceremony _pynhiar-synjat_), and for
the bride to provide herself with a similar ring. The bridegroom
used to place his ring upon the bride's finger, and the bride
used to place her ring upon the bridegroom's finger; it is however
believed that this custom is rare nowadays. On the marriage day a
man is selected from the party of the bridegroom called _u ksiang_,
or go-between. The bridegroom then sets out with this man and a
number of followers, clothed in clean garments and wearing either
white or red pagris (a black pagri not being considered a fitting
head-dress on this occasion), to the house of the bride, where a
feast has been prepared, and fermented rice-beer (_ka-kiad-hiar_)
in gourds (_klong_) placed ready. The bride, her female attendants,
and her mother and aunts have collected in the meantime, dressed in
their best, wearing their jewellery, and with their heads uncovered,
for it is not thought proper for the females to cover their heads
on the marriage day. On the side of the bride, also, a _ksiang_
(go-between) has been appointed, and it is his duty to manage all
the business of the marriage on behalf of her family. Some young men
of the bride's party go to meet the bridegroom's contingent by way
of doing them honour. When they have reached the bride's house, the
_ksiang_ of the bridegroom enters first, followed by the bridegroom,
and after him the bridegroom's party. The _ksiang_ then hands over
the bridegroom to the maternal uncle (_kni_) of the bride, or to the
bride's father. Either of the latter then provides the bridegroom
with a seat next the bride. The bride and bridegroom exchange bags
of betel-nut, and where the custom of investiture of the ring is in
vogue, these tokens are interchanged. The _ksiangs_ of the bridegroom
and bride recite the marriage contract in lengthy formulae, which
may be found on pages 6, 7, 8 of the late U Jeebon Roy's interesting
notes on the Khasi religion. The two _ksiangs_ then take up, each of
them, a gourd containing fermented liquor from the gourd provided by
the contracting party, and give them to an old man who is versed in
sacrificial lore, who solemnly mixes the contents together. Three dried
fish are produced, and are placed on the floor of the house. The priest
thus appointed then solemnly adjures the gods in the following words:--
_Hei_, oh god from above; oh god from below; oh _'lei synshar_;
oh god who hast created man; as thou hast ordained this marriage,
the ring has been given this day; thou wilt know; thou wilt hear;
from the clear firmament above that . . . . have been married
this day. Thou wilt bless them; thou wilt grant them prosperity;
thou wilt show them the way; thou wilt show them the road, that
they may be well, that they may obtain dwellings and houses, that
they may prosper, that they may obtain rice and fish, that they
may possess hundreds and thousands; thus, oh god." The priest then
pours liquor on the ground three times from the gourd, counting "one,
two, three." He then continues the invocation thus, "_Hei_, thou, oh
mother; oh grandmother; oh maternal uncle; oh father: oh _Suid-nia_;
oh younger grandmother; oh elder grandmother; oh younger grandfather;
oh elder grandfather. As the flesh has fallen (on the floor, i.e. the
feast has been prepared), the ring has been put on, the three strips of
flesh are ready (alluding to the three dried fish already mentioned),
you will all of you (ancestors) give ear, you will continue giving
strength and spirit (i.e. to the married pair) that they may be well"
(and so on, as written in the first invocation). He then pours out the
liquor three times as before. He then adjures the Siem, the elders,
and all the people who do not belong to either of the two clans, and
pours out liquor three times as before. The three pieces of dried fish
are first placed on the _tympan_, the high rack above the fire-place,
then removed and tied to the ridge-pole of the house, amidst shouts
of _Ho, hoi, hoi, hoi_. The poor then sacrifice a fowl, and the rich
a pig without blemish (_uba tlem_), to _u Suid nia_ and _ka Iaw-bei_
(the spirits of deceased ancestors of the family), and present them
with _dykhot_, or pieces of flesh. Two or three days afterwards,
the bride, accompanied by her female relatives, pays a visit to the
bridegroom at his house, and after this they go and come as they like
to one another's houses. After two or three children have been born,
they take down the pieces of dried fish from the roof and sacrifice
two pigs, one on behalf of the husband and another on behalf of the
wife. Then they say there can be no possible _sang_, and husband
and wife use each other's things and pool their earnings, and if the
husband has a house of his own, the wife can go and live with him;
this, however, is not the custom amongst many of the Syntengs, who more
strictly observe the principles of the matriarchate. The cost of the
marriage ceremonies amongst Khasis, Syntengs and Wárs, may be put down
at between Rs. 50 and Rs. 200 according to the position of the parties.
Lamdoh Ceremony.
This ceremony is identical with that of _Pynhiar synjat_, except that
the bride and bridegroom do not interchange rings, and that there is
no sacrifice of the pig. The parties merely buy some pig's flesh and
perform a puja with a small portion of the flesh of the legs of the
animal. Amongst the poor, fish sometimes takes the place of pork at the
_Iadih-kiad_ ceremony. The latter consists of a drinking bout mingled
with muttered sentences by a _nongkinia_ (sacrificer), the invocations
and prayers being the same as at the _Pynhiar synjat_. The _Lamdoh_
and _Iadih-kiad_ ceremonies take the place of the more elaborate
_Pynhiar synjat_ in most places now-a-days.
Lynngam Marriages.
The ritual observed at these marriages is described as under:--First
of all a proposal is made in the following manner. A _ksiang_, or
go-between, is sent, with the brother of the girl for whom a husband
is required, to the house of the father of the young man (not to the
house of the mother as is the case with the Khasis). If the proposal is
accepted, the father of the young man kills a pig, and gives a feast
to the people of the village of his father-in-law elect; also to the
go-between and the _borang_ (brother of the bride). The father of the
bride then gives a similar feast. A sum of Rs. 1 each is given as a
present to the go-between by the fathers of the bride and bridegroom,
and the father of the bride pays from Rs. 5 to Rs. 15 to the father of
the bridegroom. Further feasting ensues at the house of the father of
the bride. The go-betweens then sacrifice a pig and two fowls at the
house of the bridegroom, and afterwards perform the same sacrifice at
the house of the bride. At the house of the bride, after the fowls and
the pig have been sacrificed, the go-between, after drinking liquor
himself, pours out some on the floor of the house and then gives some
to the bride and bridegroom to drink. The killing of the fowls, the
sacrifice of the pig, and the libation of liquor are essentials at
a Lynngam marriage. The sacrifice of the fowls is also an essential
feature of a Garo marriage. The Lynngams, unlike the Garos, do not
observe which way the beaks of the fowls turn when they are thrown
on the ground after being sacrificed. The Lynngams, like the Khasis,
take auguries from the entrails of the fowls and the pig. After these
ceremonies are over, the Lynngam pair are allowed to cohabit. The
cost of an ordinary Lynngam marriage is from Rs. 30 to Rs. 40. The
marriage system in vogue among the Lynngams may be described as a
mixture of the Khasi and Garo customs. As has already been stated,
the Lynngams are a mongrel breed of Khasis and Garos.
Ceremonies Attending Death.
The death customs of the Khasis are not only very elaborate, but
possess a significance of their own, it is; therefore, necessary to
describe them in detail; they are as follows:--